Pub Date : 2023-04-07DOI: 10.1163/18763375-15030002
F. Cavatorta, H. Kraetzschmar
This article puts forth the justification for examining multiparty coalitions governments in the Arab world. Although mostly associated with governance in fully-fledged democracies, the Arab world is no stranger to multiparty coalitions and coalition governance. In its modern history, the region can boast, in fact, a surprisingly large and diverse number of such coalitions. Analysing them in detail employing the theories and concepts of broader comparative politics provides findings that can be compared to what we already know about coalition governments and contribute to render the region less ‘exceptional’.
{"title":"Multiparty Coalition Governments in the Arab World: An Introduction","authors":"F. Cavatorta, H. Kraetzschmar","doi":"10.1163/18763375-15030002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18763375-15030002","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000This article puts forth the justification for examining multiparty coalitions governments in the Arab world. Although mostly associated with governance in fully-fledged democracies, the Arab world is no stranger to multiparty coalitions and coalition governance. In its modern history, the region can boast, in fact, a surprisingly large and diverse number of such coalitions. Analysing them in detail employing the theories and concepts of broader comparative politics provides findings that can be compared to what we already know about coalition governments and contribute to render the region less ‘exceptional’.","PeriodicalId":43500,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Law and Governance","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45656980","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-05DOI: 10.1163/18763375-20231393
Hendrik Kraetzschmar, Francesco Cavatorta
Abstract This article investigates a specific type of cabinet government in the Arab Middle East and North Africa ( mena ): the multiparty coalition. Although mostly associated with parliamentary democratic systems, coalition governments are not uncommon in the region, comprising in fact since 1990 a sizeable proportion of the cabinets formed post-election. Drawing on novel data collated by the authors, this article offers new macro-level comparative insights into some of the key parameters of coalition governance, including their formation, composition, and durability. In doing so, the article seeks not only to document and analyse the spectrum of multiparty governance in the Arab mena but advance the development of a research agenda on the subject that, whilst sensitive to local context, engages critically with, and feeds into, the broader coalitions literature.
{"title":"Multiparty Cabinets and Coalition Governance in the Arab Middle East and North Africa","authors":"Hendrik Kraetzschmar, Francesco Cavatorta","doi":"10.1163/18763375-20231393","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18763375-20231393","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article investigates a specific type of cabinet government in the Arab Middle East and North Africa ( mena ): the multiparty coalition. Although mostly associated with parliamentary democratic systems, coalition governments are not uncommon in the region, comprising in fact since 1990 a sizeable proportion of the cabinets formed post-election. Drawing on novel data collated by the authors, this article offers new macro-level comparative insights into some of the key parameters of coalition governance, including their formation, composition, and durability. In doing so, the article seeks not only to document and analyse the spectrum of multiparty governance in the Arab mena but advance the development of a research agenda on the subject that, whilst sensitive to local context, engages critically with, and feeds into, the broader coalitions literature.","PeriodicalId":43500,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Law and Governance","volume":"10 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136048650","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-04DOI: 10.1163/18763375-20231347
Jakob Skovgaard-Petersen
Abstract Although they may have learned the norms and practices of fiqh at home and in school, most Muslims have scant knowledge of the ways in which their religious laws and mores were practiced in pre-modern times. Indeed, when it comes to imagining and understanding the role of fiqh in earlier Muslim societies, many contemporary Muslims get their information through fictional treatments, particularly from films and television dramas. For Arab Muslims, the relevant medium here is the musalsal , the 30-episode Ramadan drama. This article is a preliminary investigation into the role of fiqh in Egyptian historical films and musalsalāt . Based on collected scenes of fiqh – judges passing sentences, muftis issuing fatwas, teachers instructing, and student discussions – it identifies the issues at stake and analyzes the style of argumentation, the exercise of authority, and the general image of a fiqh -based society created in films and dramas. While the fuqahāʾ only play a minor role in Egyptian film, they are prominent in Arabic historical and religious musalsalāt , often, but not exclusively, produced in Egypt. In these two genres, we have biopics of major religio-legal figures, such as the founders of the four legal schools, major theologians, 19th century reformers, and a few modern ʿulamaʾ. Tracing the evolving treatment of fiqh and fuqahāʾ from the early dramas of the 1980s up to today, this article focuses on the themes of judicial independence, justice for the poor, corruption, and the intellectual process behind rulings. It argues that, overall, the lesson of the musalsalāt is a positive one: Shariʿa works, authoritarian rule has the capacity to be enlightened, and the key to effective leadership is appointing the right people to govern, or judge. The article concludes by discussing these messages in a contemporary Egyptian setting.
{"title":"Featuring Fiqh: the Representation of Islamic Law in Egyptian Historical Dramas","authors":"Jakob Skovgaard-Petersen","doi":"10.1163/18763375-20231347","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18763375-20231347","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Although they may have learned the norms and practices of fiqh at home and in school, most Muslims have scant knowledge of the ways in which their religious laws and mores were practiced in pre-modern times. Indeed, when it comes to imagining and understanding the role of fiqh in earlier Muslim societies, many contemporary Muslims get their information through fictional treatments, particularly from films and television dramas. For Arab Muslims, the relevant medium here is the musalsal , the 30-episode Ramadan drama. This article is a preliminary investigation into the role of fiqh in Egyptian historical films and musalsalāt . Based on collected scenes of fiqh – judges passing sentences, muftis issuing fatwas, teachers instructing, and student discussions – it identifies the issues at stake and analyzes the style of argumentation, the exercise of authority, and the general image of a fiqh -based society created in films and dramas. While the fuqahāʾ only play a minor role in Egyptian film, they are prominent in Arabic historical and religious musalsalāt , often, but not exclusively, produced in Egypt. In these two genres, we have biopics of major religio-legal figures, such as the founders of the four legal schools, major theologians, 19th century reformers, and a few modern ʿulamaʾ. Tracing the evolving treatment of fiqh and fuqahāʾ from the early dramas of the 1980s up to today, this article focuses on the themes of judicial independence, justice for the poor, corruption, and the intellectual process behind rulings. It argues that, overall, the lesson of the musalsalāt is a positive one: Shariʿa works, authoritarian rule has the capacity to be enlightened, and the key to effective leadership is appointing the right people to govern, or judge. The article concludes by discussing these messages in a contemporary Egyptian setting.","PeriodicalId":43500,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Law and Governance","volume":"167 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136328446","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-04DOI: 10.1163/18763375-20231398
Jens Heibach, Tereza Jermanová
Abstract In light of the oft-cited benefits of power sharing, this paper compares two cases of coalition governments that emerged from domestically initiated transition processes in the Arab world: the Tunisian Troika (2011–2014) and the Yemeni Coalition Government (1993–1994). While the former facilitated Tunisia’s democratization, the latter’s disintegration contributed to the 1994 war and Yemen’s authoritarian backsliding. It asks why coalition cooperation endured in Tunisia but not in Yemen, exploring intra-elite relations, the power dynamics at play, as well as elites’ motivations in launching and maintaining cooperation. The paper reveals that both coalitions’ internal functioning was hampered by adverse power configurations and ideological differences. In Yemen, intra-elite relations were further impaired by mutual distrust. Crucially, a history of sustained partnership along with normative commitment to the idea of power sharing, existent in Tunisia and not in Yemen, explains why cooperation within the Troika remained solid amid unfavorable circumstances.
{"title":"Coalition Maintenance during Democratization: Comparative Insights from Tunisia and Yemen","authors":"Jens Heibach, Tereza Jermanová","doi":"10.1163/18763375-20231398","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18763375-20231398","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In light of the oft-cited benefits of power sharing, this paper compares two cases of coalition governments that emerged from domestically initiated transition processes in the Arab world: the Tunisian Troika (2011–2014) and the Yemeni Coalition Government (1993–1994). While the former facilitated Tunisia’s democratization, the latter’s disintegration contributed to the 1994 war and Yemen’s authoritarian backsliding. It asks why coalition cooperation endured in Tunisia but not in Yemen, exploring intra-elite relations, the power dynamics at play, as well as elites’ motivations in launching and maintaining cooperation. The paper reveals that both coalitions’ internal functioning was hampered by adverse power configurations and ideological differences. In Yemen, intra-elite relations were further impaired by mutual distrust. Crucially, a history of sustained partnership along with normative commitment to the idea of power sharing, existent in Tunisia and not in Yemen, explains why cooperation within the Troika remained solid amid unfavorable circumstances.","PeriodicalId":43500,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Law and Governance","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136329081","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-23DOI: 10.1163/18763375-20231387
Saeed Haghani
Iran has hosted a large number of immigrants from its neighbouring countries, especially Afghanistan and Iraq, due to its geopolitical climate in recent decades. Unsurprisingly, a growing number of marriages occurred between Iranian women and these immigrants. Security authorities resisted the naturalisation of children born in such transnational families. All these socio-political phenomena led to the catastrophic situation of statelessness for a large group of children. The Iranian Parliament has dealt with this issue by using a trial-and-error approach for more than two decades. The first step, which was taken by Majlis in 2006, through the Act on the Nationality of the Children Born of Marriages between Iranian Women and Foreign Husbands, failed to achieve its predefined objectives. Therefore, the Parliament took a second step by passing an amendment to this act, which shows the Iranian legislators’ intention for reducing statelessness. This study aims to examine the extent to which the endeavour of the Iranian Parliament has been successful.
{"title":"New Legislative Improvements in Reducing Statelessness of Children Born of Iranian Women’s Transnational Marriages: Two Steps Forward, One Step Backward","authors":"Saeed Haghani","doi":"10.1163/18763375-20231387","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18763375-20231387","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Iran has hosted a large number of immigrants from its neighbouring countries, especially Afghanistan and Iraq, due to its geopolitical climate in recent decades. Unsurprisingly, a growing number of marriages occurred between Iranian women and these immigrants. Security authorities resisted the naturalisation of children born in such transnational families. All these socio-political phenomena led to the catastrophic situation of statelessness for a large group of children. The Iranian Parliament has dealt with this issue by using a trial-and-error approach for more than two decades. The first step, which was taken by Majlis in 2006, through the Act on the Nationality of the Children Born of Marriages between Iranian Women and Foreign Husbands, failed to achieve its predefined objectives. Therefore, the Parliament took a second step by passing an amendment to this act, which shows the Iranian legislators’ intention for reducing statelessness. This study aims to examine the extent to which the endeavour of the Iranian Parliament has been successful.","PeriodicalId":43500,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Law and Governance","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49216626","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-23DOI: 10.1163/18763375-20231390
L. Storm, D. O’Driscoll
This article analyses the dynamics of post-election elite bargaining and coalition formation in the cases of Iraq and Morocco, demonstrating that, despite widely differing contexts, the outcome is often far removed from the election results. Recent works on political parties in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) have alluded to this state of affairs, but, so far, the scholarship is missing in-depth comparative studies of the intricate dynamics of elite bargaining and coalition formation. Beyond not necessarily connecting to the election results, but rather being rooted in competition over access to patronage resources and power, our comparison demonstrates the negative impact that this state of affairs has on the government’s ability to govern.
{"title":"Post-Election Elite Bargaining and Coalition Formation in the MENA: Lessons from Iraq and Morocco","authors":"L. Storm, D. O’Driscoll","doi":"10.1163/18763375-20231390","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18763375-20231390","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000This article analyses the dynamics of post-election elite bargaining and coalition formation in the cases of Iraq and Morocco, demonstrating that, despite widely differing contexts, the outcome is often far removed from the election results. Recent works on political parties in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) have alluded to this state of affairs, but, so far, the scholarship is missing in-depth comparative studies of the intricate dynamics of elite bargaining and coalition formation. Beyond not necessarily connecting to the election results, but rather being rooted in competition over access to patronage resources and power, our comparison demonstrates the negative impact that this state of affairs has on the government’s ability to govern.","PeriodicalId":43500,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Law and Governance","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49297153","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-23DOI: 10.1163/18763375-15020006
A. Gana, Ester Sigillò, T. Blanc
This article explores the complex dynamics shaping the integration of the Tunisian Islamist party Ennahdha into the instituted political game. Drawing on a strategic relational approach, the analysis highlights the simultaneous, mutually reactive, and often conflicting relationships of Ennahdha party with three types of actors: political secular forces (allied or antagonist), political and religious Salafi actors, and faith-based associations. Based on extensive field research and 33 in-depth interviews conducted with key players involved, we propose to capture these dynamics at the macro (regime), meso (organizations), and micro levels, through the notion of strategic pluralization, by which we mean a reconfiguration of Ennahdha’s relations with various Islamic actors under the pressure of secular forces. Going beyond institutional-structural approaches and monolithic interpretations of the Islamist constellation, we argue that Ennahdha’s integration in relational economies has formed the basis of the party’s strategy to secure its political inclusion in the post-revolutionary scene.
{"title":"Rethinking Political Inclusion Beyond Moderation: Strategic Relational Pluralization in Tunisian Islamist Politics","authors":"A. Gana, Ester Sigillò, T. Blanc","doi":"10.1163/18763375-15020006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18763375-15020006","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000This article explores the complex dynamics shaping the integration of the Tunisian Islamist party Ennahdha into the instituted political game. Drawing on a strategic relational approach, the analysis highlights the simultaneous, mutually reactive, and often conflicting relationships of Ennahdha party with three types of actors: political secular forces (allied or antagonist), political and religious Salafi actors, and faith-based associations. Based on extensive field research and 33 in-depth interviews conducted with key players involved, we propose to capture these dynamics at the macro (regime), meso (organizations), and micro levels, through the notion of strategic pluralization, by which we mean a reconfiguration of Ennahdha’s relations with various Islamic actors under the pressure of secular forces. Going beyond institutional-structural approaches and monolithic interpretations of the Islamist constellation, we argue that Ennahdha’s integration in relational economies has formed the basis of the party’s strategy to secure its political inclusion in the post-revolutionary scene.","PeriodicalId":43500,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Law and Governance","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49509164","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-06DOI: 10.1163/18763375-15010000
{"title":"Front matter","authors":"","doi":"10.1163/18763375-15010000","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18763375-15010000","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":43500,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Law and Governance","volume":"11 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134921257","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-24DOI: 10.1163/18763375-15020004
Anne Kirstine Rønn
This article contributes to explaining limitations to the inclusivity of protest movements against sectarianism through a case study of the 2019 Lebanese October Uprising. The study scrutinizes the challenges key organizers in Beirut faced when seeking to address issues of inclusivity concerning residents from two Shiʿite majority communities in and around the city. Engaging social movement theories on intersectionality and political opportunity structures and drawing on data from twenty-two in-depth interviews, it shows that organizers were attentive to stereotyping and exclusive attitudes concerning young men from the two communities. Yet, while expressing a desire to address these, organizers also found themselves caught in a dilemma, fearing that their efforts to promote inclusivity could trigger accusations of sectarian biases and favoritism. These findings provide important inputs to wider scholarly debates concerning the relationship between protests and other forms of anti-sectarian mobilization as well as the costs and desirability of enhancing inclusivity.
{"title":"Promoting Inclusivity in Anti-Sectarian Protests: Understanding the Dilemmas of Organizers in Lebanon’s 2019 October Uprising","authors":"Anne Kirstine Rønn","doi":"10.1163/18763375-15020004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18763375-15020004","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This article contributes to explaining limitations to the inclusivity of protest movements against sectarianism through a case study of the 2019 Lebanese October Uprising. The study scrutinizes the challenges key organizers in Beirut faced when seeking to address issues of inclusivity concerning residents from two Shiʿite majority communities in and around the city. Engaging social movement theories on intersectionality and political opportunity structures and drawing on data from twenty-two in-depth interviews, it shows that organizers were attentive to stereotyping and exclusive attitudes concerning young men from the two communities. Yet, while expressing a desire to address these, organizers also found themselves caught in a dilemma, fearing that their efforts to promote inclusivity could trigger accusations of sectarian biases and favoritism. These findings provide important inputs to wider scholarly debates concerning the relationship between protests and other forms of anti-sectarian mobilization as well as the costs and desirability of enhancing inclusivity.","PeriodicalId":43500,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Law and Governance","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43187566","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-24DOI: 10.1163/18763375-14030005
Dana El Kurd
What determines support for violent versus nonviolent strategies? I argue that strategy preference is motivated by an individuals’ assessment of their society’s cohesion. Perception of strong social cohesion, as existing literature argues, should increase individual support for nonviolence, as it gives people confidence that their society will be able to carry out that strategy effectively. I build on this work to show that perception of social cohesion does not always reflect individual conditions; in situations where social cohesion is weak, violence becomes attractive specifically to those who recognize this reality. The paper tests these arguments in the case of Palestine, using survey data and experimental methods, specifically polling data from the Arab Opinion Index in the West Bank and Gaza. The evidence shows that individuals who perceive society to be more cohesive prefer violence less. However, respondents may perceive social cohesion as weak, even while they personally enjoy strong social ties and greater social embeddedness. In this scenario, they are more likely to prefer armed resistance because they use their social ties to gain information and assess risk more effectively. Individuals who are networked in political power structures, members of political parties and those with higher levels of education, are those that both enjoy greater social ties and prefer violence to nonviolence. Their social situation helps them to recognize the weakness of social cohesion in society at large and, based on this perception, make certain choices. This suggests that violence in the Palestinian territories is not a spontaneous eruption, but rather a strategic choice that individuals endorse on the basis of a reasoned assessment of available options and constraints.
{"title":"Support for Violent Versus Non-Violent Strategies in the Palestinian Territories","authors":"Dana El Kurd","doi":"10.1163/18763375-14030005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18763375-14030005","url":null,"abstract":"What determines support for violent versus nonviolent strategies? I argue that strategy preference is motivated by an individuals’ assessment of their society’s cohesion. Perception of strong social cohesion, as existing literature argues, should increase individual support for nonviolence, as it gives people confidence that their society will be able to carry out that strategy effectively. I build on this work to show that perception of social cohesion does not always reflect individual conditions; in situations where social cohesion is weak, violence becomes attractive specifically to those who recognize this reality. The paper tests these arguments in the case of Palestine, using survey data and experimental methods, specifically polling data from the Arab Opinion Index in the West Bank and Gaza. The evidence shows that individuals who perceive society to be more cohesive prefer violence less. However, respondents may perceive social cohesion as weak, even while they personally enjoy strong social ties and greater social embeddedness. In this scenario, they are more likely to prefer armed resistance because they use their social ties to gain information and assess risk more effectively. Individuals who are networked in political power structures, members of political parties and those with higher levels of education, are those that both enjoy greater social ties and prefer violence to nonviolence. Their social situation helps them to recognize the weakness of social cohesion in society at large and, based on this perception, make certain choices. This suggests that violence in the Palestinian territories is not a spontaneous eruption, but rather a strategic choice that individuals endorse on the basis of a reasoned assessment of available options and constraints.","PeriodicalId":43500,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Law and Governance","volume":"517 ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138504549","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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