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Female Leadership Roles: Subjectivity and Self-Representation 女性领导角色:主观性与自我表现
IF 1 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2024-01-26 DOI: 10.1163/18763375-20231321
Ola Abdelaal
This article delves into the impact of digital activism on the leadership style of female-led non-governmental organisations operating under restricted access to opportunities. The focus is on Muslim sisterhood activism, examining the shift from offline to online activism led by the younger generation. The article analyses the barriers that have historically prevented Muslim sisterhood activists from playing leadership roles within the Muslim Brotherhood group and compares offline and online leadership roles using the case study of the Revolutionary Coalition for Egyptian Women from 2014 to 2023, with a focus on 2014. The study reveals that the younger generation of Muslim women has adopted a language that prioritises self-representation and body politics over religious discourse, indicating a heightened awareness of gender politics during the period between 2014 and 2023. To overcome state-imposed restrictions, the younger generation of the Muslim sisterhood has contradicted their well-established values on women’s roles and focused their political agendas on regaining popularity in Egyptian society. By exploring the impact of different political opportunities on women’s leadership roles through the political process paradigm, this article bridges a gap in the literature on resistant politics, feminism, leadership, and digital activism. The study shows that the younger generation of Muslim women is spearheading a strategic change in the resistant activist discourse, utilising the new digital space for activism to promote their cause.
本文深入探讨了数字活动对女性领导的非政府组织领导风格的影响,这些组织的运作机会受到限制。文章重点关注穆斯林姊妹会活动,研究年轻一代领导的活动从线下向线上的转变。文章分析了历史上阻碍穆斯林姊妹会活动家在穆斯林兄弟会团体中发挥领导作用的障碍,并利用 2014 年至 2023 年埃及妇女革命联盟的案例研究比较了线下和线上的领导作用,重点关注 2014 年。研究显示,年轻一代穆斯林妇女采用的语言将自我代表和身体政治置于宗教话语之上,这表明在 2014 年至 2023 年期间,她们对性别政治的认识有所提高。为了克服国家施加的限制,年轻一代的穆斯林姐妹会违背了她们关于女性角色的既定价值观,将政治议程的重点放在重新获得埃及社会的欢迎上。本文通过政治进程范式探讨了不同政治机遇对女性领导角色的影响,弥补了有关抵制政治、女权主义、领导力和数字行动主义的文献空白。研究表明,年轻一代的穆斯林妇女正在利用新的数字活动空间来推动她们的事业,引领着反抗活动话语的战略变革。
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引用次数: 0
From Inclusion-Radicalization to Moderation Under Institutional Constraints: A Synchronic and Diachronic Approach of Algerian Islamist Parties (1989–2019) 从包容-激进化到制度约束下的温和:阿尔及利亚伊斯兰党派的同步与异步研究(1989-2019 年)
IF 1 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2023-12-05 DOI: 10.1163/18763375-20231429
Myriam Aït-Aoudia, Belkacem Benzenine

This article focuses on the transformations of Algerian Islamist parties, placing them in a dynamic context. Having undergone both phases since the fall of the ruling party in 1989, Algeria furnishes a case study for analyzing the conditions and challenges of the inclusion and exclusion of Islamist parties. The synchronic and diachronic construction of the Algerian case, combined with a comprehensive and inductive approach, thus allows us to contribute to the inclusion-moderation debate on multiple empirical, methodological, and conceptual levels. Only this dual approach makes it possible to grasp the changes and continuities in the ideology and modes of action of the Islamist parties as well as the evolution of how the regime integrated or excluded them from the political arena. On the level of defining moderation and radicalization, it allows us to differentiate between, on the one hand, political labelling by the various Islamist or non-Islamist actors and institutionally defined legal criteria and, on the other hand, academic concepts. This calls for adopting a dual analysis: what we term a radicalization within the institutional arena (by subverting the foundations of the state, i.e., the Islamic state project) and a radicalization from outside it (by armed violence). In this framework, the political exclusion of an Islamist party correlates closely not with its intrinsic radicality but with the crossing of an electoral threshold, which sets the stage for implementing its radical program. Knowing how the civilian and military authorities assess this threat is thus essential for understanding the exclusionary and inclusionary processes. Next, we must differentiate between inclusion in the electoral game, which is accepted, and inclusion in the executive branch, on which the Islamist parties are internally conflicted. Finally, it behooves us to show that the moderation of programs and modes of action does not stem from (prior) inclusion in the political game, but instead results from a new institutional constraint. It produces specific effects, namely partisan fragmentation, and ambivalence about the identity of Islamist parties.

本文重点关注阿尔及利亚伊斯兰政党的转变,将其置于一个动态的背景中。自 1989 年执政党垮台以来,阿尔及利亚经历了这两个阶段,它为分析伊斯兰党派融入和排斥的条件和挑战提供了一个案例研究。因此,阿尔及利亚案例的同步和异步建构,结合全面的归纳方法,使我们能够在经验、方法论和概念等多个层面为包容--缓和辩论做出贡献。只有这种双重方法才有可能把握伊斯兰党派在意识形态和行动方式上的变化和连续性,以及政权如何将其纳入或排除在政治舞台之外的演变过程。在界定温和与激进化的层面上,它使我们能够区分不同伊斯兰或非伊斯兰行为者的政治标签和制度界定的法律标准,以及学术概念。这就需要进行双重分析:我们所说的体制内激进化(通过颠覆国家基础,即伊斯兰国家项目)和体制外激进化(通过武装暴力)。在这一框架下,伊斯兰政党的政治排斥与其内在激进性无关,而是与其跨越选举门槛密切相关,这为其实施激进计划创造了条件。因此,了解民事和军事当局如何评估这一威胁对于理解排斥和包容过程至关重要。其次,我们必须区分在选举游戏中被接受的包容性和在行政部门中的包容性,伊斯兰政党在这一问题上存在内部矛盾。最后,我们有必要说明,计划和行动方式的温和性并非源于(先前)政治博弈中的包容,而是源于一种新的制度约束。它产生了特定的影响,即党派分裂和对伊斯兰政党身份的矛盾。
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引用次数: 0
Cinematic Courtrooms: Law and Courts in Iran’s Post-Revolution Cinema 电影法庭:伊朗革命后电影中的法律与法庭
IF 1 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2023-12-05 DOI: 10.1163/18763375-15040002
Bahare Ghanoon

This article focuses on how courts are represented in Iran’s contemporary cinema. Exploring Iranian movies made since the Islamic Revolution of 1979, and more precisely movies of the past 25 years, reveals a concrete transition in the representation of courts and law: moving from an idealistic to a more critical view, and eventually to a realistic perspective. This shift can be understood as a response and an adjustment to the political and social changes in contemporary Iran. The ‘idealistic’ representation of courts portrayed them as a sacred place with a judge presiding over all parties and incidents, tackling dilemmas in the most righteous way and serving infallible justice. This portrayal is found most frequently in movies of the 1990s. The next decade saw the emergence of a critical perspective that included themes such as freedom of speech, women’s rights, or modern Iranian family structures; when it came to the law and the role of courts, movies attacked the legal system. This ‘oppositional representation’ would, for example, portray the judge as ignorant of certain facts, depicting the parties as desperate and helpless against the court, as well as other factors that prevent justice from being served or, even worse, cause the defendant to fall victim to the legal system. Almost simultaneously, in contrast, ‘realistic’ cinematic courtrooms are depicted in another set of movies, in which justice is achieved only to some extent. In this representation, the bench is neither sacred, nor is the judge omniscient, with parties capable of keeping the whole truth from him and of manipulating the court’s decision. Each of these representations requires a different set of narrative structures. This article shows how these narratives have emerged in Iranian cinema. It uses Vladimir Propp’s model for analysing narratives, according to which each narrative is fractionalized into ‘characters’ and ‘functions.’ Using Propp’s model, this article identifies three major cinematic narratives involving courts, namely the ‘idealistic narrative,’ the ‘oppositional narrative,’ and the ‘realistic narrative.’ The article also investigates the impact of social developments in the audiences’ perception of the law as they move away from unreal understandings of justice towards more nuanced and critical ones.

本文重点探讨伊朗当代电影如何表现法院。通过对 1979 年伊斯兰革命以来拍摄的伊朗电影(更确切地说,是过去 25 年的电影)进行探讨,可以发现在表现法院和法律方面出现了一个具体的转变:从理想主义的视角转变为更具批判性的视角,并最终转变为现实主义的视角。这种转变可以理解为对当代伊朗政治和社会变革的一种回应和调整。对法院的 "理想主义 "表述将其描绘成一个神圣的地方,由一名法官主持所有各方和事件,以最正义的方式解决难题,伸张正义。这种形象在 20 世纪 90 年代的电影中最为常见。在接下来的十年中,出现了一种批判性视角,其中包括言论自由、妇女权利或现代伊朗家庭结构等主题;当涉及法律和法院的作用时,电影则抨击法律制度。例如,这种 "对立表现 "将法官描绘成对某些事实一无所知,将当事人描绘成对法庭绝望而无助的人,以及其他阻碍正义得到伸张的因素,甚至更糟糕的是,导致被告成为法律制度的受害者。与此形成鲜明对比的是,几乎与此同时,"现实主义 "的电影法庭在另一组电影中被描绘出来,在这些电影中,正义只在一定程度上得到了实现。在这种表现形式中,法庭既不是神圣的,法官也不是全知全能的,当事人可以对法官隐瞒全部真相,也可以操纵法庭的判决。每一种表述都需要一套不同的叙事结构。本文展示了这些叙事是如何在伊朗电影中出现的。文章采用弗拉基米尔-普罗普(Vladimir Propp)的叙事分析模型,根据该模型,每种叙事都被划分为 "人物 "和 "功能"。利用普罗普的模型,本文确定了涉及宫廷的三大电影叙事,即 "理想主义叙事"、"对立叙事 "和 "现实主义叙事"。文章还探讨了社会发展对观众法律观念的影响,因为观众对正义的理解从虚幻走向了更细致入微的批判。
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引用次数: 0
Framing Moroccan Judiciary on tv Dramas: a Public Asset under Constraints 在电视剧中塑造摩洛哥司法:约束下的公共资产
Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2023-10-31 DOI: 10.1163/18763375-20231412
Abderrahim Chalfaouat
Abstract An efficient, impartial, and independent judiciary is a major demand for Moroccan citizens. In online advocacy, citizens denounce the flawed judiciary, sometimes virally circulating content on its corruption and susceptibility to interference. On tv , non-fiction programs respond to frequent requests for legal advice from audiences. Meanwhile, dramas employ frames that reflect codes on how society should perceive the judiciary and the rule of law. This article assesses the dominant frames of the judiciary on tv dramas. Two programs, Moudāwala and Al-Māḍī Lā Yamūt , are selected based on their relevance and popularity. The qualitative analysis of these programs incorporates character and narrative portrayals into thematic and frame analyses. As the two programs illustrate judicial struggles from within and without, they exemplify portrayals of the legal system that uncover discrepancies between normative practices and ruthless realities. The judiciary’s dominant frames focus on individual solutions and blame citizens for ignoring judicial texts or institutions. Frames reflect how media avoid watchdogging the judiciary and extend, directly or otherwise, hegemony over both the judiciary and the media.
一个高效、公正和独立的司法机构是摩洛哥公民的主要诉求。在网络倡导中,公民谴责有缺陷的司法系统,有时还会在网上传播有关其腐败和易受干预的内容。在电视上,非虚构类节目回应了观众频繁提出的法律咨询要求。与此同时,电视剧采用的框架反映了社会应该如何看待司法和法治的准则。本文评价了电视剧中司法的主导框架。两个节目Moudāwala和Al-Māḍī Lā Yamūt是根据相关性和受欢迎程度选出的。这些节目的定性分析将人物和叙事描述纳入主题和框架分析。由于这两个节目从内部和外部展示了司法斗争,它们举例说明了法律制度的写照,揭示了规范做法和残酷现实之间的差异。司法的主导框架侧重于个人解决方案,并指责公民无视司法文本或制度。框架反映了媒体如何避免对司法机构的监督,并直接或以其他方式扩大对司法机构和媒体的霸权。
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引用次数: 0
Wasta and Democratic Attitudes in the Middle East 中东的腐败和民主态度
Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2023-10-31 DOI: 10.1163/18763375-20231409
Hannah M. Ridge
Abstract The Middle East faces ongoing challenges in democratization and in corruption. This article examines the influence of wasta – a Middle Eastern form of clientelism – on citizens’ political attitudes. Although wasta is situated between citizen services and corruption, many citizens view wasta as corrupt. Using Arab Barometer survey data, this article shows that the widespread use of wasta in the Middle East makes citizens less satisfied with their current largely non-democratic governments. Wasta also increases their interest in democracy as an egalitarian alternative regime structure. Wasta users, however, are protective of the personal advantages that wasta networks afford them. Widespread wasta thus represents a challenge to democratization.
中东在民主化和腐败方面面临着持续的挑战。这篇文章探讨了wasa(一种中东形式的庇护主义)对公民政治态度的影响。虽然浪费处于公民服务和腐败之间,但许多公民认为浪费是腐败的。本文利用阿拉伯晴雨表的调查数据显示,在中东地区,浪费的广泛使用使得民众对目前基本上不民主的政府不太满意。瓦萨还增加了他们对民主作为一种平等主义政体结构的兴趣。然而,Wasta用户保护着Wasta网络提供给他们的个人优势。因此,普遍的浪费是对民主化的挑战。
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引用次数: 0
Adversarial Power-Sharing and “Forced Marriages”: Governing Coalitions in Lebanon and Yemen 对抗性的权力分享和“强迫婚姻”:黎巴嫩和也门的执政联盟
Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1163/18763375-20231424
Vincent Durac, Tamirace Fakhoury
Abstract How do power-sharing governing coalitions work in the context of politicized identities and external pressures? And how do they emerge, develop, and disintegrate when governing parties share power in the context of colliding agendas? Working on the premise that coalition governments may be messy constellations of power, rather than rational avenues for deliberation, this article explores the politics of coalitions in the Middle East as a case of adversarial power-sharing, or what we frame as ‘forced marriages.’ We focus on Yemen and Lebanon, two polities that have developed power-sharing arrangements in conflict-laden environments, albeit under different circumstances and logics of state-building. We argue that while both countries are different on a wide range of variables, they have broader lessons to convey on the ways coalition governments perform and the policy consequences they yield. Throughout both countries’ political history, coalition governance patterns have led to political fragmentation and policy gridlock. However, the puzzle is that notwithstanding antagonistic policy agendas and despite popular disaffection with ruling arrangements, coalition governments have kept re-emerging. This requires an incisive look into the relational and complex dynamics that sustain their logic.
在政治身份和外部压力的背景下,权力分享执政联盟如何运作?当执政党在相互冲突的议程背景下分享权力时,它们是如何出现、发展和瓦解的?在联合政府可能是混乱的权力星座,而不是理性的审议途径的前提下,本文将中东的联盟政治作为对抗性权力分享的案例进行了探讨,或者我们称之为“强迫婚姻”。我们关注的是也门和黎巴嫩,这两个国家在充满冲突的环境中制定了权力分享安排,尽管在不同的环境和国家建设逻辑下。我们认为,尽管两国在许多变量上存在差异,但在联合政府的表现方式及其产生的政策后果方面,它们有更广泛的经验可供借鉴。纵观两国的政治历史,联合治理模式导致了政治分裂和政策僵局。然而,令人困惑的是,尽管有敌对的政策议程,尽管对执政安排普遍不满,联合政府仍不断出现。这需要深入了解维持其逻辑的关系和复杂动态。
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引用次数: 0
Democracy Under Occupation: Coalition Government Formation and Survival in Iraq and Palestine 占领下的民主:伊拉克和巴勒斯坦联合政府的形成和生存
Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1163/18763375-20231397
Stephanie Stapleton, Taib Biygautane, Tavishi Bhasin, Maia Carter Hallward
Abstract While existing research on coalition government formation and durability has significantly enhanced our understanding of coalition processes, it remains heavily focused on (1) the experiences of established democracies in Europe and on (2) the various roles of domestic institutions and actors. In this article, we examine the interplay of external interference and domestic actors to explain the success and failure of coalition government formation in the context of fragile democracies. We ask: How does external interference impact government coalition formation? Drawing on Domestic Opposition Theory ( dot ), we explore two cases of coalition government efforts in the Middle East: post-elections in Iraq in 2018 and in Palestine in 2006. Findings show that, in the case of Palestine, external interference – financial boycott of Hamas-led government and support for Fatah against Hamas – played a key role in the eventual failure of the governing coalition. In Iraq’s case, widespread public domestic opposition to continued external influence, particularly from Iranian-backed interests, played a defining role in coalition formation processes.
虽然现有的关于联合政府组成和持久性的研究大大增强了我们对联合政府过程的理解,但它仍然主要集中在(1)欧洲老牌民主国家的经验和(2)国内机构和行动者的各种角色。在本文中,我们研究了外部干涉和国内行为者的相互作用,以解释在脆弱的民主国家背景下联合政府组建的成功和失败。我们的问题是:外部干涉如何影响政府联盟的形成?利用国内反对理论(点),我们探讨了中东联合政府努力的两个案例:2018年伊拉克选举后和2006年巴勒斯坦选举后。调查结果表明,以巴勒斯坦为例,外部干涉——对哈马斯领导的政府的财政抵制和对法塔赫反对哈马斯的支持——在执政联盟的最终失败中发挥了关键作用。以伊拉克为例,国内公众普遍反对继续受到外部影响,特别是来自伊朗支持的利益集团的影响,这在联盟组建过程中发挥了决定性作用。
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引用次数: 0
Multiparty Coalition Governments, Portfolio Allocation and Ministerial Turnover in Morocco and Algeria 摩洛哥和阿尔及利亚的多党联合政府、职务分配和部长更替
Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1163/18763375-15030008
Valeria Resta, Mohamed Daadaoui
Abstract The article analyzes multiparty coalition governments under authoritarian tutelage in Morocco and Algeria. While in Morocco multiparty coalition governments are just a means for the King to dress their windows, in Algeria they represent a new arena of power bargaining. In both cases, portfolio allocation follows the Gamson’s law but cases of advantage for the formateur are also given. Nonetheless, the parties included in multiparty coalition governments are almost always regime-controlled ones, as is the case in Algeria, or encounter reserved domains constitutionally defined, as is the case in Morocco. Moreover, in both cases the democratic potential intrinsic to multiparty coalition governments is defused by preventing grassroots parties to access top-weighted ministerial portfolios and by envisaging a relevant role for non-party ministries. This renders cabinet positions hardly contestable and adds up to the durability of multiparty coalition governments while making them barely apt at channeling grassroots demands for political change.
摘要本文分析了摩洛哥和阿尔及利亚在威权主义监护下的多党联合政府。在摩洛哥,多党联合政府只是国王装点橱窗的一种手段,而在阿尔及利亚,多党联合政府则代表了权力谈判的新舞台。在这两种情况下,投资组合分配都遵循Gamson定律,但也给出了形成者有利的情况。然而,包括在多党联合政府中的政党几乎总是由政权控制的,就像阿尔及利亚的情况一样,或者遇到宪法规定的保留领域,就像摩洛哥的情况一样。此外,在这两种情况下,多党联合政府内在的民主潜力都被削弱了,因为它们阻止基层政党进入最重要的部长职位,并设想让非党部委发挥相关作用。这使得内阁职位几乎没有竞争,增加了多党联合政府的持久性,同时使他们几乎不善于引导基层对政治变革的要求。
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引用次数: 0
Reflections on Teaching Quantitative Methods in Arabic to Graduate Students from the mena Region 对梅纳地区研究生阿拉伯语定量教学方法的思考
IF 1 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2023-05-29 DOI: 10.1163/18763375-15020007
Ammar Shamaileh, Abdelkarim Amengay
Despite a growing reliance on quantitative methods in the study of mena politics globally, political scientists from the region have broadly resisted such trends. While mena scholars should not be beholden to methodological trends in other regions, there is a need to provide students with an interest in quantitative methods opportunities to receive such training in Arabic. The Summer School for Quantitative Methods was a virtual five-day program offered by the Arab Political Science Network (apsn) and the Doha Institute for Graduate Studies from May 29 to June 2, 2022. The primary aim of ssqm was to address the gap noted above and introduce political science graduate students from the Arabic-speaking world to quantitative empirical analysis. The program accomplished its immediate goals, and the application process showed a significant demand for training in quantitative methods in the region, yet future projects should take into consideration the considerable challenges we faced.
尽管在全球范围内研究梅纳政治越来越依赖定量方法,但该地区的政治科学家普遍抵制这种趋势。虽然mena学者不应受制于其他地区的方法论趋势,但有必要为对定量方法感兴趣的学生提供接受阿拉伯语培训的机会。定量方法暑期学校是阿拉伯政治科学网络(apsn)和多哈研究生院于2022年5月29日至6月2日提供的一个为期五天的虚拟项目。ssqm的主要目的是解决上述差距,并向阿拉伯语世界的政治学研究生介绍定量实证分析。该项目实现了其近期目标,申请过程显示出该地区对定量方法培训的巨大需求,但未来的项目应考虑到我们面临的巨大挑战。
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引用次数: 0
Introduction to the issue: “On Islamist Parties and the Inclusion-Moderation Hypothesis: Lessons from the Past Decade” 议题导论:“伊斯兰政党与包容-温和假说:过去十年的教训”
IF 1 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2023-05-24 DOI: 10.1163/18763375-15020005
Clément Steuer
At the beginning of the 2010s, several Arab countries seemed about to follow the model of Turkey, with an electoral victory of Islamist parties in a context of democratization. A decade later, Turkish akp has turned authoritarian, and the Moroccan and Tunisian Islamist parties have lost both access to governmental office and a large part of their electoral appeal. In this context, lessons can be learned from the early failed democratic experience in Algeria (1989–1992), and from the evolution of its Islamist movements since then.From these four case studies, the contributors of this issue investigate the notions of moderation and inclusion, and their interrelations. Their articles build on the current trends within literature by taking into account the variety of Islamist movements, and their incorporation within different national trajectories. These articles contribute to the academic discussion by bringing new facts and ideas regarding this topic of inclusion-moderation.
2010年代初,几个阿拉伯国家似乎即将效仿土耳其,在民主化的背景下,伊斯兰政党在选举中获胜。十年后,土耳其akp变得独裁,摩洛哥和突尼斯伊斯兰政党失去了进入政府办公室的机会,也失去了很大一部分选举吸引力。在这种情况下,可以从阿尔及利亚早期失败的民主经历(1989-1992)以及此后伊斯兰运动的演变中吸取教训。从这四个案例研究中,本期的撰稿人探讨了适度和包容性的概念及其相互关系。他们的文章建立在当前文学趋势的基础上,考虑到伊斯兰运动的多样性,以及它们在不同国家轨迹中的结合。这些文章为学术讨论做出了贡献,带来了关于包容性节制这一主题的新事实和新观点。
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引用次数: 0
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Middle East Law and Governance
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