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Gilded Age Americans and the Consumption of the Civil War 镀金时代的美国人与内战的消费
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S1537781421000657
Shannon Bontrager
Burns and Alice Paul took advantage of new print technology allowing the easy reproduction of photographs in newspapers, along with “modernized campaigns by designing spectacles that would attract professional press photographers who sold their pictures to newspapers and the public” (160). Their militance and their protests won them increased attention but clashed with the NAWSA’s goal of portraying suffragists as “refined, white, and moral mothers” (161). The NWP and the NAWSA both freely emphasized the whiteness of their activists, however. Lange’s analysis of suffragists’ visual campaigns shows the difficulty in changing the nation’s opinion about women in public and highlights the many fissures that further confronted the lived experiences and political ambitions of Black women. The visual strategies developed by suffragists, however limited, nevertheless challenged the masculine world of visual representation. And, as Lange argues, twenty-first century graphical representations of women continue to draw upon the precedents the suffragists set in their campaign for the vote.
Burns和Alice Paul利用了新的印刷技术,可以在报纸上轻松复制照片,同时“通过设计眼镜来吸引专业新闻摄影师,吸引他们向报纸和公众出售照片,从而进行现代化的宣传活动”(160)。他们的好斗和抗议为他们赢得了更多的关注,但与NAWSA将女权主义者描绘成“优雅、白人和道德母亲”的目标相冲突(161)。然而,NWP和NAWSA都自由地强调了他们的活动人士的白人身份。兰格对女权主义者视觉运动的分析表明,在公共场合改变国家对女性的看法很困难,并突出了黑人女性的生活经历和政治抱负所面临的许多裂痕。女权主义者开发的视觉策略,无论多么有限,仍然挑战了视觉表现的男性世界。而且,正如兰格所说,21世纪女性的图形化表现继续借鉴女权主义者在竞选中树立的先例。
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引用次数: 0
Outsourcing the Postal Service: Reconceptualizing the State through Geospatial Digital History 邮政服务外包:通过地理空间数字历史重新定义国家
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S153778142100061X
R. O'Dell
Cameron Blevins has crafted a shining masterpiece of interdisciplinary scholarship with Paper Trails: The U.S. Post and the Making of the American West. Blevins contributes a broad reassessment of the state’s role, structure, and reach by leveraging traditional archival research and innovative geospatial digital history methods to study the rapid proliferation of postal services in the late nineteenthand early twentieth-century AmericanWest. However, Blevins’s brilliance lies in his expert balance of broad, sweeping analysis and detailed social history. Paper Trails is not just a story about data and state functions but also a chronicle about ordinary people whose lives were impacted by accessibility to the largest-scale postal service in the world. Blevins illustrates how the U.S. Postal Service facilitated the flow of personal messages, commerce, news, andmoney through the vast expanses of the western United States while also aiding the destructive colonization of Native American lands as the “underlying spatial circuitry of westward expansion” (3). Blevins successfully argues that the triumph of an accessible federal postal service in a rapidly expanding American frontier was not due to a rigidly centralized bureaucracy but rather the postal system’s decentralized flexibility. Blevins argues that postal decentralization, characterized by an agency model of public-private partnerships, local agents, and contractors, enabled the rapid development of postal services essential to the nation’s periphery through outsourced employees, transportation, and postal facilities. Throughout Paper Trails, Blevins effectually examines overarching historical themes surrounding the unique nature of the American postal system and the functions of the agencymodel of administration to effectively bolster his argument for the importance of a dynamic “Gossamer Network” postal system defined by intersectionality that blurred public and private spheres (1). Blevins structures his chapters thematically. He employs maps, charts, and captivatingly written narratives to illustrate his data, examine broad
卡梅隆·布莱文斯(Cameron Blevins)的《纸迹:美国邮报与美国西部的形成》(Paper Trails: The U.S. Post and The Making of American West)是跨学科学术的杰作。布莱文斯通过利用传统的档案研究和创新的地理空间数字历史方法来研究19世纪末和20世纪初美国西部邮政服务的快速扩散,对国家的角色、结构和范围进行了广泛的重新评估。然而,布莱文斯的杰出之处在于他对广泛、全面的分析和详细的社会历史的专业平衡。《纸迹》不仅是一个关于数据和国家职能的故事,也是一个关于普通人生活受到世界上最大的邮政服务影响的编年史。布莱文斯举例说明了美国邮政服务是如何促进个人信息、商业、新闻、(3)布莱文斯成功地论证了无障碍的联邦邮政服务在迅速扩张的美国边疆取得的胜利,不是由于一个严格的中央集权的官僚机构,而是由于邮政系统分散的灵活性。布莱文斯认为,以公私合作伙伴关系、地方代理和承包商的代理模式为特征的邮政权力下放,通过外包雇员、运输和邮政设施,使邮政服务得以迅速发展,这对国家的外围地区至关重要。在《纸迹》中,布莱文斯有效地考察了围绕美国邮政系统的独特性和行政机构模式的功能的总体历史主题,以有效地支持他关于动态的“游丝网络”邮政系统的重要性的论点,该邮政系统是由模糊公共和私人领域的交叉性定义的(1)。布莱文斯按主题组织了他的章节。他使用地图、图表和引人入胜的文字叙述来说明他的数据,并进行广泛的研究
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引用次数: 0
JGA volume 21 issue 1 Cover and Back matter JGA第21卷第1期封面和封底
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/s1537781421000608
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引用次数: 0
JGA volume 21 issue 1 Cover and Front matter JGA第21卷第1期封面和封面
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S1537781421000591
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引用次数: 0
Mary Church Terrell and Black Activism 特雷尔与黑人激进主义
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/s1537781421000633
S. Bragg
the Black freedom struggle provides a clearer understanding of what it meant for Black men to be citizens, race leaders, and men during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.With its comprehensive overview of Blackmilitary service after the CivilWar as well as its emphasis on masculinity and the Long Civil Rights movements, Duty beyond the Battlefield would greatly benefit undergraduate classes on war and society or race and gender.
黑人的自由斗争让人们更清楚地理解了在19世纪末和20世纪初,黑人作为公民、种族领袖和男性意味着什么。《战地之外的责任》全面概述了内战后的黑人兵役,并强调了男子气概和长期民权运动,它将极大地造福于战争与社会或种族与性别的本科生。
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引用次数: 0
African American Soldiers and the Long Civil Rights Movement 非裔美国士兵与长期民权运动
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S1537781421000621
Amanda M. Nagel
maps and charts illustrating how postal geography changed over time are central to Blevins’s argumentation. He effectively employs a wide array of engaging charts, ranging from traditional bar graphs depicting postmasters’ removal to proportional area charts illustrating the flow of money orders, to communicate key concepts. One of the book’s considerable merits is its attention to less commonly studied topics in the scholarly discourse, such as histories of decentralized government actors and ubiquitous social forces. Paper Trails is a must-read for postal historians and will intrigue both history professors and graduate students interested in communications, the state, and the Gilded Age and Progressive Era American West.
地图和图表说明了邮政地理如何随着时间的推移而变化,这是Blevins论证的核心。他有效地使用了一系列引人入胜的图表,从描绘邮政局长免职的传统条形图到描绘汇票流动的比例面积图,来传达关键概念。这本书的一大优点是它关注了学术话语中不太常见的研究主题,比如权力下放的政府行为者和无处不在的社会力量的历史。《Paper Trails》是邮政历史学家的必读之作,它将吸引对通信、国家、镀金时代和进步时代美国西部感兴趣的历史教授和研究生。
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引用次数: 0
Parks over Pasture: Enclosing the Commons in Postbellum New Orleans 牧场之上的公园:包围内战后新奥尔良的下议院
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-11-15 DOI: 10.1017/S1537781421000566
S. Gallo
Abstract This article examines the enclosure of the de facto commons that surrounded New Orleans during the final decades of the nineteenth century and argues that public parks were crucial tools deployed by civic elites on behalf of that initiative. As the regulatory efforts of reform-minded mayor Joseph A. Shakspeare failed to eliminate the persistent “cattle nuisance” that emanated from the undeveloped suburbs, he turned to parks as a means of fundamentally transforming the character of the land. By physically enclosing large swathes of acreage, conditioning the public to be urban subjects, and associating the area with leisure rather than agrarian production, the parks made it possible for the city’s modernizers to push dairy farmers out of the area and initiate a process of residential development. By examining this strategic use of greenspace in Gilded Age-era New Orleans, this article seeks to shed new light on the ways in which the urban environment was manipulated in service of the broader New South movement.
摘要本文考察了19世纪最后几十年围绕新奥尔良的事实上的公地,并认为公共公园是公民精英为这一倡议部署的重要工具。由于具有改革意识的市长Joseph A.Shakspeare的监管努力未能消除未开发郊区持续存在的“养牛滋扰”,他转而将公园作为从根本上改变土地特征的一种手段。通过实际包围大片土地,使公众成为城市主体,并将该地区与休闲而非农业生产联系起来,这些公园使城市的现代化者有可能将奶农赶出该地区,并启动住宅开发进程。通过研究镀金时代新奥尔良对绿地的战略利用,本文试图揭示城市环境为更广泛的新南威尔士运动服务的方式。
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引用次数: 0
Transborder Capitalism and National Reconciliation: The American Press Reimagines U.S.-Mexico Relations after the Civil War 跨国资本主义与民族和解:美国媒体重塑南北战争后的美墨关系
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-11-15 DOI: 10.1017/S1537781421000578
Alys Beverton
Abstract The end of the Civil War did not eradicate Americans’ concerns regarding the fragility of their republic. For many years after Appomattox, newspapers from across the political spectrum warned that the persistence of sectionalism in the postwar United States threatened to condemn the country to the kind of interminable internal disorder supposedly endemic among the republics of Latin America. This article examines how, from the early 1870s onward, growing numbers of U.S. editors, journalists, and political leaders called on Americans to concentrate on extending their nation’s commercial reach into Mexico. In doing so, they hoped to topple divisive domestic issues—notably Reconstruction—from the top of the national political agenda. These leaders in U.S. public discourse also anticipated that collaboration in a project to extend the United States’ continental power would revive affective bonds of nationality between the people of the North and South. In making this analysis, this article argues that much of the early impetus behind U.S. commercial penetration south of the Rio Grande after the Civil War was fueled by Americans’ deep anxieties regarding the integrity of their so-called exceptional republic.
摘要内战的结束并没有消除美国人对其共和国脆弱性的担忧。阿波马托克斯事件发生后的许多年里,来自各个政治派别的报纸都警告说,战后美国地区主义的持续存在可能会使该国陷入据称在拉丁美洲共和国中普遍存在的那种无休止的内部混乱。这篇文章探讨了从19世纪70年代初开始,越来越多的美国编辑、记者和政治领导人如何呼吁美国人集中精力将国家的商业影响力扩大到墨西哥。通过这样做,他们希望将分裂性的国内问题——尤其是重建问题——从国家政治议程的首位推翻。这些美国公共话语中的领导人还预计,在一个扩大美国大陆力量的项目中的合作将重振南北人民之间的民族情感纽带。在进行这一分析时,本文认为,南北战争后,美国在格兰德河以南的商业渗透背后的早期动力很大程度上是由美国人对他们所谓的特殊共和国的完整性深感焦虑所推动的。
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引用次数: 0
Qualified Immunity: State Power, Vigilantism and the History of Racial Violence 限定豁免:国家权力、警戒主义与种族暴力史
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-10-01 DOI: 10.1017/S1537781421000426
A. Jacobs
Since the historic uprisings sparked by the murder of George Floyd, growing calls to defund the police have upended mainstream political discourse in the United States. Outrage at appalling evidence of rampant police brutality and an entrenched culture of impunity have moved to the very center of public debate what were until recently dismissed as radical demands. This dramatic shift has, among other things, opened up space for discussion of the history of policing and the prison-industrial complex more broadly. In particular, abolitionists have urged examination of the deep roots of our contemporary situation. As the organizer and educator Mariame Kaba argued in an editorial published in The New York Times, “There is not a single era in United States history in which the police were not a force of violence against black people.”1 That a statement like this would appear in the paper of record reflects a paradigm shift in popular understandings of the history of the criminal legal system.
自从乔治·弗洛伊德谋杀案引发历史性起义以来,越来越多的要求警方撤资的呼声颠覆了美国的主流政治话语。对猖獗的警察暴行和根深蒂固的有罪不罚文化的骇人听闻的证据的愤怒已经成为公众辩论的中心,直到最近,这些都被认为是激进的要求。这一戏剧性的转变为更广泛地讨论警务历史和监狱工业综合体开辟了空间。废奴主义者尤其敦促审视我们当代处境的深层根源。正如组织者和教育家Mariame Kaba在《纽约时报》发表的一篇社论中所说,“美国历史上没有一个时代的警察不是针对黑人的暴力力量。”。
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引用次数: 0
Editors’ Note 编者注
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-10-01 DOI: 10.1017/s1537781421000414
Boyd Cothran, Rosanne Currarino
“War,” the Prussian general andmilitary theorist Carl von Clausewitz famously observed, “is the continuation of politics by other means.”And although this issue is not concerned principally with formal warfare in the Napoleonic sense, our authors are interested in exploring how forms of social and psychological violence were used often to accomplish political ends throughout the Gilded Age and Progressive Era. We begin with Gideon Cohn-Poster’s article, “Vote for your Bread and Butter,”which examines the employers’ widespread use of economic voter intimidation throughout the 1870s and 1880s. Employers’ layoff threats and their systematic surveillance of workers at the polls amounted to economic warfare against workers exercising their political rights. In “Drug-Mad Negroes,”Douglas J. Flowe shows us the origins of martial metaphor that has defined the policing of Black America: the war on drugs. Flowe documents how the turn-of-the-century American public connected the specter of cocaine “delirium” to common anxieties about Black crime and miscegenation while simultaneously defining white Americans’ drug use as a treatable problem thereby ensuring an enduring unequal police response. Confronted by the failure of the nation’s political leaders to address these pervasive forms of racial violence and intimidation, Black voters became increasingly disillusioned by the promises of equality once peddled by the Republican Party. David Oks, an undergraduate at the University of Oxford and former manager of Mike Gravel’s 2020 presidential campaign, argues that the 1916 presidential election was an important moment in which Black voters gave voice to their discontentment with the GOP, creating the atmosphere that would eventually see Black voters shift to the Democratic Party in the 1920s and 1930s. Teaching the history of racial violence in the Gilded Age and Progressive Era has never been more important, and this issue includes a series of microsyllabi five scholars developed over the last year in response to the murder of George Floyd by Minneapolis Police officer Derek Chauvin. Thesemicrosyllabi collect articles and other readings on the history of racial violence in our era and offer us all an opportunity to reflect on howwe can better teach these sensitive and important topics. Finally, we conclude this issue, as always, with a fascinating and engaging selection of book reviews.
“战争,”普鲁士将军和军事理论家卡尔·冯·克劳塞维茨(Carl von Clausewitz)有句名言:“是政治通过其他方式的延续。”虽然这个问题主要与拿破仑意义上的正式战争无关,但我们的作者感兴趣的是探索在镀金时代和进步时代,社会和心理暴力的形式是如何经常被用来实现政治目的的。我们从Gideon Cohn-Poster的文章《为你的面包和黄油投票》开始,这篇文章研究了雇主在19世纪70年代和80年代广泛使用的经济选民恐吓。雇主们的裁员威胁和他们在投票站对工人的系统监视,相当于对行使政治权利的工人的经济战。在《吸毒狂黑人》(Drug-Mad Negroes)一书中,道格拉斯·j·弗洛(Douglas J. Flowe)向我们展示了界定美国黑人治安的军事隐喻的起源:毒品战争。弗洛记录了世纪之交的美国公众是如何将可卡因“精神错乱”的幽灵与对黑人犯罪和异族通婚的普遍焦虑联系起来的,同时又将美国白人吸毒定义为一个可以治疗的问题,从而确保警察的反应长期不平等。面对国家政治领导人未能解决这些普遍存在的种族暴力和恐吓形式,黑人选民对共和党曾经兜售的平等承诺越来越失望。牛津大学(University of Oxford)本科生、迈克•格拉弗(Mike Gravel) 2020年总统竞选的前经理戴维•奥克斯(David Oks)认为,1916年的总统选举是黑人选民表达对共和党不满的重要时刻,它创造了一种氛围,最终导致黑人选民在20世纪二三十年代转向民主党。教授镀金时代和进步时代的种族暴力历史从来没有像现在这样重要,这个问题包括去年五位学者为回应明尼阿波利斯警察德里克·肖文(Derek Chauvin)谋杀乔治·弗洛伊德(George Floyd)而开发的一系列微教学大纲。这些半微型教学大纲收集了有关我们这个时代种族暴力历史的文章和其他阅读材料,为我们所有人提供了一个反思如何更好地教授这些敏感和重要主题的机会。最后,我们一如既往地以一系列引人入胜、引人入胜的书评来结束本期节目。
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引用次数: 0
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Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era
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