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Hemispheric Reconstructions: Post-Emancipation Social Movements and Capitalist Reaction in Colombia and the United States 半球重建:哥伦比亚和美国的解放后社会运动和资本主义反应
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S1537781422000433
James E. Sanders
Abstract As historians have begun to conceptualize the U.S. Civil War as a global event, so too must they consider Reconstruction as a political process that transcended national boundaries. The United States and Colombia both abolished slavery during civil wars; ex-slaves in both societies struggled for full citizenship and landholding, partially succeeding for a time; in both societies, a harsh reaction ripped full citizenship from the freedpeople and denied their claims to the land. These events, usually studied only as part of a national story in either the United States or Colombia, can also be understood, and perhaps be better understood, as a history of hemispheric and transnational processes—of race, of republican politics, of contests over equality, of capitalism. This essay examines the words and actions of historical actors, especially U.S. African Americans and afrocolombianos, to note the impressive commonalities of discourse (which was almost exactly the same in many cases) and political repertoires. This article focuses first on the agency of African Americans in both societies to create post-emancipation social movements for citizenship and land and then on the, largely successful, reactions against these movements.
随着历史学家开始将美国内战概念化为一个全球性事件,他们也必须将重建视为一个超越国界的政治进程。美国和哥伦比亚都在内战期间废除了奴隶制;这两个社会的前奴隶都为完全公民权和土地所有权而斗争,并在一段时间内取得了部分成功;在这两个社会中,严厉的反应剥夺了自由人的完全公民权,并否认了他们对土地的要求。这些事件,通常只作为美国或哥伦比亚国家故事的一部分来研究,也可以理解,也许更好地理解,作为半球和跨国进程的历史-种族,共和政治,平等竞争,资本主义。本文考察了历史演员的言语和行为,尤其是美国的非洲裔美国人和非裔哥伦比亚人,以注意到令人印象深刻的话语共性(在许多情况下几乎完全相同)和政治曲目。这篇文章首先关注的是非裔美国人在这两个社会中创造解放后的公民和土地社会运动的作用,然后是对这些运动的,基本上成功的反应。
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引用次数: 0
Still Searching: A Black Family’s Quest for Equality and Recognition during the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 仍在寻找:镀金时代和进步时代黑人家庭对平等和认可的追求
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S1537781422000536
Albert S. Broussard
Abstract Historians have correctly interpreted the Gilded Age and Progressive Era as periods in which African Americans faced unpreceded violence, a significant decline in franchise, and the loss of many civil rights. These years however, were far more complex when viewed from the vantage point of African American families who attempted to empower themselves through education, securing employment in white-collar occupations, such as teaching, and working to advance themselves through race betterment groups, including women’s clubs and civil rights organizations. Yet some middle-class Black families like the Stewarts not only rejected white society’s widely held belief of Blacks as racially inferior and incapable of progress. They also embraced migration as a constructive strategy to advance their individual careers and to elevate the race. In an era when the majority of Black workers had minimal literacy and worked unskilled menial jobs, T. McCants Stewart and his children each graduated from college or professional school, worked in white-collar or professional jobs, and paved the way for the next generation. Yet each also understood that migration outside of the Jim Crow South, including to Africa, the U.S. Virgin Islands, and the territory of Hawaii, held the key to their success. Thus, the Stewarts constructed a new vision of freedom and opportunity and believed that even despite the repressive conditions imposed upon Blacks during the Gilded Age and Progressive Era that there was room for growth and an opportunity to advance their careers. Migration, therefore, should be reconsidered as a viable strategy that some Black families adopted to find their place in American society.
摘要历史学家正确地将镀金时代和进步时代解释为非裔美国人面临着前所未有的暴力、选举权的大幅下降和许多公民权利的丧失。然而,从非裔美国人家庭的角度来看,这些年要复杂得多,他们试图通过教育增强自己的能力,在白领职业(如教师)中获得就业,并通过包括妇女俱乐部和民权组织在内的种族改善团体努力提升自己。然而,一些中产阶级黑人家庭,如Stewarts一家,不仅拒绝了白人社会普遍认为黑人在种族上低人一等,无法进步的信念。他们还将移民视为推进个人职业生涯和提升种族地位的建设性战略。在一个大多数黑人工人识字率最低、从事非技术性卑微工作的时代,T.McCants Stewart和他的孩子们都毕业于大学或专业学校,从事白领或专业工作,为下一代铺平了道路。然而,每个人都明白,吉姆·克劳南方以外的移民,包括非洲、美属维尔京群岛和夏威夷领土的移民,是他们成功的关键。因此,Stewarts一家构建了一个关于自由和机会的新愿景,并相信即使在镀金时代和进步时代对黑人施加了压迫性条件,他们也有成长的空间和推进职业生涯的机会。因此,应该重新考虑移民问题,将其视为一些黑人家庭为在美国社会中找到自己的位置而采取的可行策略。
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引用次数: 0
The Germans of New York’s Kleindeutschland 纽约Kleindeutschland的德国人
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/s1537781422000482
Eric C. Cimino
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引用次数: 0
A Fictionalized History of Popular Theater 通俗戏剧的虚构史
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/s1537781422000524
David Monod
A Revolution in Three Acts is an entertaining graphic novel about three prominent performers who appeared in vaudeville in the early twentieth century. The three characters it presents, Eva Tanguay, Bert Williams and Julian Eltinge
《三幕革命》是一部有趣的漫画小说,讲述了20世纪初杂耍表演中的三位杰出演员。它呈现的三个角色,伊娃·坦盖伊、伯特·威廉姆斯和朱利安·埃尔廷格
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引用次数: 0
Feminist Friendships and Greenwich Village’s Heterodoxy Club 女权主义友谊与格林威治村的异端俱乐部
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/s1537781422000494
C. Visser
When the Heterodoxy Club began meeting in 1912, the term “feminism” was relatively new. The word, as the club’s founder Marie Jenney Howe believed, identified a “changed psychology” stemming from the “creation of a new consciousness in women.”1 A shared belief in this new attitude ofmind called feminism brought together some of the era’smost recognizable women in the heart of Greenwich Village. In her new history of the club, Hotbed: Bohemian Greenwich Village and the Secret Club that SparkedModern Feminism, literary critic and cultural historian Joanna Scutts writes that when the women of Heterodoxy came together, they were not trying to do anything—they just wanted to talk about “the world and their place in it” (1). The Heterodoxy Club allowed members, all of whom were women, to engage in the free and frank discussion of ideas. Meetings took place on a biweekly basis, except during the summer months when most members left the city. They met first in public, in restaurants such as Polly’s or the meeting spaces of the Liberal Club, and then in private, meeting in members’ apartments for much of the 1920s. Following a group luncheon, members engaged in hours of informal discussion on a topic agreed upon at the last meeting. Topics ranged from philosophical considerations of the abstract mysteries of the universe to the immediate practical politics of women’s suffrage, birth control, workers’ rights, and economic independence. Regardless, the discussions always concerned women. By the 1920s, the Heterodoxy Club’s membership roll read as a veritable “who’s who” of Progressive Era women’s history, a self-described gathering of “the most unruly and
当异端俱乐部于1912年开始开会时,“女权主义”一词相对较新。正如俱乐部创始人玛丽·詹尼·豪(Marie Jenney Howe)所认为的,这个词表明了一种“改变的心理”,源于“女性新意识的创造”。文学评论家和文化历史学家乔安娜·斯库茨在她的俱乐部新历史《热床:波西米亚格林威治村和激发现代女权主义的秘密俱乐部》中写道,当异教女性走到一起时,她们什么都不想做——她们只想谈论“世界及其在其中的地位”(1)。异教徒俱乐部允许所有成员都是女性,参与自由和坦率的思想讨论。会议每两周举行一次,但在大多数成员离开城市的夏季除外。他们首先在公共场合见面,在波利餐厅或自由俱乐部的会议室见面,然后在20世纪20年代的大部分时间里私下见面,在会员公寓里见面。在集体午宴之后,成员们就上次会议商定的议题进行了数小时的非正式讨论。主题从对宇宙抽象奥秘的哲学思考到妇女选举权、节育、工人权利和经济独立的直接现实政治。无论如何,讨论总是涉及妇女。到20世纪20年代,异端俱乐部的会员名单被解读为进步时代女性历史上名副其实的“名人录”,自称是“最不守规矩和
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引用次数: 0
Shifting the Narrative of American Medical History 美国医学史叙事的转变
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/s1537781422000500
David G. Schuster
In many ways, this shift paralleled the decade's larger conservative turn, but when American politics shifted leftward during the Great Depression in the 1930s, the AMA continued to take professional medicine into "ultra-conservative” territory, much to the social disadvantage of Americans. Medicine's reactionary turn brought the profession into questionable relationships with the drug and tobacco industries, which in turn led to profits that the AMA used to lobby politicians and influence public opinion against public health and national health care plans that AMA leadership feared would compromise physicians' influence within the health-care marketplace. According to Swenson, recent developments within medicine, including the AMA support for the Affordable Care Act (signed into law in 2010) and physicians joining together during the COVID epidemic to support public health directives in the face of impassioned conservative opposition, point to how the profession may be on the verge of another pendulum swing back to its progressive roots.
在许多方面,这种转变与十年来更大的保守转向是平行的,但当美国政治在20世纪30年代大萧条期间向左转移时,美国医学协会继续将专业医学带入“极端保守”的领域,这对美国人的社会不利。医学界的反动转变使该行业与毒品和烟草行业陷入了可疑的关系,这反过来又导致了美国医学协会用来游说政治家和影响反对公共卫生和国家卫生保健计划的公众舆论的利润,美国医学协会领导层担心这会损害医生在卫生保健市场中的影响力。根据斯文森的说法,医学界最近的发展,包括美国医学协会对《平价医疗法案》(2010年签署成为法律)的支持,以及医生们在COVID疫情期间联合起来,面对慷慨激昂的保守派反对,支持公共卫生指令,这些都表明,这个行业可能正处于另一个钟摆回归其进步根源的边缘。
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引用次数: 0
New Directions in Political History 政治史的新方向
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-11-15 DOI: 10.1017/S1537781422000548
Jeffrey Broxmeyer, Lisa M. F. Andersen, Nicholas Barreyre, Rebecca Edwards, Michael J. Lansing, Allan E. S. Lumba, Tara Y. White
Abstract This roundtable takes up old themes and new perspectives in the field of political history. Scholars engage with six questions across three main categories: the scope of the field, current debates, and teaching. The first two questions ask how we should think about political power and the boundaries of what constitute political history. The section on current debates interrogates the relationship between governing and social movements during the GAPE, and how to situate the political violence of the January 6, 2021, Capitol Hill riot in historical perspective. The final section on teaching takes up two very different challenges. One question is a perennial concern about connecting with students in the classroom about political history. The other dilemma is how to respond to the growing cascade of censorship laws passed by state legislatures that prohibit the teaching of so-called “divisive concepts.”
本次圆桌会议探讨了政治史领域的旧主题和新视角。学者们涉及三个主要类别的六个问题:领域范围、当前辩论和教学。前两个问题问的是我们应该如何思考政治权力以及构成政治史的界限。关于当前辩论的部分询问了GAPE期间执政与社会运动之间的关系,以及如何从历史角度看待2021年1月6日国会山骚乱的政治暴力。关于教学的最后一部分涉及两个截然不同的挑战。一个问题是如何在政治史课堂上与学生建立联系,这是一个长期存在的问题。另一个难题是如何应对各州立法机构通过的越来越多的审查法律,这些法律禁止教授所谓的“分裂概念”。
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引用次数: 0
“The Great White Mother”: Harriet Maxwell Converse, the Indian Colony of New York City, and the Media, 1885–1903 “伟大的白人母亲”:Harriet Maxwell Converse,纽约市印第安人殖民地和媒体,1885–1903
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-10-01 DOI: 10.1017/S1537781422000317
John C. Winters
Abstract This article reveals the history of the unstudied “Indian Colony” of Gilded Age New York City through the life of its founder and governor, Harriet Maxwell Converse. Converse was a white woman adopted by the Senecas and a salvage ethnographer, a potent combination of Indigenous “authenticity” and scholarly authority that made her an object of fascination to white New Yorkers who read about her in extensive newspaper coverage. The Colony itself was composed of boarding houses, Converse’s own townhouse-turned-museum, and was connected to the New York Police Department. It provided housing and support to resident and visiting Native Americans who found work in the city’s “Indian trade” and booming entertainment industry. By highlighting the extensive newspaper coverage of Converse and her Colony, this article reveals a hidden history of the Indigenous people who lived and worked in the city. It also pushes the periodization of the earliest urban Indian communities backward in time by more than a decade and shows how the media fused the daily life of Converse and the Colonists with popular stereotypes of “savage” and “vanished” Indians, immigrant stereotypes, assimilation, gendered expectations, and the predatory academic desires of museums and salvage ethnographers.
摘要本文通过其创始人兼州长Harriet Maxwell Converse的生平,揭示了镀金时代纽约市未经研究的“印第安人殖民地”的历史。Converse是一位被塞内卡人收养的白人女性,也是一位抢救性的民族志学家,她是土著“真实性”和学术权威的有力结合,这使她成为纽约白人的迷恋对象,他们在报纸的广泛报道中读到了她。殖民地本身由寄宿房屋组成,匡威自己的联排别墅变成了博物馆,并与纽约警察局相连。它为在该市的“印度贸易”和蓬勃发展的娱乐业中找到工作的居民和来访的美洲原住民提供住房和支持。这篇文章强调了报纸对匡威及其殖民地的广泛报道,揭示了在这座城市生活和工作的土著人的隐藏历史。它还将最早的印度城市社区的分期时间向后推了十多年,并展示了媒体如何将匡威和殖民者的日常生活与“野蛮”和“消失”的印度人的流行刻板印象、移民刻板印象、同化、性别期望以及博物馆和抢救民族志学家的掠夺性学术欲望融合在一起。
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引用次数: 0
Beyond Memory: Race, Section, Labor, and the Meaning of the Civil War 超越记忆:种族、地区、劳工和内战的意义
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-10-01 DOI: 10.1017/S1537781422000408
James Marten
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引用次数: 0
Posthumous Pardons and Progressive Era Injustices 后赦免与进步时代的不公正
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-10-01 DOI: 10.1017/s153778142200038x
DJ Polite
actually worked on the ground. Recounting the words of administrators also crowds out other voices, including those of students, parents, teachers, and community members. The author’s choice of three states helpfully illustrates the importance of regional differences, but their distinctiveness, without clear comparative metrics, makes the book feel a bit fragmented. Overall, this book adds to a growing historiography of Progressive Era state-building through public education. Ewert convincingly demonstrates that the discourse of nationalism proved capacious enough to rally constituents around distinct visions of the nation’s future. Then as now, Americans disagreed on this vision, but they all agreed that schools would play a key role in achieving it.
实际上是在地面上工作的。回忆管理人员的话也会淹没其他声音,包括学生、家长、教师和社区成员的声音。作者对三个州的选择有助于说明地区差异的重要性,但它们的独特性,没有明确的比较指标,让这本书感觉有点支离破碎。总的来说,这本书通过公共教育增加了对进步时代国家建设的日益增长的史学。埃沃特令人信服地证明,事实证明,民族主义的话语足够广泛,可以围绕国家未来的不同愿景团结选民。当时和现在一样,美国人对这一愿景存在分歧,但他们都认为学校将在实现这一愿景方面发挥关键作用。
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引用次数: 0
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Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era
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