Pub Date : 2023-06-30DOI: 10.1017/s1537781423000129
Rosanne Currarino
This issue takes on the vast Progressive Era, offering new looks at reform, empire, and citizenship. Daniel Burge reconsiders a staple of Progressive Era history: the oft-repeated claim that the yellow press pushed McKinley, and thus the United States, to war with Spain in 1898. Such assertions, Burge shows, overlook over forty years of newspaper calls to intervene in Cuba, ostensibly to revenge the supposed martyrdom of William Crittendon. Ignoring this long history, Burge argues, overstates the power of the press and minimize Americans’ long-standing appetite for hemispheric empire. Dustin Meier looks at women settlement house workers’ environmental philosophy as they enacted it in summer camp programs for urban children. These camps, designed to give children two weeks of rest and play in nature, were a scathing critique of the industrial city. The polluted and filthy environment exacerbated social and economic inequality while also stunting individual children’s moral growth. Reformers’ environmental agenda show an “intimate connection” between their calls for systemic and individual reform. Progressive women reformers, shows Megan Threlkeld, did not only work close to home, they also turned to foreign policy in their efforts to create a more nearly equal and just society. A wide range of women reformers and reform organizations, including the WCTU, NAWSA, and the NCW, were deeply interested in international arbitration and advocated strongly for an international court of arbitration. Their commitment to that process propelled them into public debates over American foreign policy, including U.S. involvement in the War of 1898 and World War 1. In “Sound Citizenship,” Evan Sullivan examines the U.S. Army Section of Defects of Hearing and Speech’s efforts to rehabilitate soldiers with hearing and speech disabilities after World War I. The U.S. Army classified returning veterans’ disabilities as “defects” and was determined to remove or minimize them. The highly publicized rehabilitation program linked hearing and speaking with full citizenship, thus strongly implying that disabilities, including those acquired through wartime service, were not compatible with being an American citizen. Comparisons between our contemporary global pandemic of COVID-19 and the 1918–1919 influenza pandemic have proliferated since 2020. Some economic historians have noted the lack of significant economic depression in 1918–1919 and suggested that is evidence that Americans were less affected by the early pandemic because they just kept spending money. No, argues Max Ehrenfreund. American spending shows the opposite. Americans understood themselves as consumer citizens, and as such they had a duty to limit consumption to state-defined “essential businesses.” But the state recognized that citizens had a right to enjoy a good standard of living and defined
{"title":"Editor’s Note","authors":"Rosanne Currarino","doi":"10.1017/s1537781423000129","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s1537781423000129","url":null,"abstract":"This issue takes on the vast Progressive Era, offering new looks at reform, empire, and citizenship. Daniel Burge reconsiders a staple of Progressive Era history: the oft-repeated claim that the yellow press pushed McKinley, and thus the United States, to war with Spain in 1898. Such assertions, Burge shows, overlook over forty years of newspaper calls to intervene in Cuba, ostensibly to revenge the supposed martyrdom of William Crittendon. Ignoring this long history, Burge argues, overstates the power of the press and minimize Americans’ long-standing appetite for hemispheric empire. Dustin Meier looks at women settlement house workers’ environmental philosophy as they enacted it in summer camp programs for urban children. These camps, designed to give children two weeks of rest and play in nature, were a scathing critique of the industrial city. The polluted and filthy environment exacerbated social and economic inequality while also stunting individual children’s moral growth. Reformers’ environmental agenda show an “intimate connection” between their calls for systemic and individual reform. Progressive women reformers, shows Megan Threlkeld, did not only work close to home, they also turned to foreign policy in their efforts to create a more nearly equal and just society. A wide range of women reformers and reform organizations, including the WCTU, NAWSA, and the NCW, were deeply interested in international arbitration and advocated strongly for an international court of arbitration. Their commitment to that process propelled them into public debates over American foreign policy, including U.S. involvement in the War of 1898 and World War 1. In “Sound Citizenship,” Evan Sullivan examines the U.S. Army Section of Defects of Hearing and Speech’s efforts to rehabilitate soldiers with hearing and speech disabilities after World War I. The U.S. Army classified returning veterans’ disabilities as “defects” and was determined to remove or minimize them. The highly publicized rehabilitation program linked hearing and speaking with full citizenship, thus strongly implying that disabilities, including those acquired through wartime service, were not compatible with being an American citizen. Comparisons between our contemporary global pandemic of COVID-19 and the 1918–1919 influenza pandemic have proliferated since 2020. Some economic historians have noted the lack of significant economic depression in 1918–1919 and suggested that is evidence that Americans were less affected by the early pandemic because they just kept spending money. No, argues Max Ehrenfreund. American spending shows the opposite. Americans understood themselves as consumer citizens, and as such they had a duty to limit consumption to state-defined “essential businesses.” But the state recognized that citizens had a right to enjoy a good standard of living and defined","PeriodicalId":43534,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era","volume":"22 1","pages":"241 - 242"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44718708","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-30DOI: 10.1017/S1537781423000087
Trygve Throntveit
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Pub Date : 2023-06-30DOI: 10.1017/S1537781423000051
Evan P. Sullivan
Abstract This article discusses speech and hearing disabled Americans’ claims to citizenship during World War I, and the ways American policymakers sought to rehabilitate American soldiers treated in the U.S. Army Section of Defects of Hearing and Speech—or those classified after the Section’s closure as deaf, hard-of-hearing, or “speech defective.” Ultimately, I argue that one’s aural communication abilities were indicators of worthiness in American society and that this was especially the case during World War I, when tensions about speech and hearing heightened within and outside of the Deaf community due to significant pressures placed on Americans to show support for the war. Such pressures also shaped the experiences of American soldiers treated for speech and hearing disabilities after 1918, by suggesting that their service to the United States could not be complete until they were successfully rehabilitated through lip-reading training. To be able to aurally communicate signified the veterans’ sound citizenship in a literal and a metaphorical sense.
{"title":"Sound Citizenship: Hearing and Speech Disabilities in World War I","authors":"Evan P. Sullivan","doi":"10.1017/S1537781423000051","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S1537781423000051","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article discusses speech and hearing disabled Americans’ claims to citizenship during World War I, and the ways American policymakers sought to rehabilitate American soldiers treated in the U.S. Army Section of Defects of Hearing and Speech—or those classified after the Section’s closure as deaf, hard-of-hearing, or “speech defective.” Ultimately, I argue that one’s aural communication abilities were indicators of worthiness in American society and that this was especially the case during World War I, when tensions about speech and hearing heightened within and outside of the Deaf community due to significant pressures placed on Americans to show support for the war. Such pressures also shaped the experiences of American soldiers treated for speech and hearing disabilities after 1918, by suggesting that their service to the United States could not be complete until they were successfully rehabilitated through lip-reading training. To be able to aurally communicate signified the veterans’ sound citizenship in a literal and a metaphorical sense.","PeriodicalId":43534,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era","volume":"22 1","pages":"296 - 318"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46559355","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-30DOI: 10.1017/S1537781423000142
D. Opler
Hall of Fame for Great Americans. As part of this project, they had established the McCormick Biographical Association in 1900 and employed historical laborers to perform research, organize libraries, and write narratives. After the conclusion of the antitrust suit in 1918, the company scaled back its public educational efforts and began promoting academic history to legitimize its heritage. CyrusMcCormick II agreed to provide financial support for theMVHA’s new journal with the understanding that the organization would help protect and promote the McCormick legacy. As Ott demonstrates, the McCormick family and the MVHA shared a common interest in promoting the historical significance of the Midwest and charting the “westwardmarch of American civilization.” (165) TheMVHAwas responsible for the hiring of historianHerbert Kellar by theMcCormickHistorical Association, the successor to the Biographical Association. As the name change suggests, the new organization had broader goals than simply documenting the life and accomplishments of Cyrus McCormick. Kellar worked there from 1915 until 1955, and with his guidance, it became a significant repository of manuscripts documenting the larger history of agriculture. In Harvesting History, Ott illuminates the close and mutually beneficial relationship between corporations and the historical profession during theGildedAge andProgressive Era. Both shared an interpretation of the past that saw the development of big business as a natural and inevitable outcome of historical forces. Perhaps most significantly, Ott makes a strong case for including historians among the cadre of white-collar workers who helped create the modern corporation. Far from bystanders, historians inside and outside traditional academic institutions performed essential labor that made American corporate capitalism possible.
{"title":"Employers and the Battle for the Closed Shop","authors":"D. Opler","doi":"10.1017/S1537781423000142","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S1537781423000142","url":null,"abstract":"Hall of Fame for Great Americans. As part of this project, they had established the McCormick Biographical Association in 1900 and employed historical laborers to perform research, organize libraries, and write narratives. After the conclusion of the antitrust suit in 1918, the company scaled back its public educational efforts and began promoting academic history to legitimize its heritage. CyrusMcCormick II agreed to provide financial support for theMVHA’s new journal with the understanding that the organization would help protect and promote the McCormick legacy. As Ott demonstrates, the McCormick family and the MVHA shared a common interest in promoting the historical significance of the Midwest and charting the “westwardmarch of American civilization.” (165) TheMVHAwas responsible for the hiring of historianHerbert Kellar by theMcCormickHistorical Association, the successor to the Biographical Association. As the name change suggests, the new organization had broader goals than simply documenting the life and accomplishments of Cyrus McCormick. Kellar worked there from 1915 until 1955, and with his guidance, it became a significant repository of manuscripts documenting the larger history of agriculture. In Harvesting History, Ott illuminates the close and mutually beneficial relationship between corporations and the historical profession during theGildedAge andProgressive Era. Both shared an interpretation of the past that saw the development of big business as a natural and inevitable outcome of historical forces. Perhaps most significantly, Ott makes a strong case for including historians among the cadre of white-collar workers who helped create the modern corporation. Far from bystanders, historians inside and outside traditional academic institutions performed essential labor that made American corporate capitalism possible.","PeriodicalId":43534,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era","volume":"22 1","pages":"361 - 363"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41836757","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-30DOI: 10.1017/s1537781423000130
E. Adams
directional impact of settler colonialism on such conversations. The United States, after all, operated not just in a world of European power but also in a world of indigenous peoples competing for continental control. The presence of powerful indigenous polities in North America shaped U.S. deliberations about empire, security, race, and civilization. Settler colonialism and its genocidal outreach not only informed many of the struggles over political identity described in the book but also underwrote much of the trans-imperial conversations between the United States and European empires. Finally, the global reach of U.S. imperial imaginaries and practices before the 1890s was less timid and more assertive than many of the conversations in Priest’s analysis would lead one to conclude. His assertion that “During the 1880s the United States still did not have an overseas empire of its own [...].” (122) distracts from his argument about the longevity and centrality of empire to American perceptions of the international system before the turn of the century. This spatial-temporal global arc of engagement reached from the colonization in Liberia in the 1820s, to the creation of extraterritorial enclaves in Asia and Latin America, the acquisition of islands and archipelagoes in the Caribbean Basin and the Pacific Ocean, to the establishment of naval stations, resource extraction, and export zones by the middle of the century. The United States not only translated European imperial insights, it actively built its own global presence throughout the century.
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Pub Date : 2023-06-30DOI: 10.1017/S1537781423000038
Danielle Burge
Abstract Historians have long been intrigued by the role that the press played in McKinley’s decision to intervene in Cuba in 1898. Most, however, have focused their attention on the decade of the 1890s, ignoring the long history of interventionism aimed at Cuba. This essay uses the story of William L. Crittenden to explore the many instances where interventionists tried (and failed) to drum up support for Cuban intervention. Crittenden was executed by the Spanish in 1851 after a failed filibuster raid. Over the next four decades, interventionists wrote newspaper accounts, held boisterous public meetings, penned poems, and published novels that demanded revenge upon Spain. Yet Millard Fillmore, Franklin Pierce, James Buchanan, Ulysses Grant, and Grover Cleveland did not choose to intervene. By focusing on nearly five decades as opposed to a single year, this essay calls into question the idea that the press reflected public opinion and challenges the larger assertion that the “Yellow Press” propelled the United States into a war with Spain. Whether they shouted “Remember the Maine,” “Remember the Virginius,” or “Remember Crittenden,” writers, editors, poets, and journalists simply did not have the power to control public opinion and certainly did not prove to be successful at manipulating presidents to intervene.
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Pub Date : 2023-06-30DOI: 10.1017/S1537781423000117
Frank Schumacher
{"title":"Translating Empire: The United States and European Imperialism before 1898","authors":"Frank Schumacher","doi":"10.1017/S1537781423000117","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S1537781423000117","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":43534,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era","volume":"22 1","pages":"357 - 359"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44486143","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-30DOI: 10.1017/s1537781423000166
{"title":"JGA volume 22 issue 3 Cover and Back matter","authors":"","doi":"10.1017/s1537781423000166","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s1537781423000166","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":43534,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era","volume":"22 1","pages":"b1 - b2"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43665511","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-30DOI: 10.1017/S1537781423000075
Andrew R. Graybill
government throughout the period she scrutinizes. With a concise narrative interwoven with Roberts’s family stories, I’ve Been Here All theWhile is accessible to academics as well as those engaging in genealogy, public history, and community-based knowledge-making. It provokes members of invested communities—descendants, historians, Indigenous activists—to ponder how and whether selfadvocacy and rhetorical strategies contribute to settler colonialism amid larger contexts of coercion, enslavement, and violence.
{"title":"Making A White Man’s West","authors":"Andrew R. Graybill","doi":"10.1017/S1537781423000075","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S1537781423000075","url":null,"abstract":"government throughout the period she scrutinizes. With a concise narrative interwoven with Roberts’s family stories, I’ve Been Here All theWhile is accessible to academics as well as those engaging in genealogy, public history, and community-based knowledge-making. It provokes members of invested communities—descendants, historians, Indigenous activists—to ponder how and whether selfadvocacy and rhetorical strategies contribute to settler colonialism amid larger contexts of coercion, enslavement, and violence.","PeriodicalId":43534,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era","volume":"22 1","pages":"349 - 351"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48045133","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-30DOI: 10.1017/S153778142300004X
Megan Threlkeld
Abstract At first glance, international arbitration—a legalistic method for the peaceful settlement of disputes among nations—may seem like a topic belonging only to the formal, male-dominated realms of diplomacy and international law. Most men in the late nineteenth century certainly thought so, and many historians since have treated it as such. But prominent women like May Wright Sewall and Belva Lockwood, and mass organizations like the Woman’s Christian Temperance Union, took a lively interest in the subject in the 1890s. In that interest lay the roots of women’s foreign policy activism that led to their participation in debates over the War of 1898 and their peace efforts during and after World War I. International arbitration appealed to women because it complemented their better-known campaigns for temperance, suffrage, and other causes. As a more “civilized” method of resolving conflicts, arbitration was both a symbol of and a prerequisite for a more advanced, temperate, and equal society. It thus became a key component of women’s arguments for inclusion in the public and political life of the nation.
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