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IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-06-30 DOI: 10.1017/s1537781423000129
Rosanne Currarino
This issue takes on the vast Progressive Era, offering new looks at reform, empire, and citizenship. Daniel Burge reconsiders a staple of Progressive Era history: the oft-repeated claim that the yellow press pushed McKinley, and thus the United States, to war with Spain in 1898. Such assertions, Burge shows, overlook over forty years of newspaper calls to intervene in Cuba, ostensibly to revenge the supposed martyrdom of William Crittendon. Ignoring this long history, Burge argues, overstates the power of the press and minimize Americans’ long-standing appetite for hemispheric empire. Dustin Meier looks at women settlement house workers’ environmental philosophy as they enacted it in summer camp programs for urban children. These camps, designed to give children two weeks of rest and play in nature, were a scathing critique of the industrial city. The polluted and filthy environment exacerbated social and economic inequality while also stunting individual children’s moral growth. Reformers’ environmental agenda show an “intimate connection” between their calls for systemic and individual reform. Progressive women reformers, shows Megan Threlkeld, did not only work close to home, they also turned to foreign policy in their efforts to create a more nearly equal and just society. A wide range of women reformers and reform organizations, including the WCTU, NAWSA, and the NCW, were deeply interested in international arbitration and advocated strongly for an international court of arbitration. Their commitment to that process propelled them into public debates over American foreign policy, including U.S. involvement in the War of 1898 and World War 1. In “Sound Citizenship,” Evan Sullivan examines the U.S. Army Section of Defects of Hearing and Speech’s efforts to rehabilitate soldiers with hearing and speech disabilities after World War I. The U.S. Army classified returning veterans’ disabilities as “defects” and was determined to remove or minimize them. The highly publicized rehabilitation program linked hearing and speaking with full citizenship, thus strongly implying that disabilities, including those acquired through wartime service, were not compatible with being an American citizen. Comparisons between our contemporary global pandemic of COVID-19 and the 1918–1919 influenza pandemic have proliferated since 2020. Some economic historians have noted the lack of significant economic depression in 1918–1919 and suggested that is evidence that Americans were less affected by the early pandemic because they just kept spending money. No, argues Max Ehrenfreund. American spending shows the opposite. Americans understood themselves as consumer citizens, and as such they had a duty to limit consumption to state-defined “essential businesses.” But the state recognized that citizens had a right to enjoy a good standard of living and defined
这期以广阔的进步时代为背景,为改革、帝国和公民身份提供了新的视角。丹尼尔·伯格重新审视了进步时代的一个重要历史:人们经常重复的说法是,黄色媒体推动了麦金利大学,从而推动了美国在1898年与西班牙开战。伯奇指出,这些断言忽视了40多年来报纸呼吁干预古巴事务的呼声,表面上是为了报复威廉·克里坦滕所谓的殉难。伯奇认为,忽视这段悠久的历史,夸大了媒体的力量,并削弱了美国人长期以来对西半球帝国的渴望。达斯汀·迈耶(Dustin Meier)观察了女性安置工人在城市儿童夏令营项目中制定的环境哲学。这些营地旨在让孩子们在大自然中休息和玩耍两周,是对这座工业城市的严厉批评。污染和肮脏的环境加剧了社会和经济的不平等,同时也阻碍了儿童个体的道德成长。改革者的环境议程显示了他们对系统改革和个人改革的呼吁之间的“密切联系”。Megan Threlkeld表示,进步的女性改革者不仅在家附近工作,而且在努力创造一个更接近平等和公正的社会时,她们还转向外交政策。包括WCTU、NAWSA和NCW在内的众多妇女改革者和改革组织对国际仲裁非常感兴趣,并强烈主张建立一个国际仲裁法庭。他们对这一进程的承诺促使他们参与了关于美国外交政策的公开辩论,包括美国参与1898年战争和第一次世界大战。在《健全的公民》一书中,埃文·沙利文考察了美国陆军听力和语言缺陷科在第一次世界大战后为恢复听力和语言残疾的士兵所做的努力。美国陆军将退伍军人的残疾归类为“缺陷”,并决心消除或尽量减少这种残疾。广为宣传的康复计划将听力和语言与完全的公民身份联系在一起,因此强烈暗示残疾,包括战时服役期间获得的残疾,与成为美国公民不相容。自2020年以来,将我们当代的COVID-19全球大流行与1918-1919年的流感大流行进行了大量比较。一些经济历史学家指出,1918年至1919年期间没有出现严重的经济萧条,这表明美国人受早期大流行的影响较小,因为他们一直在花钱。马克思·埃伦弗里德认为,不可能。美国人的消费恰恰相反。美国人认为自己是消费公民,因此他们有责任将消费限制在国家定义的“基本业务”上。但国家承认公民有权利享受良好的生活水平,并规定
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引用次数: 0
Woodrow Wilson and His Inner Circle 伍德罗·威尔逊及其核心圈子
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-06-30 DOI: 10.1017/S1537781423000087
Trygve Throntveit
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引用次数: 0
Sound Citizenship: Hearing and Speech Disabilities in World War I 健全的公民身份:第一次世界大战中的听力和言语障碍
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-06-30 DOI: 10.1017/S1537781423000051
Evan P. Sullivan
Abstract This article discusses speech and hearing disabled Americans’ claims to citizenship during World War I, and the ways American policymakers sought to rehabilitate American soldiers treated in the U.S. Army Section of Defects of Hearing and Speech—or those classified after the Section’s closure as deaf, hard-of-hearing, or “speech defective.” Ultimately, I argue that one’s aural communication abilities were indicators of worthiness in American society and that this was especially the case during World War I, when tensions about speech and hearing heightened within and outside of the Deaf community due to significant pressures placed on Americans to show support for the war. Such pressures also shaped the experiences of American soldiers treated for speech and hearing disabilities after 1918, by suggesting that their service to the United States could not be complete until they were successfully rehabilitated through lip-reading training. To be able to aurally communicate signified the veterans’ sound citizenship in a literal and a metaphorical sense.
摘要本文讨论了第一次世界大战期间,言语和听力残疾的美国人对公民身份的要求,以及美国政策制定者寻求让在美国陆军听力和言语缺陷科接受治疗的美国士兵康复的方式,或在该科关闭后被归类为聋人、听力障碍或“言语缺陷”的士兵康复的方法,我认为,一个人的听觉交流能力是衡量其在美国社会价值的指标,在第一次世界大战期间尤其如此,当时由于美国人面临支持战争的巨大压力,聋人社区内外的言论和听力紧张局势加剧。这种压力也塑造了1918年后接受言语和听力残疾治疗的美国士兵的经历,他们暗示,在通过唇读训练成功康复之前,他们对美国的服务是不可能完成的。能够进行听觉交流在字面和隐喻意义上都意味着退伍军人拥有健全的公民身份。
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引用次数: 0
JGA volume 22 issue 3 Cover and Back matter JGA第22卷第3期封面和封底
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-06-30 DOI: 10.1017/s1537781423000166
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引用次数: 0
Historians for Hire: Selling the Story of McCormick’s Reaper 雇佣历史学家:出售麦考密克收割者的故事
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-06-30 DOI: 10.1017/s1537781423000130
E. Adams
directional impact of settler colonialism on such conversations. The United States, after all, operated not just in a world of European power but also in a world of indigenous peoples competing for continental control. The presence of powerful indigenous polities in North America shaped U.S. deliberations about empire, security, race, and civilization. Settler colonialism and its genocidal outreach not only informed many of the struggles over political identity described in the book but also underwrote much of the trans-imperial conversations between the United States and European empires. Finally, the global reach of U.S. imperial imaginaries and practices before the 1890s was less timid and more assertive than many of the conversations in Priest’s analysis would lead one to conclude. His assertion that “During the 1880s the United States still did not have an overseas empire of its own [...].” (122) distracts from his argument about the longevity and centrality of empire to American perceptions of the international system before the turn of the century. This spatial-temporal global arc of engagement reached from the colonization in Liberia in the 1820s, to the creation of extraterritorial enclaves in Asia and Latin America, the acquisition of islands and archipelagoes in the Caribbean Basin and the Pacific Ocean, to the establishment of naval stations, resource extraction, and export zones by the middle of the century. The United States not only translated European imperial insights, it actively built its own global presence throughout the century.
定居者殖民主义对此类对话的方向性影响。毕竟,美国不仅在一个欧洲大国的世界里运作,而且在一个土著人民争夺大陆控制权的世界里也运作。北美强大的土著政治影响了美国对帝国、安全、种族和文明的审议。定居者殖民主义及其种族灭绝活动不仅为书中描述的许多关于政治身份的斗争提供了素材,而且也为美国和欧洲帝国之间的许多跨帝国对话提供了素材。最后,与普里斯特分析中的许多对话相比,19世纪90年代之前美国帝国的想象和实践在全球范围内的影响力没有那么胆小,也没有那么自信。他断言“在19世纪80年代,美国仍然没有自己的海外帝国[…]。”(122)分散了他关于帝国在世纪之交之前对美国国际体系看法的长期性和中心性的论点。从19世纪20年代在利比里亚的殖民化,到在亚洲和拉丁美洲建立域外飞地,在加勒比海盆地和太平洋获得岛屿和群岛,再到本世纪中叶建立海军基地、资源开采和出口区,这一时空全球接触弧一直延续至今。美国不仅翻译了欧洲帝国主义的见解,而且在整个世纪积极建立了自己的全球影响力。
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引用次数: 0
Employers and the Battle for the Closed Shop 雇主和为关闭工厂而战
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-06-30 DOI: 10.1017/S1537781423000142
D. Opler
Hall of Fame for Great Americans. As part of this project, they had established the McCormick Biographical Association in 1900 and employed historical laborers to perform research, organize libraries, and write narratives. After the conclusion of the antitrust suit in 1918, the company scaled back its public educational efforts and began promoting academic history to legitimize its heritage. CyrusMcCormick II agreed to provide financial support for theMVHA’s new journal with the understanding that the organization would help protect and promote the McCormick legacy. As Ott demonstrates, the McCormick family and the MVHA shared a common interest in promoting the historical significance of the Midwest and charting the “westwardmarch of American civilization.” (165) TheMVHAwas responsible for the hiring of historianHerbert Kellar by theMcCormickHistorical Association, the successor to the Biographical Association. As the name change suggests, the new organization had broader goals than simply documenting the life and accomplishments of Cyrus McCormick. Kellar worked there from 1915 until 1955, and with his guidance, it became a significant repository of manuscripts documenting the larger history of agriculture. In Harvesting History, Ott illuminates the close and mutually beneficial relationship between corporations and the historical profession during theGildedAge andProgressive Era. Both shared an interpretation of the past that saw the development of big business as a natural and inevitable outcome of historical forces. Perhaps most significantly, Ott makes a strong case for including historians among the cadre of white-collar workers who helped create the modern corporation. Far from bystanders, historians inside and outside traditional academic institutions performed essential labor that made American corporate capitalism possible.
伟大美国人名人堂。作为该项目的一部分,他们于1900年成立了麦考密克传记协会,并聘请历史工作者进行研究、组织图书馆和撰写叙事。1918年反垄断诉讼结束后,该公司缩减了公共教育力度,开始推广学术史,以使其遗产合法化。Cyrus McCormick II同意为MVHA的新期刊提供财政支持,但有一项谅解,即该组织将帮助保护和促进麦考密克的遗产。正如Ott所证明的那样,麦考密克家族和MVHA在宣传中西部的历史意义和描绘“美国文明的西进”方面有着共同的利益。(165)MVHA负责麦考密克历史协会聘请历史学家Herbert Kellar,该协会是传记协会的继任者。正如更名所示,新组织的目标不仅仅是记录赛勒斯·麦考密克的生平和成就。Kellar从1915年到1955年一直在那里工作,在他的指导下,这里成为记录更大农业历史的重要手稿库。在《收获历史》一书中,奥特阐述了镀金时代和进步时代企业与历史行业之间的密切互利关系。两人都对过去有着共同的理解,认为大企业的发展是历史力量的自然和必然结果。也许最重要的是,奥特提出了一个强有力的理由,将历史学家纳入帮助创建现代公司的白领队伍中。传统学术机构内外的历史学家远非旁观者,他们从事着使美国企业资本主义成为可能的重要劳动。
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引用次数: 0
Making A White Man’s West 打造白人西部
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-06-30 DOI: 10.1017/S1537781423000075
Andrew R. Graybill
government throughout the period she scrutinizes. With a concise narrative interwoven with Roberts’s family stories, I’ve Been Here All theWhile is accessible to academics as well as those engaging in genealogy, public history, and community-based knowledge-making. It provokes members of invested communities—descendants, historians, Indigenous activists—to ponder how and whether selfadvocacy and rhetorical strategies contribute to settler colonialism amid larger contexts of coercion, enslavement, and violence.
她审视的整个时期的政府。《我一直在这里》以简洁的叙事与罗伯茨的家庭故事交织在一起,学术界以及那些从事家谱、公共历史和社区知识制作的人都可以阅读。它激发了投资社区的成员——后代、历史学家、土著活动家——思考在更大的胁迫、奴役和暴力背景下,自我宣传和修辞策略是如何以及是否助长定居者殖民主义的。
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引用次数: 0
Translating Empire: The United States and European Imperialism before 1898 翻译帝国:1898年以前的美国和欧洲帝国主义
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-06-30 DOI: 10.1017/S1537781423000117
Frank Schumacher
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引用次数: 0
A Delayed Revenge: “Yellow Journalism” and the Long Quest for Cuba, 1851–1898 延迟的报复:“黄色新闻”和对古巴的长期追求,1851-1898
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-06-30 DOI: 10.1017/S1537781423000038
Danielle Burge
Abstract Historians have long been intrigued by the role that the press played in McKinley’s decision to intervene in Cuba in 1898. Most, however, have focused their attention on the decade of the 1890s, ignoring the long history of interventionism aimed at Cuba. This essay uses the story of William L. Crittenden to explore the many instances where interventionists tried (and failed) to drum up support for Cuban intervention. Crittenden was executed by the Spanish in 1851 after a failed filibuster raid. Over the next four decades, interventionists wrote newspaper accounts, held boisterous public meetings, penned poems, and published novels that demanded revenge upon Spain. Yet Millard Fillmore, Franklin Pierce, James Buchanan, Ulysses Grant, and Grover Cleveland did not choose to intervene. By focusing on nearly five decades as opposed to a single year, this essay calls into question the idea that the press reflected public opinion and challenges the larger assertion that the “Yellow Press” propelled the United States into a war with Spain. Whether they shouted “Remember the Maine,” “Remember the Virginius,” or “Remember Crittenden,” writers, editors, poets, and journalists simply did not have the power to control public opinion and certainly did not prove to be successful at manipulating presidents to intervene.
摘要历史学家长期以来一直对媒体在麦金莱1898年干预古巴的决定中所扮演的角色感兴趣。然而,大多数人把注意力集中在19世纪90年代的十年上,忽视了针对古巴的长期干预主义。本文利用威廉·L·克里滕登的故事来探讨干预主义者试图(但失败了)争取支持古巴干预的许多例子。克里滕登于1851年在一次失败的阻挠行动后被西班牙人处决。在接下来的四十年里,干涉主义者在报纸上写报道,举行喧闹的公众会议,写诗,出版小说,要求对西班牙进行报复。然而,Millard Fillmore、Franklin Pierce、James Buchanan、Ulysses Grant和Grover Cleveland没有选择干预。通过关注近50年而不是一年,这篇文章对媒体反映公众舆论的观点提出了质疑,并对“黄色媒体”将美国推入与西班牙战争的更大断言提出了质疑。无论他们喊着“记住缅因州”、“记住弗吉尼亚州”还是“记住克里滕登”,作家、编辑、诗人和记者都没有控制公众舆论的权力,当然也没有成功地操纵总统进行干预。
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引用次数: 0
Creating Welfare States?: A Comparative History of Early Child Labor Legislation 创建福利国家?:早期童工立法比较史
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-06-30 DOI: 10.1017/S1537781423000099
Timothy A. Hacsi
one party. In sum, it is Neu’s failure to illuminate the eponymous figure at the center of his titular circle that most disappoints. Thankfully, the book bucks the current trend of portraying Wilson as the worst embodiment of every national sin and shame with which our nation needs to reckon. But it does so without offering an alternative interpretation of this complicated figure and his momentous administration.
一方。总而言之,最让人失望的是,纽没能阐明他名不副实的圈子中心的同名人物。值得庆幸的是,这本书扭转了当前的趋势,即把威尔逊描绘成我们国家需要考虑的所有民族罪恶和耻辱的最糟糕的化身。但它并没有对这个复杂的人物及其重要的政府提供另一种解释。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era
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