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“Building A Great Organization for War”: The Associational State and Woman’s War Work in North Carolina, 1917–1919 “建立一个伟大的战争组织”:1917-1919年北卡罗来纳州的联合州和妇女战争工作
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.1017/S1537781422000597
Nathan K. Finney
Abstract The entry of the United States into the First World War and the integration of women into mobilization expanded women-run private initiatives and integrated their associational efforts into the war effort. This created greater visibility of women and children to state and federal governments. In the end, however, the increased attention and mobilization of private organizations by the state around women’s issues was fleeting. The alacrity with which North Carolina dispensed with these mechanisms for mobilization is an example of their purpose as associational measures to manage the dynamics of wartime and maintain pre-war hierarchies of power. Throughout the war, the bifurcation of work based on gender and the unfixed status of women created a situation in which their participation required constant negotiation. The need to negotiate participation in the mobilization was itself an outgrowth of the conflicted relationship between American government and civil society over women’s issues. After the war, these issues again became the purview of private organizations and other systems of extra-governmental governance that leveraged a more associational relationship with federal and state governments.
摘要美国加入第一次世界大战和妇女参与动员扩大了妇女的私人倡议,并将她们的联合努力纳入了战争努力。这使妇女和儿童在州政府和联邦政府中有了更大的知名度。然而,最终,国家对妇女问题日益关注和动员私人组织的行动转瞬即逝。北卡罗来纳州迅速放弃了这些动员机制,这是一个例子,说明它们作为管理战时动态和维持战前权力等级制度的联合措施的目的。在整个战争期间,基于性别的工作分歧和妇女的不固定地位造成了一种情况,在这种情况下,她们的参与需要不断的谈判。谈判参与动员的必要性本身就是美国政府和民间社会在妇女问题上矛盾关系的结果。战后,这些问题再次成为私人组织和其他政府外治理系统的职权范围,这些系统利用了与联邦和州政府更紧密的联系关系。
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引用次数: 0
Editor’s Note Editor’s音符
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.1017/S1537781422000652
Rosanne Currarino
In the January 2022 issue of the journal, Gilded Age and Progressive Era political historians came together to challenge us to continue finding new ways “to think historically about political power.” The five articles in this issue take up that challenge. Richard Ellis and Joshua Kluever revisit socialist politics to argue that socialists have had greater, and longer, impact on American politics than they are credited for. Ellis locates the origins of the initiative and referendum in the 1877 Socialist Labor Party (SLP) platform, fifteen years before the People’s Party called for these reforms at its Omaha convention. Returning the SLP to the center of successful GAPE political reform suggests that international socialism was far more important in shaping twentieth-century politics than we have acknowledged. Kluever turns to the end of the long GAPE, usually seen as a low point of political socialism, to show that the Socialist Party in Wisconsin, in fact, flourished. Working with Republicans, the Socialists were instrumental in passing progressive legislation into the 1930s. Nathan Finney and Mazie Hough examine the shifting relationships between women and state. Finney, winner of the 2021 SHGAPE Graduate Student Essay Prize, shows how North Carolinian women’s organizations leveraged their work in the First World War’s homefront mobilization to claim a role in governance and to push women’s concerns forward in politics. When the war emergency ended, though, women found themselves once more excluded from formal politics, highlighting the volatile relationship between women and formal government. Hough examines the state’s growing control of women’s behavior in Maine between 1877 and 1917. Looking at sentences of women accused of infanticide, Hough finds that the state increasingly ignored local women’s explanatory testimony, pushed aside local preference for leniency, and marshalled urban professional opinion to dictate the parameters of women’s lives. Finally, Benjamin Wetzel shows how a Unionist memory of the Civil War proved a durable and effective tool into the twentieth century. As both historian and politician, Theodore Roosevelt eschewed the reconcilliationist narrative. He held firm to the Unionist narrative of the war, and he used the Unionists’ narrative to promote the political causes with which he is most closely associated: American empire, New Nationalism, and American entry into World War I. We conclude the issue, as always, with a wide-ranging collection of book reviews.
在2022年1月的《镀金时代》杂志上,《进步时代》政治历史学家联合起来,挑战我们继续寻找“从历史上思考政治权力”的新方法。本期的五篇文章接受了这一挑战。Richard Ellis和Joshua Kluever重新审视了社会主义政治,认为社会主义者对美国政治的影响比他们所认为的更大、更长。埃利斯将该倡议和公投的起源定位于1877年的社会主义工党(SLP)纲领,距离人民党在奥马哈大会上呼吁进行这些改革早了15年。将SLP重新置于成功的GAPE政治改革的中心,表明国际社会主义在塑造20世纪政治方面比我们所承认的要重要得多。Kluever转向长期的GAPE的结束,通常被视为政治社会主义的低谷,以表明威斯康星州的社会党事实上蓬勃发展。与共和党人合作,社会党在20世纪30年代通过进步立法方面发挥了重要作用。Nathan Finney和Mazie Hough研究了女性和国家之间不断变化的关系。2021年SHGAPE研究生论文奖得主芬尼展示了北卡罗来纳州妇女组织如何利用她们在第一次世界大战前线动员中的工作,在治理中发挥作用,并推动妇女在政治中的关注。然而,当战争紧急状态结束时,女性发现自己再次被排除在正式政治之外,凸显了女性与正式政府之间的不稳定关系。霍夫研究了1877年至1917年间缅因州对女性行为的日益控制。从被指控杀害婴儿的女性的判决来看,霍夫发现,该州越来越忽视当地女性的解释性证词,无视当地对宽大处理的偏好,并汇集城市专业意见来决定女性的生活参数。最后,Benjamin Wetzel展示了统一主义者对内战的记忆是如何在20世纪成为一种持久有效的工具的。作为历史学家和政治家,西奥多·罗斯福避开了和解主义的叙事。他坚持统一主义者对战争的叙述,并利用统一主义者的叙述来推动与他最密切相关的政治事业:美国帝国、新民族主义和美国加入第一次世界大战。我们一如既往地通过广泛的书评集来结束这一问题。
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引用次数: 0
Theodore Roosevelt and the Unionist Memory of the Civil War: Experience, History, and Politics, 1861–1918 西奥多·罗斯福与南北战争的统一记忆:经验、历史和政治,1861-1918
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.1017/S1537781422000627
Benjamin J. Wetzel
Abstract The meaning of the Civil War, America’s most violent experience, continued to be debated well into the Gilded Age and Progressive Era. The long shadow cast by David Blight’s influential Race and Reunion: The Civil War in American Memory (2001) has meant that debates about the impact and prevalence of reconciliationist rhetoric dominate the literature. This paper adds to a growing body of scholarship that questions the reconciliationist narrative and stresses instead the partisan understanding of the Civil War still prevalent into the twentieth century. In particular, this article uses Theodore Roosevelt’s “memory” of the Civil War to explore the linkages between the Civil War Era and the Age of Empire. It makes two arguments: 1) that in an era when a “reconciliationist” understanding of the Civil War was becoming more prominent, more often than not Roosevelt used his voice as a historian and political figure to assert a “Unionist” interpretation; and 2) that Roosevelt used this memory of the Civil War to advocate for three specific political causes: American empire, the New Nationalism, and American entry into World War I. The paper’s argument and historiographical intervention help scholars of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era to re-imagine the role of Civil War memory in the half century following Appomattox Courthouse.
摘要内战是美国最暴力的经历,其含义一直争论到镀金时代和进步时代。大卫·布利特(David Blight)颇具影响力的《种族与重聚:美国记忆中的内战》(Race and Reunion:The Civil War in American Memory,2001)给文学蒙上了长长的阴影,这意味着关于和解主义言论的影响和流行的辩论主导了文学。这篇论文增加了越来越多的学者对和解主义叙事的质疑,并强调了对内战的党派理解,这种理解一直盛行到二十世纪。特别是,本文利用西奥多·罗斯福对内战的“记忆”来探讨内战时代与帝国时代之间的联系。它提出了两个论点:1)在一个对内战的“和解主义”理解越来越突出的时代,罗斯福经常用他作为历史学家和政治人物的声音来断言“统一主义”的解释;(2)罗斯福利用对内战的记忆来倡导三个具体的政治原因:美利坚帝国、新民族主义和美国加入第一次世界大战。本文的论点和史学干预有助于镀金时代和进步时代的学者重新想象内战记忆在阿波马托克斯法院之后的半个世纪中的作用。
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引用次数: 0
Musician on Patrol: How Chicago’s Chief of Police Saved Irish Music 巡逻的音乐家:芝加哥警察局长如何拯救爱尔兰音乐
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.1017/s1537781422000718
Jeffrey O'Leary
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引用次数: 0
The Golden Age of Pragmatic Socialism: Wisconsin Socialists at the State Level, 1919–37 实用社会主义的黄金时代:1919 - 1937年威斯康星州州一级的社会主义者
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.1017/S1537781422000603
Joshua Kluever
Abstract Throughout the 1920s and early 1930s, Socialists in Wisconsin experienced a “golden age” of political successes in the state legislature. Whereas the 1920s are commonly seen as a period of socialist decline, Wisconsin Socialists entered the decade with a renewed sense of optimism. Following World War I, the Wisconsin Democratic Party collapsed as a viable political option and the Wisconsin Socialist Party found itself the second most powerful party behind the Republican Party. Wisconsin Socialists took a pragmatic approach to legislative debates and allied with progressive Republicans to defeat conservative opposition. Socialists were vital to progressive reform prior to World War I; however, the Socialist-Progressive alliance reached its full potential in the 1920s. From 1919–31, the Wisconsin legislature passed 295 Socialist-authored pieces of legislation ranging from labor demands, public utilities, and criminal justice reform. Many of the proposals resulted from negotiations between the Socialist and Progressive caucuses. The success of the Wisconsin Socialists—and their alliance with progressive Republicans—suggests that at least in some places the Progressive Era extended into the 1920s.
在整个20世纪20年代和30年代初,威斯康星州的社会主义者在州立法机构中经历了政治成功的“黄金时代”。虽然20世纪20年代通常被视为社会主义衰落的时期,但威斯康星州的社会主义者以一种新的乐观态度进入了这十年。第一次世界大战后,威斯康辛民主党作为一个可行的政治选择崩溃了,威斯康辛社会党发现自己成为仅次于共和党的第二大政党。威斯康星州的社会主义者在立法辩论中采取了务实的态度,并与进步的共和党人结盟,击败了保守派的反对。在第一次世界大战之前,社会主义者对进步改革至关重要;然而,社会主义进步联盟在20世纪20年代发挥了全部潜力。从1919年到1931年,威斯康辛州立法机构通过了295项由社会党人起草的法案,涉及劳工要求、公共事业和刑事司法改革。许多提案都是社会党和进步党党团之间谈判的结果。威斯康辛社会党人的成功以及他们与进步共和党人的联盟表明,至少在某些地方,进步时代延续到了20世纪20年代。
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引用次数: 0
Fashion and Twentieth-Century Feminism 时尚与二十世纪女权主义
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.1017/s1537781422000688
Nora Ellen Carleson
In Dressed for Freedom: The Fashionable Politics of American Feminism, Einav Rabinovitch-Fox provides a compelling exploration into how American feminists used fashion and fashionability as tools to advance their missions across the long twentieth century. In so doing, the author adds to a growing body of scholarship underscoring the significance of fashion, clothing, and dress in providing new insights into the past while simultaneously challenging the myth of the antifashion feminist. A strength of Dressed for Freedom is its use of interdisciplinary methodologies to tell political, social, and cultural history. One of the best of these methodological approaches is the author’s use of the body: the author reinforces the importance and implications of the connection between fashion and the body throughout the text. Whether discussing health, race, liberation, or work, the body wearing the clothes often plays as significant a role as the fashion itself. Anothermethodological strength is the author’s use of visual and material culture. Though at times this evidence tends to be more illustrative than evidentiary, the images support the text and strike a refreshing balance between iconic and novel. Over the course of five chapters, Rabinovitch-Fox expands on well-known tropes of American feminists: the NewWoman, suffragists, flappers, the postwar working woman, and the radical feminists of the 1960s and 1970s. While such a choice of figures is unsurprising, the author complicates expected narratives by centering fashion as an everyday feminist practice affecting all women. While acknowledging fashion’s problematic nature, Rabinovitch-Fox shows how women—white and Black, elite and working class, “old stock” and immigrant, liberal and conservative, working and not—all found strategies to express politics and challenge racist, gendered, and classist beliefs through fashion.
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引用次数: 0
JGA volume 22 issue 2 Cover and Back matter JGA第22卷第2期封面和封底
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.1017/s1537781422000640
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引用次数: 0
JGA volume 22 issue 2 Cover and Front matter JGA第22卷第2期封面和封面问题
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.1017/s1537781422000639
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引用次数: 0
Texas Populism and American Liberalism 德克萨斯民粹主义与美国自由主义
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.1017/S1537781422000731
Ann M. Vlock
In The People ’ s Revolt: Texas Populists and the Roots of American Liberalism , Gregg Cantrell convincingly links the Populism of the late nineteenth century to the later development of American liberalism. Focusing on Populists ’ advocacy of government intervention, notions of equality, and support for an educated and empowered citizenry, Cantrell argues for the history of the Texas People ’ s Party as a crucial transition point in American political history. Citing everything from Lyndon Johnson ’ s Populist genealogy to Barack Obama ’ s campaign for a national healthcare bill, Cantrell roots liberal princi-ples within the Populists ’ earlier political insurgency. Conscious of the resurgence of the term “ populism ” in reference to contemporary right-wing movements, Cantrell further explains how the word has evolved to reflect a style of politics rather than any coherent ideology or definable political platform. A welcome addition to the literature on Populism and to reform movements more generally, Cantrell ’ s work offers clear insights into the history of Populism. The
在《人民起义:得克萨斯民粹主义者与美国自由主义的根源》一书中,格雷格·坎特雷尔令人信服地将19世纪末的民粹主义与美国自由派的后期发展联系起来。坎特雷尔专注于民粹主义者对政府干预的倡导、平等观念以及对受过教育和有能力的公民的支持,他认为德克萨斯人民党的历史是美国政治史上的一个关键转折点。坎特雷尔引用了从林登·约翰逊的民粹主义谱系到巴拉克·奥巴马的国家医疗法案,他将自由主义原则植根于民粹主义早期的政治叛乱。意识到“民粹主义”一词在当代右翼运动中的复兴,坎特雷尔进一步解释了这个词是如何演变成反映一种政治风格,而不是任何连贯的意识形态或可定义的政治纲领的。坎特雷尔的作品为民粹主义文学和更广泛的改革运动增添了新的内容,为民粹主义的历史提供了清晰的见解。这个
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引用次数: 0
German Texans and Farmer-Labor Radicalism 德国得克萨斯人与农民劳工激进主义
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.1017/s1537781422000676
J. Wells
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era
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