Pub Date : 2023-06-30DOI: 10.1017/S153778142300004X
Megan Threlkeld
Abstract At first glance, international arbitration—a legalistic method for the peaceful settlement of disputes among nations—may seem like a topic belonging only to the formal, male-dominated realms of diplomacy and international law. Most men in the late nineteenth century certainly thought so, and many historians since have treated it as such. But prominent women like May Wright Sewall and Belva Lockwood, and mass organizations like the Woman’s Christian Temperance Union, took a lively interest in the subject in the 1890s. In that interest lay the roots of women’s foreign policy activism that led to their participation in debates over the War of 1898 and their peace efforts during and after World War I. International arbitration appealed to women because it complemented their better-known campaigns for temperance, suffrage, and other causes. As a more “civilized” method of resolving conflicts, arbitration was both a symbol of and a prerequisite for a more advanced, temperate, and equal society. It thus became a key component of women’s arguments for inclusion in the public and political life of the nation.
{"title":"International Arbitration and the Roots of Women’s Foreign Policy Activism","authors":"Megan Threlkeld","doi":"10.1017/S153778142300004X","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S153778142300004X","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract At first glance, international arbitration—a legalistic method for the peaceful settlement of disputes among nations—may seem like a topic belonging only to the formal, male-dominated realms of diplomacy and international law. Most men in the late nineteenth century certainly thought so, and many historians since have treated it as such. But prominent women like May Wright Sewall and Belva Lockwood, and mass organizations like the Woman’s Christian Temperance Union, took a lively interest in the subject in the 1890s. In that interest lay the roots of women’s foreign policy activism that led to their participation in debates over the War of 1898 and their peace efforts during and after World War I. International arbitration appealed to women because it complemented their better-known campaigns for temperance, suffrage, and other causes. As a more “civilized” method of resolving conflicts, arbitration was both a symbol of and a prerequisite for a more advanced, temperate, and equal society. It thus became a key component of women’s arguments for inclusion in the public and political life of the nation.","PeriodicalId":43534,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42848359","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-30DOI: 10.1017/s1537781423000154
{"title":"JGA volume 22 issue 3 Cover and Front matter","authors":"","doi":"10.1017/s1537781423000154","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s1537781423000154","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":43534,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46329129","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-30DOI: 10.1017/S1537781423000026
Dustin Meier
Abstract Throughout the Progressive Era, settlement houses in the urban Northeast and Midwest operated robust summer camp programs for the children of their neighborhoods. Each summer, campers enjoyed two weeks of hiking, swimming, nature study, and relaxation. This article argues that summer camps exemplified the environmental agenda of settlement-house workers during the Progressive Era. Unlike smoke abatement, sanitation reform, or playground construction, which addressed isolated components of the urban environment, camps allowed them to articulate a deeply ecological critique of the industrial city. Settlement-house workers constructed camp landscapes and daily programming in response to problems endemic to atmosphere, city streets, and immigrants’ homes, providing children with a total environmental change while meanwhile pursuing slower and more piecemeal reforms back in the city. Settlement house leaders and other Progressive Era reformers discerned an intimate connection between landscapes and morality, which summer camps allowed them to address since they could reform individual behavior in addition to combatting structural inequities. Summer camps demonstrate that settlement-house workers’ environmental philosophy permeated their reform agendas, influencing social work and recreation in addition to politics and public health.
{"title":"Secure from the World’s Contagions: Settlement House Summer Camping in the Progressive Era","authors":"Dustin Meier","doi":"10.1017/S1537781423000026","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S1537781423000026","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Throughout the Progressive Era, settlement houses in the urban Northeast and Midwest operated robust summer camp programs for the children of their neighborhoods. Each summer, campers enjoyed two weeks of hiking, swimming, nature study, and relaxation. This article argues that summer camps exemplified the environmental agenda of settlement-house workers during the Progressive Era. Unlike smoke abatement, sanitation reform, or playground construction, which addressed isolated components of the urban environment, camps allowed them to articulate a deeply ecological critique of the industrial city. Settlement-house workers constructed camp landscapes and daily programming in response to problems endemic to atmosphere, city streets, and immigrants’ homes, providing children with a total environmental change while meanwhile pursuing slower and more piecemeal reforms back in the city. Settlement house leaders and other Progressive Era reformers discerned an intimate connection between landscapes and morality, which summer camps allowed them to address since they could reform individual behavior in addition to combatting structural inequities. Summer camps demonstrate that settlement-house workers’ environmental philosophy permeated their reform agendas, influencing social work and recreation in addition to politics and public health.","PeriodicalId":43534,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44937092","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-30DOI: 10.1017/S1537781423000105
Shawn Varghese
{"title":"Christian Nationalism: The Persistence of an Idea","authors":"Shawn Varghese","doi":"10.1017/S1537781423000105","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S1537781423000105","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":43534,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48230416","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-30DOI: 10.1017/S1537781423000063
Keziah Anderson
Indigenous nations and descendants of Black slaves are rarely thought of as “settlers” in United States history. The term more commonly evokes images of the Mayflower or the Euro-American “Boomers” and “Sooners” who expropriated Indigenous lands in the Land Runs of the late 1800s. In I’ve Been Here All the While: Black Freedom on Native Land, historian Alaina E. Roberts boldly reframes traditional definitions of settler colonialism beyond the mere occupation of land through force by emphasizing a broader “transformation in thinking about and rhetorical justification of what itmeant to reside in a place formerly occupied by someone else” (2). Rather than confining settler colonial processes to dominant Euro-American groups, Roberts explores how subjugated people also “served the goals of spatial occupation and white supremacy,” or the “dual nature of settler colonialism,” by claiming land, rewriting history, and pursuing federal intervention to reinforce their land rights (2). Focusing on the post-Removal lands of the Five Tribes (the Cherokee, Chickasaw, Choctaw, Muscogee Creek, and Seminole Nations), Roberts forcefully asserts that the Native peoples coercively removed to Indian Territory, the formerly enslaved Black people forced across the Trail of Tears with them (whom Roberts terms “Indian freedpeople”), and Black American migrants to Indian Territory all practiced settler colonialism prior to Euro-American political dominance in the region. In a second central argument, Roberts expands the timeline of Reconstruction to 1907 (thirty years after the traditional end date of 1877), offering a critical historiographical intervention that marks the moment when Indian freedpeople received their Dawes land allotments and Oklahoma became a state. Roberts’s innovative study draws from her unique stakes and knowledge as a descendant of the Indigenous, Afro-Native, Black, and white Americans she investigates. Throughout the book, Roberts kneads in family histories of her ancestors and embraces her perspective as their descendant “to see how their freedoms and opportunities were begotten by impeding the freedoms and opportunities of others” (11).
{"title":"Reframing the Settler: Reconstructing Black, Native, and White Histories in Indian Territory","authors":"Keziah Anderson","doi":"10.1017/S1537781423000063","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S1537781423000063","url":null,"abstract":"Indigenous nations and descendants of Black slaves are rarely thought of as “settlers” in United States history. The term more commonly evokes images of the Mayflower or the Euro-American “Boomers” and “Sooners” who expropriated Indigenous lands in the Land Runs of the late 1800s. In I’ve Been Here All the While: Black Freedom on Native Land, historian Alaina E. Roberts boldly reframes traditional definitions of settler colonialism beyond the mere occupation of land through force by emphasizing a broader “transformation in thinking about and rhetorical justification of what itmeant to reside in a place formerly occupied by someone else” (2). Rather than confining settler colonial processes to dominant Euro-American groups, Roberts explores how subjugated people also “served the goals of spatial occupation and white supremacy,” or the “dual nature of settler colonialism,” by claiming land, rewriting history, and pursuing federal intervention to reinforce their land rights (2). Focusing on the post-Removal lands of the Five Tribes (the Cherokee, Chickasaw, Choctaw, Muscogee Creek, and Seminole Nations), Roberts forcefully asserts that the Native peoples coercively removed to Indian Territory, the formerly enslaved Black people forced across the Trail of Tears with them (whom Roberts terms “Indian freedpeople”), and Black American migrants to Indian Territory all practiced settler colonialism prior to Euro-American political dominance in the region. In a second central argument, Roberts expands the timeline of Reconstruction to 1907 (thirty years after the traditional end date of 1877), offering a critical historiographical intervention that marks the moment when Indian freedpeople received their Dawes land allotments and Oklahoma became a state. Roberts’s innovative study draws from her unique stakes and knowledge as a descendant of the Indigenous, Afro-Native, Black, and white Americans she investigates. Throughout the book, Roberts kneads in family histories of her ancestors and embraces her perspective as their descendant “to see how their freedoms and opportunities were begotten by impeding the freedoms and opportunities of others” (11).","PeriodicalId":43534,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42998090","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-04DOI: 10.1017/S1537781423000014
Max Ehrenfreund
Abstract During the First World War, the term “essential business” was used initially in military procurement, and then in disease control when pandemic influenza struck. Essential businesses were exempt from restrictions imposed in the interest of national defense or public health, so debates about essential business concerned the necessity of various goods and services to the consumer. Ultimately, the concept of essential business depended on a shared understanding of the American consumer’s rights and duties as a citizen. On the one hand, consumers furthered the state’s interests by complying with, interpreting, implementing, and enforcing public-health restrictions. On the other, what contemporaries called “the American standard of living” entitled citizens to maintain relatively large expenditures. This relationship between citizenship and consumption explains the economy’s surprising stability in 1918. The flu did not cause a depression because social norms authorized most consumer expenditures as legitimate and appropriate, even during the wartime epidemic. “Essential” work is theorized using the Marxist concept of socially necessary labor, which relates productivity and purchasing power to norms of consumption.
{"title":"Essential Business: The Flu, the War, and the Economy","authors":"Max Ehrenfreund","doi":"10.1017/S1537781423000014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S1537781423000014","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract During the First World War, the term “essential business” was used initially in military procurement, and then in disease control when pandemic influenza struck. Essential businesses were exempt from restrictions imposed in the interest of national defense or public health, so debates about essential business concerned the necessity of various goods and services to the consumer. Ultimately, the concept of essential business depended on a shared understanding of the American consumer’s rights and duties as a citizen. On the one hand, consumers furthered the state’s interests by complying with, interpreting, implementing, and enforcing public-health restrictions. On the other, what contemporaries called “the American standard of living” entitled citizens to maintain relatively large expenditures. This relationship between citizenship and consumption explains the economy’s surprising stability in 1918. The flu did not cause a depression because social norms authorized most consumer expenditures as legitimate and appropriate, even during the wartime epidemic. “Essential” work is theorized using the Marxist concept of socially necessary labor, which relates productivity and purchasing power to norms of consumption.","PeriodicalId":43534,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-04-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44755642","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-01DOI: 10.1017/s153778142200069x
Serenity Sutherland
{"title":"Woman’s Work as the Work of the World","authors":"Serenity Sutherland","doi":"10.1017/s153778142200069x","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s153778142200069x","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":43534,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45509216","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-01DOI: 10.1017/S1537781422000615
Mazie Hough
Abstract From 1877 to 1896, Maine courts sentenced six women accused of infanticide to imprisonment for life. This harsh punishment was in stark contrast to the more lenient punishments given infanticides elsewhere. A close look at these cases through court documents, newspaper accounts, pardon petitions, and attorney general reports suggests that the trials marked a shift in the justice system in Maine as the state increasingly asserted its control over the communities’ response to crime. Historically, women’s expertise with regard to women’s bodies provided a place for them within the local legal system. Under the purview of the state’s attorneys general, the state increasingly assumed control over the detection, adjudication, and punishment of crime. While community members responded to crime with attention to the individual and the circumstances, the state called for the universal application of the written law regardless of the context and claimed that swift and inevitable retribution was necessary to protect all. This shift from the local to the state had a particular impact on women and their role within the community. Long accustomed to arbitrating issues surrounding pregnancy, women found their power to do so subverted and replaced by middle class professionals in distant urban locations.
{"title":"“There Is Nothing So Sacred as Human Life”: Infanticide and the State in Maine, 1877–1917","authors":"Mazie Hough","doi":"10.1017/S1537781422000615","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S1537781422000615","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract From 1877 to 1896, Maine courts sentenced six women accused of infanticide to imprisonment for life. This harsh punishment was in stark contrast to the more lenient punishments given infanticides elsewhere. A close look at these cases through court documents, newspaper accounts, pardon petitions, and attorney general reports suggests that the trials marked a shift in the justice system in Maine as the state increasingly asserted its control over the communities’ response to crime. Historically, women’s expertise with regard to women’s bodies provided a place for them within the local legal system. Under the purview of the state’s attorneys general, the state increasingly assumed control over the detection, adjudication, and punishment of crime. While community members responded to crime with attention to the individual and the circumstances, the state called for the universal application of the written law regardless of the context and claimed that swift and inevitable retribution was necessary to protect all. This shift from the local to the state had a particular impact on women and their role within the community. Long accustomed to arbitrating issues surrounding pregnancy, women found their power to do so subverted and replaced by middle class professionals in distant urban locations.","PeriodicalId":43534,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45716828","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-01DOI: 10.1017/s1537781422000664
Edward O. Frantz
{"title":"Master of the House: Thomas Bracket Reed and the Institution of the Speaker","authors":"Edward O. Frantz","doi":"10.1017/s1537781422000664","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s1537781422000664","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":43534,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46360828","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-01DOI: 10.1017/S1537781422000585
R. Ellis
Abstract The initiative and referendum are commonly characterized as quintessentially Populist or Progressive reforms, but transatlantic socialism deserves pride of place in the intellectual history of direct legislation in the United States. A decade and a half before the People’s Party famously commended the idea of direct legislation at its 1892 nominating convention in Omaha, Nebraska, the Socialist Labor Party (SLP) made the demand for direct legislation a plank in its first party platform. That demand was shaped by the 1875 Gotha Program formulated by the Socialist Workers Party of Germany and informed by socialist debates during the First International and the pioneering work of Moritz Rittinghausen. The diffusion of these ideas among Gilded Age labor radicals is a crucial and underappreciated part of the story of the origins of the initiative and referendum in the United States. That socialists’ pioneering role in the origins of the initiative and referendum in the United States has largely been slighted is particularly ironic since the individual arguably most responsible for securing the direct legislation resolution at Omaha was among the nation’s most successful radical labor organizers and a committed socialist, Joseph R. Buchanan.
{"title":"Reimagining Democracy: The Socialist Origins of the Initiative and Referendum in the United States","authors":"R. Ellis","doi":"10.1017/S1537781422000585","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S1537781422000585","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The initiative and referendum are commonly characterized as quintessentially Populist or Progressive reforms, but transatlantic socialism deserves pride of place in the intellectual history of direct legislation in the United States. A decade and a half before the People’s Party famously commended the idea of direct legislation at its 1892 nominating convention in Omaha, Nebraska, the Socialist Labor Party (SLP) made the demand for direct legislation a plank in its first party platform. That demand was shaped by the 1875 Gotha Program formulated by the Socialist Workers Party of Germany and informed by socialist debates during the First International and the pioneering work of Moritz Rittinghausen. The diffusion of these ideas among Gilded Age labor radicals is a crucial and underappreciated part of the story of the origins of the initiative and referendum in the United States. That socialists’ pioneering role in the origins of the initiative and referendum in the United States has largely been slighted is particularly ironic since the individual arguably most responsible for securing the direct legislation resolution at Omaha was among the nation’s most successful radical labor organizers and a committed socialist, Joseph R. Buchanan.","PeriodicalId":43534,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41284149","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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