The Ukraine war since February 2022 has exposed stark cleavages in international politics. The end of history long ago ended, and with it the conviction that Western civilization and its distinctive form of modernity would become universal.1 The clash of civilizations, in the model outlined by Samuel Huntington, has also been shown to be misdirected, although not entirely misguided.2 There is a struggle between civilizations, but the line is drawn not between the great religious blocs but along rather different lines. It is the Atlantic West that has emerged as the leading contender, provoking a range of reactions from Eurasia and the Global South. The front line now runs within the Global North, between the Atlantic powers and an ill-defined Eurasian bloc, both of which are firmly part of European culture and civilization. The conflict can be viewed as a type of civil war, generated not by civilizational conflict per se but by geopolitics. The political West that took shape in Cold War I represented a distinctive combination of power and authority. Power was expressed above all by the military potential vested in the United States and formalized in a multilateral format with the creation of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in 1949. Authority was generated by the principles underlying the political West, whose founding document is the Atlantic Charter of August 1941, which enunciated Wilsonian themes of democracy and security.
{"title":"Civilizations, Autonomy, and War","authors":"R. Sakwa","doi":"10.3817/1222201084","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3817/1222201084","url":null,"abstract":"The Ukraine war since February 2022 has exposed stark cleavages in international politics. The end of history long ago ended, and with it the conviction that Western civilization and its distinctive form of modernity would become universal.1 The clash of civilizations, in the model outlined by Samuel Huntington, has also been shown to be misdirected, although not entirely misguided.2 There is a struggle between civilizations, but the line is drawn not between the great religious blocs but along rather different lines. It is the Atlantic West that has emerged as the leading contender, provoking a range of reactions from Eurasia and the Global South. The front line now runs within the Global North, between the Atlantic powers and an ill-defined Eurasian bloc, both of which are firmly part of European culture and civilization. The conflict can be viewed as a type of civil war, generated not by civilizational conflict per se but by geopolitics. The political West that took shape in Cold War I represented a distinctive combination of power and authority. Power was expressed above all by the military potential vested in the United States and formalized in a multilateral format with the creation of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in 1949. Authority was generated by the principles underlying the political West, whose founding document is the Atlantic Charter of August 1941, which enunciated Wilsonian themes of democracy and security.","PeriodicalId":43573,"journal":{"name":"Telos","volume":"76 1","pages":"84 - 108"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85561810","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Sartor Resartus as Fiction and Non-Fiction Thomas Carlyle’s Sartor Resartus can be engaged and applied as a work of political philosophy. As satirical fiction, it has been ignored for its serious and normative implications. That Carlyle employs satire as a vehicle to construct and communicate philosophical conclusions should neither obscure nor detract from the practical significance of such conclusions. There is no singular and definitive interpretation of the meaning of Sartor Resartus in its totality, largely due to the question of irony surrounding its plot structure. Janice L. Haney acknowledges that there is a “problem,” which is not clearly resolvable, as to how to read Sartor Resartus’s “ironic surface,” especially since Carlyle uses multiple levels of fiction and the text has a fragmented style.1 Gerry H. Brookes argues that irony is a rhetorical device that Carlyle employs to convince the reader of the truth of transcendentalism.2 Albert J. LaValley maintains that the irony in Sartor Resartus articulates a pessimism with respect to humanity’s philosophical prospects, and thus a lack of affirmation of transcendentalism.3
托马斯·卡莱尔的《萨托·雷萨图斯》可以作为一部政治哲学著作来研究和应用。作为讽刺小说，它因其严肃和规范的含义而被忽视。卡莱尔运用讽刺作为一种工具来构建和传达哲学结论，这既不应模糊也不应减损这些结论的实际意义。对于《萨托·雷萨图斯》的整体意义，没有单一和明确的解释，这主要是由于围绕其情节结构的讽刺问题。Janice L. Haney承认，对于如何解读Sartor Resartus的“讽刺表面”存在一个“问题”，这个问题并没有明确的解决方案，特别是因为Carlyle使用了多层次的小说，并且文本具有碎片化的风格格里·h·布鲁克斯认为，反讽是卡莱尔用来说服读者相信先验主义真理的一种修辞手段Albert J. LaValley认为Sartor Resartus的讽刺表达了一种对人类哲学前景的悲观主义，因此缺乏对先验主义的肯定
{"title":"Thomas Carlyle’s Conception of Transcendentalism in Sartor Resartus and Its Application to Theorizing Postliberalism","authors":"Brian Wolfel","doi":"10.3817/0622199125","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3817/0622199125","url":null,"abstract":"Sartor Resartus as Fiction and Non-Fiction Thomas Carlyle’s Sartor Resartus can be engaged and applied as a work of political philosophy. As satirical fiction, it has been ignored for its serious and normative implications. That Carlyle employs satire as a vehicle to construct and communicate philosophical conclusions should neither obscure nor detract from the practical significance of such conclusions. There is no singular and definitive interpretation of the meaning of Sartor Resartus in its totality, largely due to the question of irony surrounding its plot structure. Janice L. Haney acknowledges that there is a “problem,” which is not clearly resolvable, as to how to read Sartor Resartus’s “ironic surface,” especially since Carlyle uses multiple levels of fiction and the text has a fragmented style.1 Gerry H. Brookes argues that irony is a rhetorical device that Carlyle employs to convince the reader of the truth of transcendentalism.2 Albert J. LaValley maintains that the irony in Sartor Resartus articulates a pessimism with respect to humanity’s philosophical prospects, and thus a lack of affirmation of transcendentalism.3","PeriodicalId":43573,"journal":{"name":"Telos","volume":"45 1","pages":"125 - 149"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86454929","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
State sovereignty has a complicated relationship to individual rights. They are clearly in opposition, and both left-wing anarchist and right-wing libertarian critiques of the state have attempted to defend individual freedoms against the power of the state. Yet more traditional liberals and conservatives often see the state as the guarantor of individual rights, the left looking to the state as a provider of welfare services to the disadvantaged, and neoconservatives defending state power as the guarantor of individual rights against foreign aggressors as well as domestic enemies. These four different approaches map out a political landscape that is divided not just into left–right but also into pro- and anti-state tendencies.
{"title":"Introduction: The Modern City in World Cinema","authors":"D. Pan","doi":"10.3817/0322198003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3817/0322198003","url":null,"abstract":"State sovereignty has a complicated relationship to individual rights. They are clearly in opposition, and both left-wing anarchist and right-wing libertarian critiques of the state have attempted to defend individual freedoms against the power of the state. Yet more traditional liberals and conservatives often see the state as the guarantor of individual rights, the left looking to the state as a provider of welfare services to the disadvantaged, and neoconservatives defending state power as the guarantor of individual rights against foreign aggressors as well as domestic enemies. These four different approaches map out a political landscape that is divided not just into left–right but also into pro- and anti-state tendencies.","PeriodicalId":43573,"journal":{"name":"Telos","volume":"135 1","pages":"3 - 8"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75825792","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Thank you for inviting me to the Telos Conference. Unlike most of you, I am not a philosopher. I was trained as a historian. Some of you though may consider that to be, by definition, a failed philosopher.
{"title":"Escape from Civilization’s Predicaments","authors":"Miles Yu","doi":"10.3817/1222201051","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3817/1222201051","url":null,"abstract":"Thank you for inviting me to the Telos Conference. Unlike most of you, I am not a philosopher. I was trained as a historian. Some of you though may consider that to be, by definition, a failed philosopher.","PeriodicalId":43573,"journal":{"name":"Telos","volume":"43 1","pages":"51 - 61"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82608793","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Contemplation in a Restless Age: Byung-Chul Han on Ritual","authors":"S. Knepper","doi":"10.3817/0622199189","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3817/0622199189","url":null,"abstract":"Byung-Chul Han, The Disappearance of Rituals: A Topology of the Present. Translated by Daniel Steuer. Cambridge: Polity Press, 2020. Pp. vi + 104.","PeriodicalId":43573,"journal":{"name":"Telos","volume":"31 1","pages":"189 - 191"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82366521","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
China and the West. I have accepted this assignment, to write something about “China and the West.”1 It calls for a deep breath. How to construe it? Of course the topic is a construct. Who calls for there to be such a topic, who needs it, who wishes it into being, in order to make what happen?
{"title":"“China and the West” as Lore and Lure","authors":"Haun Saussy","doi":"10.3817/0622199057","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3817/0622199057","url":null,"abstract":"China and the West. I have accepted this assignment, to write something about “China and the West.”1 It calls for a deep breath. How to construe it? Of course the topic is a construct. Who calls for there to be such a topic, who needs it, who wishes it into being, in order to make what happen?","PeriodicalId":43573,"journal":{"name":"Telos","volume":"17 1","pages":"57 - 64"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75532307","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Russian invasion of Ukraine has signaled the emergence of nationstate politics as the new basis of global order. Gone is the hope that globalization would establish a world of interlocking trade relationships to mediate between regions and cultures in order to establish a liberal order of peace and prosperity. On the one hand, the benefits of trade have created opportunities to use trade as a means of coercion that is being used on both sides of the conflict. On the other hand, economic globalization is now being rolled back in such a way that the global economy will be structured more along the lines of political antagonisms. But as opposed to the Cold War, in which the ideological conflict was defined as capitalism vs. communism, or to the post–Cold War era, in which liberal democracy set itself against authoritarianism, the conflict is now between competing nationalisms. Russia has relied on the notion of the civilizational state to support its claims on Ukrainian territory, but in fact the appeal is to Russian nationalism as the basis for a nation-based imperialism in the tradition of Napoleon and Hitler. But as with Napoleon in Spain or indeed in Russia, the Russian nationalist expansion into Ukraine is itself engendering the development of a Ukrainian nationalism that is seeking to ally itself with Europe in order to make its nationalist claims.
{"title":"The Russian Invasion of Ukraine and the Rise of the Nation-State","authors":"D. Pan","doi":"10.3817/0622199171","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3817/0622199171","url":null,"abstract":"The Russian invasion of Ukraine has signaled the emergence of nationstate politics as the new basis of global order. Gone is the hope that globalization would establish a world of interlocking trade relationships to mediate between regions and cultures in order to establish a liberal order of peace and prosperity. On the one hand, the benefits of trade have created opportunities to use trade as a means of coercion that is being used on both sides of the conflict. On the other hand, economic globalization is now being rolled back in such a way that the global economy will be structured more along the lines of political antagonisms. But as opposed to the Cold War, in which the ideological conflict was defined as capitalism vs. communism, or to the post–Cold War era, in which liberal democracy set itself against authoritarianism, the conflict is now between competing nationalisms. Russia has relied on the notion of the civilizational state to support its claims on Ukrainian territory, but in fact the appeal is to Russian nationalism as the basis for a nation-based imperialism in the tradition of Napoleon and Hitler. But as with Napoleon in Spain or indeed in Russia, the Russian nationalist expansion into Ukraine is itself engendering the development of a Ukrainian nationalism that is seeking to ally itself with Europe in order to make its nationalist claims.","PeriodicalId":43573,"journal":{"name":"Telos","volume":"66 1","pages":"171 - 174"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87213488","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Preamble My choice of “antinomy” with regard to the predicament of the refugees is a reference to Kant’s philosophy. For Kant, “reason’s natural illusions are not merely revealed by subtle philosophical analysis but unavoidably manifest themselves in the form of actual contradictions each side of which seems . . . plausible.” In a similar vein, the antinomies of refugee reason are not merely the results of a theoretical exercise but forms of “actual contradictions.” To overcome the impasse of the antinomies, Kant recommended adapting the key distinction of transcendental idealism between appearances and things in themselves. This solution might be tempting, for instance, when brought to bear on refugee subalternity, which could be resolved by conceding that the sociopolitical construction of their existence “for us” does not get at their being in and for themselves. (As a matter of fact, the backdrop for Spivak’s notion of subalternity is thoroughly Kantian, in that no representation is able to express the being of the represented, which endures as a kind of oppressed and mute thing in itself.) Here, however, we exhaust the usefulness of Kant and must turn to Hegel and Marx. That is to say, we must dialectically affirm the nonillusory nature and necessity of self-contradiction (Hegel), as well as insist on tackling actual contradictions in actuality, in and through political practice (Marx). Needless to say, the ambit of this practice ought to be significantly wider than the refugee question: it would need to occupy itself with
{"title":"The Antinomies of Refugee Reason","authors":"M. Marder","doi":"10.3817/0322198113","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3817/0322198113","url":null,"abstract":"Preamble My choice of “antinomy” with regard to the predicament of the refugees is a reference to Kant’s philosophy. For Kant, “reason’s natural illusions are not merely revealed by subtle philosophical analysis but unavoidably manifest themselves in the form of actual contradictions each side of which seems . . . plausible.” In a similar vein, the antinomies of refugee reason are not merely the results of a theoretical exercise but forms of “actual contradictions.” To overcome the impasse of the antinomies, Kant recommended adapting the key distinction of transcendental idealism between appearances and things in themselves. This solution might be tempting, for instance, when brought to bear on refugee subalternity, which could be resolved by conceding that the sociopolitical construction of their existence “for us” does not get at their being in and for themselves. (As a matter of fact, the backdrop for Spivak’s notion of subalternity is thoroughly Kantian, in that no representation is able to express the being of the represented, which endures as a kind of oppressed and mute thing in itself.) Here, however, we exhaust the usefulness of Kant and must turn to Hegel and Marx. That is to say, we must dialectically affirm the nonillusory nature and necessity of self-contradiction (Hegel), as well as insist on tackling actual contradictions in actuality, in and through political practice (Marx). Needless to say, the ambit of this practice ought to be significantly wider than the refugee question: it would need to occupy itself with","PeriodicalId":43573,"journal":{"name":"Telos","volume":"30 1","pages":"113 - 123"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87457504","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
A Dialogue between Kukai and John Scotus Eriugena The Japanese philosopher and calligrapher Kukai (774–835), founder of esoteric Shingon Buddhism, talks to John Scotus Eriugena (800–877), an Irish philosopher and the author of The Division of Nature, who held that nature includes the things that are and the things that are not.
{"title":"Dialogues","authors":"Wayne Hudson","doi":"10.3817/0922200195","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3817/0922200195","url":null,"abstract":"A Dialogue between Kukai and John Scotus Eriugena The Japanese philosopher and calligrapher Kukai (774–835), founder of esoteric Shingon Buddhism, talks to John Scotus Eriugena (800–877), an Irish philosopher and the author of The Division of Nature, who held that nature includes the things that are and the things that are not.","PeriodicalId":43573,"journal":{"name":"Telos","volume":"160 1","pages":"195 - 199"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87897381","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
On January 13, 2022, news arrived from Washington, DC, about the contents of a U.S. Justice Department indictment. It accused Stewart Rhodes and ten other associates of “seditious conspiracy” for illegal actions before, and then during, the January 6, 2021, larger riotous assault on the U.S. Capitol, which disrupted the joint session of Congress convened ceremoniously to count the presidential ballots of the Electoral College certifying Joe Biden’s electoral victory for the White House. Rhodes is the founder and current leader of the Oath Keepers, a large right-wing militia group popular among citizens with law enforcement, military, and security experience, whose name derives from their solemn oaths of loyalty to the U.S. Constitution.
{"title":"Three Decades of Civil War in the United States: “Don’t Tread on Me”","authors":"T. Luke","doi":"10.3817/0322198141","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3817/0322198141","url":null,"abstract":"On January 13, 2022, news arrived from Washington, DC, about the contents of a U.S. Justice Department indictment. It accused Stewart Rhodes and ten other associates of “seditious conspiracy” for illegal actions before, and then during, the January 6, 2021, larger riotous assault on the U.S. Capitol, which disrupted the joint session of Congress convened ceremoniously to count the presidential ballots of the Electoral College certifying Joe Biden’s electoral victory for the White House. Rhodes is the founder and current leader of the Oath Keepers, a large right-wing militia group popular among citizens with law enforcement, military, and security experience, whose name derives from their solemn oaths of loyalty to the U.S. Constitution.","PeriodicalId":43573,"journal":{"name":"Telos","volume":"115 1","pages":"141 - 148"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89044822","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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