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From the Ivory Tower to the Football Stadium: A Rueful Response to Michael Hüther 从象牙塔到足球场:对迈克尔·赫<s:1>瑟尔的遗憾回应
IF 0.1 4区 社会学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.3817/0922200171
David A. Westbrook
In “Tired of Science?! Notes on the Relationship between University and Society,” Michael Hüther insightfully updates a preoccupation of German intellectuals running back at least to Kant’s Conflict of the Faculties, the relationship between science and society, and so between “truth” and “politics,” and the extent to which an enlightened politics is even possible—but let us not get too far ahead of ourselves.
在《厌倦了科学?!》《大学与社会关系注释》,迈克尔·赫特尔(Michael h特尔)深刻地更新了德国知识分子的关注,至少可以追溯到康德的《能力的冲突》,科学与社会之间的关系,“真理”与“政治”之间的关系,以及开明的政治在多大程度上是可能的——但让我们不要走得太远。
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引用次数: 0
The Underlying Unity of the American People 美国人民的基本团结
IF 0.1 4区 社会学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.3817/0322198159
D. Pan
Paul Kahn and Tim Luke base their claim that the United States is involved in a civil war on the implacability of the political differences between left and right that prevent any reconciliation. Arguing that the differences go beyond policy choices to questions of identity that are not subject to the compromises of party politics, they interpret recent examples of violence such as the January 6 Capitol riots as the rule rather than the exception. Yet in indicating that we are in an indefinite state of exception, they obscure the moment of decision that is part of the exception. Kahn notes that war is the opposite of the sovereign ability to decide. But a state of indecision is not in fact a state of war. It is just a lack of clear sovereignty that can last indefinitely until a sovereign emerges who is able to establish a decision. The state of war only results when two competing sovereigns emerge and both attempt to decide on a state of exception, that is to say, both are able to mobilize people to kill and die to establish their understanding of their identity.1 The United States is still very far away from this scenario. As Mark G. E. Kelly notes, the institutions of the United States are still functioning properly, and even if there is rhetoric on both sides that rejects election results, the outcomes of elections have been honored in practice and the mechanisms of government continue to function without problem. There is no immediate paralysis that would indicate a state of indecision, and there is not even the prospect of competing sovereigns who would both declare states of exception to begin a war.
保罗·卡恩(Paul Kahn)和蒂姆·卢克(Tim Luke)声称,美国卷入了一场内战,原因是左翼和右翼之间不可调和的政治分歧阻碍了任何和解。他们认为,这种差异超越了政策选择,而是身份问题,不受政党政治妥协的影响。他们将最近发生的暴力事件(如1月6日国会大厦骚乱)解释为普遍现象,而不是例外。然而,在表明我们处于一种不确定的例外状态时,它们模糊了作为例外的一部分的决定时刻。卡恩指出,战争是主权决策能力的对立面。但优柔寡断的状态实际上并不是战争状态。它只是缺乏明确的主权,这种主权可以无限期地持续下去,直到出现一个能够制定决策的主权。战争状态只有在两个相互竞争的主权国家出现时才会产生,并且都试图决定一种例外状态,也就是说,双方都能够动员人民杀戮和死亡,以建立他们对自己身份的理解美国离这种情况还很遥远。正如马克·g·e·凯利(Mark G. E. Kelly)所指出的那样,美国的制度仍在正常运转,即使双方都在口头上反对选举结果,但选举结果在实践中得到了尊重,政府机制继续正常运转。目前还没有出现表明优柔寡断的立即瘫痪状态,甚至不可能出现主权国家相互竞争,双方都宣布进入例外状态以发动战争的情况。
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引用次数: 0
Introduction: The Modern City in World Cinema 导论:世界电影中的现代都市
IF 0.1 4区 社会学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.3817/0322198003
D. Pan
State sovereignty has a complicated relationship to individual rights. They are clearly in opposition, and both left-wing anarchist and right-wing libertarian critiques of the state have attempted to defend individual freedoms against the power of the state. Yet more traditional liberals and conservatives often see the state as the guarantor of individual rights, the left looking to the state as a provider of welfare services to the disadvantaged, and neoconservatives defending state power as the guarantor of individual rights against foreign aggressors as well as domestic enemies. These four different approaches map out a political landscape that is divided not just into left–right but also into pro- and anti-state tendencies.
国家主权与个人权利有着复杂的关系。他们显然是对立的,左翼无政府主义者和右翼自由意志主义者对国家的批评都试图捍卫个人自由,反对国家权力。然而,更传统的自由主义者和保守主义者通常将国家视为个人权利的保障者,左派将国家视为弱势群体福利服务的提供者,而新保守主义者则捍卫国家权力,将其视为个人权利的保障者,抵御外国侵略者和国内敌人。这四种不同的方法描绘了一种政治格局,这种政治格局不仅分为左右两派,而且还分为支持和反对政府的倾向。
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引用次数: 0
“China and the West” as Lore and Lure 《中国与西方》的爱情与诱惑
IF 0.1 4区 社会学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.3817/0622199057
Haun Saussy
China and the West. I have accepted this assignment, to write something about “China and the West.”1 It calls for a deep breath. How to construe it? Of course the topic is a construct. Who calls for there to be such a topic, who needs it, who wishes it into being, in order to make what happen?
中国和西方。我接受了这个任务,写一些关于“中国和西方”的东西。这需要你深吸一口气。如何解释呢?当然,这个话题是一个构想。是谁要求有这样一个话题,是谁需要它,是谁希望它存在,以便使事情发生?
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引用次数: 0
The Antinomies of Refugee Reason 难民理性的矛盾
IF 0.1 4区 社会学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.3817/0322198113
M. Marder
Preamble My choice of “antinomy” with regard to the predicament of the refugees is a reference to Kant’s philosophy. For Kant, “reason’s natural illusions are not merely revealed by subtle philosophical analysis but unavoidably manifest themselves in the form of actual contradictions each side of which seems . . . plausible.” In a similar vein, the antinomies of refugee reason are not merely the results of a theoretical exercise but forms of “actual contradictions.” To overcome the impasse of the antinomies, Kant recommended adapting the key distinction of transcendental idealism between appearances and things in themselves. This solution might be tempting, for instance, when brought to bear on refugee subalternity, which could be resolved by conceding that the sociopolitical construction of their existence “for us” does not get at their being in and for themselves. (As a matter of fact, the backdrop for Spivak’s notion of subalternity is thoroughly Kantian, in that no representation is able to express the being of the represented, which endures as a kind of oppressed and mute thing in itself.) Here, however, we exhaust the usefulness of Kant and must turn to Hegel and Marx. That is to say, we must dialectically affirm the nonillusory nature and necessity of self-contradiction (Hegel), as well as insist on tackling actual contradictions in actuality, in and through political practice (Marx). Needless to say, the ambit of this practice ought to be significantly wider than the refugee question: it would need to occupy itself with
我对难民困境的“二律背反”的选择是对康德哲学的借鉴。对康德来说,“理性的自然幻觉不仅是通过微妙的哲学分析揭示出来的,而且不可避免地以实际矛盾的形式表现出来,这些矛盾的每一面似乎都是……”可信的。”同样,难民理性的二律背反不仅仅是理论实践的结果,而是“实际矛盾”的形式。为了克服二律背反的僵局,康德建议调整先验唯心主义在表象与自在之物之间的关键区别。这种解决方案可能是诱人的,例如,当涉及到难民的次等性时,这个问题可以通过承认他们“为我们”存在的社会政治建构并没有涉及他们的存在和为他们自己而存在来解决。(事实上,斯皮瓦克的次等性概念的背景完全是康德式的,因为任何表征都不能表达被表征者的存在,被表征者的存在本身就是一种被压迫和沉默的东西。)然而,在这里,我们用尽了康德的有用性,必须转向黑格尔和马克思。这就是说,既要辩证地肯定自我矛盾的非虚幻性和必然性(黑格尔),又要坚持在现实中、在政治实践中、通过政治实践来解决实际矛盾(马克思)。不用说,这种做法的范围应该比难民问题广泛得多:它需要处理
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引用次数: 0
Contemplation in a Restless Age: Byung-Chul Han on Ritual 不安时代的沉思:韩炳哲论仪式
IF 0.1 4区 社会学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.3817/0622199189
S. Knepper
Byung-Chul Han, The Disappearance of Rituals: A Topology of the Present. Translated by Daniel Steuer. Cambridge: Polity Press, 2020. Pp. vi + 104.
韩炳哲,《仪式的消失:当下的拓扑学》。Daniel Steuer翻译。剑桥:政治出版社,2020。第vi + 104页。
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引用次数: 0
Escape from Civilization’s Predicaments 逃离文明的困境
IF 0.1 4区 社会学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.3817/1222201051
Miles Yu
Thank you for inviting me to the Telos Conference. Unlike most of you, I am not a philosopher. I was trained as a historian. Some of you though may consider that to be, by definition, a failed philosopher.
谢谢你邀请我参加泰罗斯会议。与你们大多数人不同,我不是哲学家。我被训练成历史学家。你们中的一些人可能会认为,根据定义,这是一个失败的哲学家。
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引用次数: 0
Dialogues 对话
IF 0.1 4区 社会学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.3817/0922200195
Wayne Hudson
A Dialogue between Kukai and John Scotus Eriugena The Japanese philosopher and calligrapher Kukai (774–835), founder of esoteric Shingon Buddhism, talks to John Scotus Eriugena (800–877), an Irish philosopher and the author of The Division of Nature, who held that nature includes the things that are and the things that are not.
日本哲学家、书法家、玄派佛教的创始人龟井(774-835)与《自然的划分》一书的作者、爱尔兰哲学家约翰·斯各脱斯·留赫纳(800-877)进行了对话。约翰认为自然包括存在的事物和不存在的事物。
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引用次数: 0
The Russian Invasion of Ukraine and the Rise of the Nation-State 俄罗斯入侵乌克兰与民族国家的崛起
IF 0.1 4区 社会学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.3817/0622199171
D. Pan
The Russian invasion of Ukraine has signaled the emergence of nationstate politics as the new basis of global order. Gone is the hope that globalization would establish a world of interlocking trade relationships to mediate between regions and cultures in order to establish a liberal order of peace and prosperity. On the one hand, the benefits of trade have created opportunities to use trade as a means of coercion that is being used on both sides of the conflict. On the other hand, economic globalization is now being rolled back in such a way that the global economy will be structured more along the lines of political antagonisms. But as opposed to the Cold War, in which the ideological conflict was defined as capitalism vs. communism, or to the post–Cold War era, in which liberal democracy set itself against authoritarianism, the conflict is now between competing nationalisms. Russia has relied on the notion of the civilizational state to support its claims on Ukrainian territory, but in fact the appeal is to Russian nationalism as the basis for a nation-based imperialism in the tradition of Napoleon and Hitler. But as with Napoleon in Spain or indeed in Russia, the Russian nationalist expansion into Ukraine is itself engendering the development of a Ukrainian nationalism that is seeking to ally itself with Europe in order to make its nationalist claims.
俄罗斯入侵乌克兰标志着民族国家政治作为全球秩序新基础的出现。全球化将建立一个环环相扣的贸易关系的世界,在地区和文化之间进行调解,以建立一个和平与繁荣的自由秩序的希望已经一去不复返了。一方面,贸易的好处创造了利用贸易作为强制手段的机会,冲突双方都在使用这种手段。另一方面,经济全球化正在倒退,全球经济的结构将更多地沿着政治对抗的方向发展。但与冷战时期的意识形态冲突被定义为资本主义与共产主义,或后冷战时期的自由民主与威权主义的冲突不同,现在的冲突是相互竞争的民族主义之间的冲突。俄罗斯一直依靠文明国家的概念来支持其对乌克兰领土的主张,但实际上,它的吸引力在于,俄罗斯民族主义是拿破仑和希特勒传统中以民族为基础的帝国主义的基础。但就像拿破仑在西班牙或俄国一样,俄国民族主义向乌克兰的扩张本身就导致了乌克兰民族主义的发展,乌克兰民族主义寻求与欧洲结盟,以实现其民族主义主张。
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引用次数: 0
China Shakes the World: A Revolutionary Remaking of the International Order 《中国撼动世界:国际秩序的革命性重塑
IF 0.1 4区 社会学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.3817/1222201038
Gordon G. Chang
“We are now living in a totally new era,” Henry Kissinger said in May 2022 in an interview with the Financial Times)1
“我们现在生活在一个全新的时代,”亨利•基辛格(Henry Kissinger)在2022年5月接受英国《金融时报》采访时表示
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引用次数: 0
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