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Go West 西部大开发
IF 0.4 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2019-12-01 DOI: 10.3167/isr.2019.340304
Shlomit Guy
This article discusses the transformations in Israeli football over the last two decades, exploring the top-down and bottom-up motivations present in local football and characterizing foreign practices as more Western, or even more ‘civilized’, as Norbert Elias would describe it. Yet, the transformations of English and European football over the last three decades suggest that ‘Western’ is not so much a geographic term as it is a political, moral, and social status, one requiring English, European, and Israeli football to make dedicated political and cultural investments in numerous arenas.
本文讨论了过去二十年来以色列足球的转变,探讨了当地足球中自上而下和自下而上的动机,并将外国的做法描述为更西方,甚至更“文明”,正如诺伯特·埃利亚斯所描述的那样。然而,英国和欧洲足球在过去三十年中的转变表明,“西方”与其说是一个地理术语,不如说是一种政治、道德和社会地位,这需要英国、欧洲和以色列足球在众多赛场上进行专门的政治和文化投资。
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引用次数: 0
Guest Editors' Introduction 特邀编辑介绍
IF 0.4 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2019-12-01 DOI: 10.3167/isr.2019.340301
T. Rapoport, A. B. Porat
Israel, where it has been played every weekend all over the country since before the establishment of the state. Football is not just a game that children and adults love to play and watch; it also involves individual, group, and collective identities, and local and national identification. Football reflects, and often accentuates, political and social conflicts that highlight ethno-national, class, political, and gender hierarchies and tensions in society. The game is largely dependent on the surrounding context(s) that determines its “relative autonomy,” which shapes its distinguished fandom culture(s) and practices (Rapoport 2016).
在以色列,自建国以来,每个周末都会在全国范围内进行比赛。足球不仅仅是儿童和成年人喜欢玩和观看的一项运动;它还涉及个人、群体和集体身份,以及地方和国家身份。足球反映并经常加剧政治和社会冲突,这些冲突突出了社会中的种族、民族、阶级、政治和性别等级和紧张局势。游戏很大程度上依赖于决定其“相对自主性”的周围环境,这也塑造了其独特的粉丝文化和实践(Rapoport 2016)。
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引用次数: 0
"We Are Not Racists, We Are Nationalists" “我们不是种族主义者,我们是民族主义者”
IF 0.4 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2019-12-01 DOI: 10.3167/isr.2019.340306
Guy Abutbul-Selinger
This article explores the opposition expressed by fans of the Beitar Jerusalem football club to the presence of Arab players on their team. I suggest that instead of suspecting that fans’ behavior originates in false consciousness, we suspend suspicion and reconstruct the meanings they bring to their actions. Narrative analysis of fan interviews reveals the communitarian logic underlying their points of view. By appropriating sacred spheres in Judaism that demarcate the boundaries of the Jewish community, and identifying them with Beitar as opposed to signifying Arab players as defiling Beitar, fans delineate boundaries between Jews and Arabs. Through the sanctification of Beitar, the fans define Jewish collective boundaries and thereby preserve their worldview and identity while maintaining a hierarchy that grants Jews advantages in Israel.
这篇文章探讨了耶路撒冷Beitar足球俱乐部的球迷对他们球队中出现阿拉伯球员的反对意见。我建议我们不要怀疑粉丝的行为源于错误的意识,而是暂停怀疑,重构他们为自己的行为带来的意义。对粉丝访谈的叙事分析揭示了其观点背后的社群主义逻辑。球迷们通过挪用犹太教中划定犹太社区边界的神圣领域,并将其与Beitar联系起来,而不是将阿拉伯球员视为玷污Beitar,从而划定了犹太人和阿拉伯人之间的界限。通过对Beitar的神圣化,粉丝们定义了犹太人的集体边界,从而保留了他们的世界观和身份,同时保持了犹太人在以色列的优势等级。
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引用次数: 3
The Palestinian Flag Is Back 巴勒斯坦国旗又回来了
IF 0.4 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2019-12-01 DOI: 10.3167/isr.2019.340307
Tamir Sorek
This article reexamines my argument published in 2007 regarding the apolitical character of Arab soccer fans in Israel. Until recently, explicit political protest and expressions of Palestinian national identity have remained outside the stadium. For most Arab fans, soccer was an opportunity to display common ground with Jewish citizens. Displaying Palestinian nationalism was considered to be endangering the potential for rapprochement. However, over the past decade the barriers that blocked political protest from entering the stadium have been ruptured. Several interrelated factors are suggested as explanations for this shift: multiple cycles of escalated violence in the region, a wave of anti-Arab legislation, the globalization of fan culture, the model of a politicized soccer fan provided during the Arab Spring, and the emergence of social media.
这篇文章重新审视了我在2007年发表的关于以色列阿拉伯球迷的非政治特征的论点。直到最近,明确的政治抗议和巴勒斯坦民族认同的表达仍在体育场外。对大多数阿拉伯球迷来说,足球是一个展示与犹太公民共同点的机会。显示巴勒斯坦民族主义被认为会危及和解的可能性。然而,在过去的十年里,阻止政治抗议进入体育场的障碍已经被打破。几个相互关联的因素被认为可以解释这种转变:该地区暴力升级的多个周期,反阿拉伯立法浪潮,球迷文化的全球化,阿拉伯之春期间提供的政治化球迷模式,以及社交媒体的出现。
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引用次数: 3
Game, Set, Match 游戏,定局,比赛
IF 0.4 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2019-12-01 DOI: 10.3167/isr.2019.340303
Y. Galily, Alex Nirenburg
This study traces, conceptually and historically, how the relationship between Israeli soccer, its fans, and the varied means of communications has evolved over the last century. We contend that these symbiotic relations, including their effects on soccer devotees, can be divided into four sub-epochs, each having a tremendous effect, not only on the development of soccer and media, but on other interrelated processes. Consequently, we argue that the development of soccer (association football), can be adequately understood only by presenting it in its historical context. The processes of state formation, population growth, urbanization, commercialization and, most germane for present purposes, the development of soccer-media-fan relations, are not isolated but rather interdependent, and therefore of significant importance when discussing soccer and media in the Israel context.
这项研究从概念上和历史上追溯了以色列足球、球迷和各种通信手段之间的关系在上个世纪是如何演变的。我们认为,这些共生关系,包括它们对足球爱好者的影响,可以分为四个子时代,每个子时代都有巨大的影响,不仅对足球和媒体的发展,而且对其他相互关联的过程。因此,我们认为只有将足球(足协)的发展置于其历史背景中,才能充分理解足球的发展。国家形成、人口增长、城市化、商业化的过程,以及与当前目的最密切相关的足球-媒体-球迷关系的发展,不是孤立的,而是相互依存的,因此在讨论以色列背景下的足球和媒体时具有重要意义。
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引用次数: 0
Each Female Fan Has Her Own Story 每个女粉丝都有自己的故事
IF 0.4 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2019-12-01 DOI: 10.3167/isr.2019.340305
T. Rapoport, Efrat Noy
This article advocates autoethnography as a critical feminist methodology for using personal testimony to investigate women’s experience and performance of fandom The article’s centerpiece is an analysis of the personal testimonies of three women—researcher-fans of different ages—of a fan-owned club Hapoel Katamon Jerusalem. In addition to revealing women’s gendered-based experiences and the different ways in which women acquire and perform fandom, their personal stories prove valuable for exposing the gendered regime of the football field. Moreover, they reveal how women who are not fluent in the hegemonic language of fandom make their way in the fandom field as they seek their own voice and position in it. The analysis suggests that women’s participation can disrupt the hegemonic masculinity of fandom and challenge its established boundaries, thereby problematizing accepted definitions of the authentic fan.
本文主张将自我民族志作为一种批判性的女权主义方法,使用个人证词来调查女性在狂热中的经历和表现。文章的核心部分是对耶路撒冷Hapoel Katamon俱乐部的三名不同年龄的女性研究者和粉丝的个人证词进行分析。除了揭示女性基于性别的经历以及女性获得和表现粉丝的不同方式外,她们的个人故事对揭示足球场上的性别制度也很有价值。此外,她们还揭示了那些不熟悉粉丝圈霸权语言的女性是如何在粉丝圈领域中寻找自己的声音和位置的。分析表明,女性的参与可以打破迷迷界的男性霸权,并挑战其既定的界限,从而使人们对真实迷迷的公认定义出现问题。
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引用次数: 0
A Nexus of Sensationalism and Politics 哗众取宠与政治的关系
IF 0.4 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2019-09-01 DOI: 10.3167/isr.2019.340207
Ouzi Elyada
This article looks at how a group of radical Revisionist journalists who assumed effective control of the newspaper Doar Ha-Yom in July 1929 attempted to fuse politics and sensationalism against the background of the Western Wall affair that, in late August of that year, evolved into the violent incidents collectively known as the 1929 riots (or massacres). Examination of the paper during the month preceding the riots shows clearly that its editors made a systematic attempt to inflame the Jewish population of Mandate Palestine. These sensationalist editing techniques, reminiscent of the pamphleteer style, were employed not only to sell more copies of the paper, as had been the case before the Revisionists took control, but also to advance Revisionist political goals. The article examines the model that the Revisionists used to shape their incendiary strategy, the provocative process itself, and the question of the editors’ responsibility for the 1929 riots.
本文考察了一群激进的修正主义记者如何在1929年7月有效控制了《Doar haom》报纸,试图在当年8月下旬西墙事件的背景下融合政治和轰动效应,该事件演变为被统称为1929年骚乱(或大屠杀)的暴力事件。在骚乱发生前一个月对该报的审查清楚地表明,其编辑有系统地企图煽动巴勒斯坦托管地的犹太人。这些耸人听闻的编辑技巧,让人想起小册子的风格,不仅是为了卖出更多的报纸,就像修正主义者控制之前的情况一样,而且也是为了推进修正主义者的政治目标。本文考察了修正主义者用来塑造他们的煽动性策略的模式,挑衅过程本身,以及编辑对1929年骚乱的责任问题。
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引用次数: 1
Lessons from the Israeli-Egyptian Peace Talks 以色列-埃及和谈的教训
IF 0.4 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2019-09-01 DOI: 10.3167/isr.2019.340202
R. Cohen-Almagor
This article is based on an interview conducted in July 2018 with Aharon Barak. In it, Barak reflects on the peace negotiations with Egypt at Camp David during 13 days in September 1978. While expressing great appreciation for the American negotiating team, first and foremost for President Jimmy Carter, for bringing the talks to a successful close, Barak considers negotiating with Carter as the toughest experience of his life. According to Barak, who had just completed his role as legal advisor to the government (1975–1978) and was appointed to the Supreme Court, the key people in the Israeli delegation were Menachem Begin, Moshe Dayan, and Ezer Weizman, while the key players in the Egyptian delegation were Anwar Sadat and Osama El-Baz. The negotiations went through ups and downs and had reached the brink of collapse until the Americans proposed that Carter negotiate directly with El-Baz and Barak. In the article’s conclusion, some important insights are deduced from this interview for future, successful negotiations.
本文基于2018年7月对Aharon Barak的采访。在这篇文章中,巴拉克回顾了1978年9月在戴维营与埃及进行的为期13天的和平谈判。巴拉克对美国谈判小组,尤其是吉米·卡特总统使会谈圆满结束表示了极大的感谢,但他认为与卡特的谈判是他一生中最艰难的经历。巴拉克刚刚卸任政府法律顾问(1975-1978),并被任命为最高法院法官。据他说,以色列代表团的关键人物是梅纳赫姆·贝金、摩西·达扬和埃泽·魏茨曼,而埃及代表团的关键人物是安瓦尔·萨达特和奥萨马·埃尔巴兹。谈判经历了起起伏伏,一度濒临破裂,直到美国人提议卡特与埃尔巴兹和巴拉克直接谈判。在文章的结论中,从这次采访中推断出了一些对未来成功谈判的重要见解。
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引用次数: 3
Democratic and Anti-democratic Roots of the Israeli Political System 以色列政治制度的民主与反民主根源
IF 0.4 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2019-09-01 DOI: 10.3167/isr.2019.340204
Benyamin Neuberger
This article explores the ideological underpinnings of the major Jewish political camps in Israel and the Yishuv—the left, the Orthodox, the national right, the bourgeois center—and evaluates the extent to which they are compatible with liberal democracy as commonly understood in the West. It also analyzes quasi-democratic and non-democratic aspects of older Jewish traditions based on the Torah, the Talmud, and the Halakhah. While the history of Zionism and the Zionist movement contained definite democratic components, Israel’s political system was shaped by a range of anti-democratic traditions whose resonance is still felt today.
本文探讨了以色列主要的犹太政治阵营和yishu(左派、东正教、民族右翼、资产阶级中间派)的意识形态基础,并评估了它们与西方普遍理解的自由民主相容的程度。它还分析了基于《托拉》、《塔木德》和《哈拉卡》的古老犹太传统的准民主和非民主方面。虽然犹太复国主义和犹太复国主义运动的历史包含明确的民主成分,但以色列的政治制度是由一系列反民主传统塑造的,这些传统的影响至今仍能感受到。
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引用次数: 2
Gender Gaps in the Center versus the Periphery 中心与边缘的性别差距
IF 0.4 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2019-09-01 DOI: 10.3167/isr.2019.340206
Nir Atmor, C. Friedberg
Recent evidence from industrialized countries shows that men and women tend to exhibit different voting preferences, with greater proportions of women favoring left-wing parties. This phenomenon, known as the ‘modern gender gap’, has been observed in recent Israeli elections as well. After discussing the history of the ‘traditional gender gap’, the article examines the gender gap in the 2013 and 2015 Israeli elections from a geographical and socio-economic perspective, using Israel National Election Studies (INES) data. We focus on two main hypotheses concerning these elections: first, that the gender gap in voting varies according to the geographic location of voters; second, that the modern gender gap affects voters residing in affluent localities. Our findings indicate that both hypotheses hold for the 2013 election but not for the 2015 election.
最近来自工业化国家的证据表明,男性和女性倾向于表现出不同的投票偏好,更大比例的女性倾向于支持左翼政党。这种被称为“现代性别差距”的现象在最近的以色列选举中也被观察到。在讨论了“传统性别差距”的历史之后,本文利用以色列国家选举研究(INES)的数据,从地理和社会经济角度审视了2013年和2015年以色列选举中的性别差距。我们关注关于这些选举的两个主要假设:第一,投票中的性别差距根据选民的地理位置而变化;第二,现代的性别差距影响了居住在富裕地区的选民。我们的研究结果表明,这两种假设都适用于2013年的选举,而不适用于2015年的选举。
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引用次数: 2
期刊
Israel Studies Review
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