Since the 2000s, a fundamental structural change has led to the development of two armies within the IDF. In co-existence with the ‘official’ army, a ‘policing’ force has emerged in the West Bank. Ostensibly subordinated to political authority, it has evolved into a quasi-militia force, enacting policies that often deviate from the official line. The question of who controls this policing army is central to this article. I argue that this policing army, unlike the official army, is controlled by a matrix rather than a hierarchical structure. Characterized by a web of mostly extra-military mechanisms, it is embedded within the civilian communities of the Jewish settlers, and this embeddedness shapes the form of control by creating several control mechanisms. Therefore, this policing army is only partially controlled by the official echelon of command.
{"title":"Who Controls the Israeli Policing Army?","authors":"Yagil Levy","doi":"10.3167/isr.2020.350205","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3167/isr.2020.350205","url":null,"abstract":"Since the 2000s, a fundamental structural change has led to the development of two armies within the IDF. In co-existence with the ‘official’ army, a ‘policing’ force has emerged in the West Bank. Ostensibly subordinated to political authority, it has evolved into a quasi-militia force, enacting policies that often deviate from the official line. The question of who controls this policing army is central to this article. I argue that this policing army, unlike the official army, is controlled by a matrix rather than a hierarchical structure. Characterized by a web of mostly extra-military mechanisms, it is embedded within the civilian communities of the Jewish settlers, and this embeddedness shapes the form of control by creating several control mechanisms. Therefore, this policing army is only partially controlled by the official echelon of command.","PeriodicalId":43582,"journal":{"name":"Israel Studies Review","volume":"21 1","pages":"58-76"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2020-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85197759","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
David Greenblum, From the Heroism of the Spirit to the Sanctification of Power: Power and Heroism in Religious Zionism between 1948 and 1968 (Tel Aviv: Open University, 2016). Uri S. Cohen, The Security Style and the Hebrew Culture of War (Jerusalem: Bialik Institute, 2017). Dan Arev, Dying to Watch: War, Memory, and Television in Israel 1967–1991 (Tel Aviv: Resling, 2017). Dalia Gavriely-Nuri, Tel Aviv Was Also Once an Arab Village: The Normalization of the Territories in Israeli Discourse, 1967 (Cambridge, MA: Israel Academic Press, 2017). Nitza Ben-Dov, The Life of War: On the Military, Revenge, Loss, and War Consciousness in Israeli Prose (Jerusalem: Schocken Books, 2016). Haya Milo, Songs Through the Barrel of the Gun: Israeli Soldiers’ Folk Songs (Tel Aviv: Open University, 2017).
大卫·格林布鲁姆:《从精神的英雄主义到权力的圣化:1948年至1968年宗教犹太复国主义中的权力与英雄主义》(特拉维夫:开放大学，2016)。Uri S. Cohen，《安全风格与希伯来战争文化》(耶路撒冷:Bialik研究所，2017)。丹·阿雷夫:《渴望观看:1967-1991年以色列的战争、记忆和电视》(特拉维夫:雷斯林出版社，2017)。达利亚·加夫里利-努里，《特拉维夫也曾是一个阿拉伯村庄:以色列话语中的领土正常化》，1967年(马萨诸塞州剑桥:以色列学术出版社，2017年)。Nitza Ben-Dov，《战争的生活:论以色列散文中的军事、复仇、损失和战争意识》(耶路撒冷:Schocken Books, 2016)。哈亚·米洛，《枪杆子里的歌:以色列士兵的民歌》(特拉维夫:开放大学，2017)。
{"title":"Finally, Militarism Is a Legitimate Term","authors":"Y. Peri","doi":"10.3167/isr.2020.350208","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3167/isr.2020.350208","url":null,"abstract":"David Greenblum, From the Heroism of the Spirit to the Sanctification of Power: Power and Heroism in Religious Zionism between 1948 and 1968 (Tel Aviv: Open University, 2016).\u0000Uri S. Cohen, The Security Style and the Hebrew Culture of War (Jerusalem: Bialik Institute, 2017).\u0000Dan Arev, Dying to Watch: War, Memory, and Television in Israel 1967–1991 (Tel Aviv: Resling, 2017).\u0000Dalia Gavriely-Nuri, Tel Aviv Was Also Once an Arab Village: The Normalization of the Territories in Israeli Discourse, 1967 (Cambridge, MA: Israel Academic Press, 2017).\u0000Nitza Ben-Dov, The Life of War: On the Military, Revenge, Loss, and War Consciousness in Israeli Prose (Jerusalem: Schocken Books, 2016). \u0000Haya Milo, Songs Through the Barrel of the Gun: Israeli Soldiers’ Folk Songs (Tel Aviv: Open University, 2017).","PeriodicalId":43582,"journal":{"name":"Israel Studies Review","volume":"4 1","pages":"122-129"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2020-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83174639","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article presents an innovative sociological framework to discuss recent social, ideological, and religious trends within the Religious-Zionist sector in Israel. The article challenges the prevalent conceptualization of Religious-Zionism as a sui generis ideology. Contrary to researchers who emphasize the synthesis of religion and Zionism in the Religious-Zionist ideology, the author argues that the Religious-Zionist identity is based primarily on social connections (kinship, geographical, institutional) between the members of the group. The author uses this approach to make sense of recent Religious-Zionist trends: post-Zionism, the ‘religious-lite’, Orthodox feminism, and neo-liberalism.
{"title":"The Hyphen Cannot Hold","authors":"Hayim Katsman","doi":"10.3167/isr.2020.350210","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3167/isr.2020.350210","url":null,"abstract":"This article presents an innovative sociological framework to discuss recent social, ideological, and religious trends within the Religious-Zionist sector in Israel. The article challenges the prevalent conceptualization of Religious-Zionism as a sui generis ideology. Contrary to researchers who emphasize the synthesis of religion and Zionism in the Religious-Zionist ideology, the author argues that the Religious-Zionist identity is based primarily on social connections (kinship, geographical, institutional) between the members of the group. The author uses this approach to make sense of recent Religious-Zionist trends: post-Zionism, the ‘religious-lite’, Orthodox feminism, and neo-liberalism.","PeriodicalId":43582,"journal":{"name":"Israel Studies Review","volume":"344 1","pages":"154-174"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2020-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78940335","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
A prominent aspect of the Jewish-Arab conflict over Palestine has been the Palestinian ‘catastrophe’ or ‘Nakba’—the displacement of some 750,000 Palestinians during Israel’s War of Independence. David Ben-Gurion, the Yishuv’s pre-state leader and Israel’s first prime minister, was an influential figure in this process. This article investigates Ben-Gurion’s attitude toward the Palestinian refugee problem, highlighting its dynamic nature and its linkage to military developments. Contrary to the conclusions of previous research, only after the Arab states’ invasion and the war’s expansion in late May and early June 1948 did Ben-Gurion decide to oppose the refugees’ return. Undeterred by his own ethical misgivings and international efforts to secure repatriation, his view was reinforced over time, as Israel’s victories on the battlefield became unequivocal.
{"title":"Ben-Gurion and the Palestinian Refugees","authors":"Yossi Goldstein","doi":"10.3167/isr.2020.350104","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3167/isr.2020.350104","url":null,"abstract":"A prominent aspect of the Jewish-Arab conflict over Palestine has been the Palestinian ‘catastrophe’ or ‘Nakba’—the displacement of some 750,000 Palestinians during Israel’s War of Independence. David Ben-Gurion, the Yishuv’s pre-state leader and Israel’s first prime minister, was an influential figure in this process. This article investigates Ben-Gurion’s attitude toward the Palestinian refugee problem, highlighting its dynamic nature and its linkage to military developments. Contrary to the conclusions of previous research, only after the Arab states’ invasion and the war’s expansion in late May and early June 1948 did Ben-Gurion decide to oppose the refugees’ return. Undeterred by his own ethical misgivings and international efforts to secure repatriation, his view was reinforced over time, as Israel’s victories on the battlefield became unequivocal.","PeriodicalId":43582,"journal":{"name":"Israel Studies Review","volume":"90 1","pages":"37-55"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2020-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83907099","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The LGBTQ+ (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and questioning) community is warmly embraced by the city of Tel Aviv. This phenomenon is exemplified by the fact that the Tel Aviv City Hall has been taking a leading part in the organization, financing, and promotion of Pride parades and events in recent years. The present article analyzes a quantitative survey of overseas participants in the 2016 Pride events in Tel Aviv. It explores the motivations, attitudes, satisfaction, and behaviors of tourists, both LGBTQ+ and non- LGBTQ+. The results show that Tel Aviv is perceived as gay friendly by all participants, regardless of their affiliation with the LGBTQ+ community. We discuss the advantages of being a gay-friendly city via high visibility and social inclusion. Finally, we address ‘pinkwashing’, an umbrella term employed to describe the efforts by Israeli authorities to promote a positive image of Israel despite its questioned geopolitical reputation.
{"title":"\"Hot Guys\" in Tel Aviv","authors":"Amit Kama, Yael Ram","doi":"10.3167/isr.2020.350106","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3167/isr.2020.350106","url":null,"abstract":"The LGBTQ+ (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and questioning) community is warmly embraced by the city of Tel Aviv. This phenomenon is exemplified by the fact that the Tel Aviv City Hall has been taking a leading part in the organization, financing, and promotion of Pride parades and events in recent years. The present article analyzes a quantitative survey of overseas participants in the 2016 Pride events in Tel Aviv. It explores the motivations, attitudes, satisfaction, and behaviors of tourists, both LGBTQ+ and non- LGBTQ+. The results show that Tel Aviv is perceived as gay friendly by all participants, regardless of their affiliation with the LGBTQ+ community. We discuss the advantages of being a gay-friendly city via high visibility and social inclusion. Finally, we address ‘pinkwashing’, an umbrella term employed to describe the efforts by Israeli authorities to promote a positive image of Israel despite its questioned geopolitical reputation.","PeriodicalId":43582,"journal":{"name":"Israel Studies Review","volume":"1 1","pages":"79-99"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2020-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89552944","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Students enrolled in Israel Studies courses often come to class with either firm opinions or little knowledge about the country (sometimes both). One way to address this while training students in the particular disciplines in which they are interested is by emphasizing the use of disciplinary concepts and tools to study Israel in a comparative framework, specifically, by pointing out the similarities and differences between Israel and other states. An effective epistemological approach to this end is the use of discussion questions to structure class conversations. This article demonstrates the usefulness of such an approach by looking at three main concepts in Political Science—the state, democracy, and liberal democracy.
{"title":"Thinking Comparatively about Israel","authors":"Brent E. Sasley","doi":"10.3167/isr.2020.350107","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3167/isr.2020.350107","url":null,"abstract":"Students enrolled in Israel Studies courses often come to class with either firm opinions or little knowledge about the country (sometimes both). One way to address this while training students in the particular disciplines in which they are interested is by emphasizing the use of disciplinary concepts and tools to study Israel in a comparative framework, specifically, by pointing out the similarities and differences between Israel and other states. An effective epistemological approach to this end is the use of discussion questions to structure class conversations. This article demonstrates the usefulness of such an approach by looking at three main concepts in Political Science—the state, democracy, and liberal democracy.","PeriodicalId":43582,"journal":{"name":"Israel Studies Review","volume":"10 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2020-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82828213","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Jerusalem played an important role in the establishment of collective memory studies by Maurice Halbwachs in the early twentieth century. Recent studies in this field draw attention to the contribution of a variety of agents to building, maintaining, and challenging collective memory realms. Following suit, this article deals with the methods that agents of an alternative collective memory for Jerusalem use to challenge the Israeli hegemonic narrative. Before reviewing their activities in East and West Jerusalem and their resources and impact, I summarize the hegemonic narrative as presented in four memory realms. Special attention is given to both sides’ use of the Internet as a means of overcoming the physical limitations of memory realms.
{"title":"Jerusalem’s Alternative Collective Memory Agents","authors":"M. Klein","doi":"10.3167/isr.2020.350102","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3167/isr.2020.350102","url":null,"abstract":"Jerusalem played an important role in the establishment of collective memory studies by Maurice Halbwachs in the early twentieth century. Recent studies in this field draw attention to the contribution of a variety of agents to building, maintaining, and challenging collective memory realms. Following suit, this article deals with the methods that agents of an alternative collective memory for Jerusalem use to challenge the Israeli hegemonic narrative. Before reviewing their activities in East and West Jerusalem and their resources and impact, I summarize the hegemonic narrative as presented in four memory realms. Special attention is given to both sides’ use of the Internet as a means of overcoming the physical limitations of memory realms.","PeriodicalId":43582,"journal":{"name":"Israel Studies Review","volume":"83 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2020-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90470777","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article seeks to examine the impact of the transition from Yishuv to state on the Sephardi and Mizrahi leadership, as reflected in the patterns of organization and action of the Sephardi community councils in general, and the Councils of the Sephardi Community in Tel Aviv and Haifa in particular. Against the background of the growing centralized power of the state under the leadership of Mapai and the application of the principle of statism (mamlachtiut), the article will discuss the activities of the Councils of the Sephardi Community in Haifa and Tel Aviv. The article analyzes the process that led in 1951 to the dissolution of the Sephardi and Oriental Communities Union as a political framework, as well as the decision made in the same year by the community councils in Haifa and Tel Aviv to withdraw from political activity.
{"title":"Sephardi Leadership in Israel","authors":"M. Naor","doi":"10.3167/isr.2020.350103","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3167/isr.2020.350103","url":null,"abstract":"This article seeks to examine the impact of the transition from Yishuv to state on the Sephardi and Mizrahi leadership, as reflected in the patterns of organization and action of the Sephardi community councils in general, and the Councils of the Sephardi Community in Tel Aviv and Haifa in particular. Against the background of the growing centralized power of the state under the leadership of Mapai and the application of the principle of statism (mamlachtiut), the article will discuss the activities of the Councils of the Sephardi Community in Haifa and Tel Aviv. The article analyzes the process that led in 1951 to the dissolution of the Sephardi and Oriental Communities Union as a political framework, as well as the decision made in the same year by the community councils in Haifa and Tel Aviv to withdraw from political activity.","PeriodicalId":43582,"journal":{"name":"Israel Studies Review","volume":"287 1","pages":"17-36"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2020-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75632900","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article analyzes the significance of Jerusalem in Jewish-Israeli consciousness through the city’s representations on banknotes, based on the proceedings of the Bank of Israel’s Banknotes and Coinage Planning Committee since its inception in 1955. The Banknotes Committee, as an institutional body that represents the ruling hegemony, has worked to bolster the emblematic status of Jerusalem as the Jewish-Israeli capital in the past as well as the present. When Israel ruled only the west part of the city from 1948 to 1967, banknotes carried images of that part of Jerusalem only. After the 1967 Six-Day War, however, the representations changed dramatically, mainly depicting sites situated in occupied East Jerusalem. Since 1967, the banknotes have presented the city as Israel’s ‘eternal capital’, never to be divided again.
{"title":"The Making of a Capital","authors":"N. Sheffi, Anat First","doi":"10.3167/isr.2020.350105","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3167/isr.2020.350105","url":null,"abstract":"This article analyzes the significance of Jerusalem in Jewish-Israeli consciousness through the city’s representations on banknotes, based on the proceedings of the Bank of Israel’s Banknotes and Coinage Planning Committee since its inception in 1955. The Banknotes Committee, as an institutional body that represents the ruling hegemony, has worked to bolster the emblematic status of Jerusalem as the Jewish-Israeli capital in the past as well as the present. When Israel ruled only the west part of the city from 1948 to 1967, banknotes carried images of that part of Jerusalem only. After the 1967 Six-Day War, however, the representations changed dramatically, mainly depicting sites situated in occupied East Jerusalem. Since 1967, the banknotes have presented the city as Israel’s ‘eternal capital’, never to be divided again.","PeriodicalId":43582,"journal":{"name":"Israel Studies Review","volume":"37 6 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2020-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72957338","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article reviews the history of Israeli football from 1948 to the present and argues that Israeli football is ‘made in Israel’ according to the particular historical opportunities that determine the ‘relative autonomy’ of the game in a given period. The first part deals with a period (the 1950s) in which football was subject to politics, the dominant force in Israeli society at the time. During that period, Israeli football was organized by three sports federations, each affiliated with a different political camp. The second part deals with the period from 1990 to the present, in which football clubs were privatized and players became commodities. The contrast between these two periods highlights how the political-economic milieu set effective limits on the structure and practice of Israeli football.
{"title":"Football 'Made in Israel'","authors":"A. B. Porat","doi":"10.3167/isr.2019.340302","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3167/isr.2019.340302","url":null,"abstract":"This article reviews the history of Israeli football from 1948 to the present and argues that Israeli football is ‘made in Israel’ according to the particular historical opportunities that determine the ‘relative autonomy’ of the game in a given period. The first part deals with a period (the 1950s) in which football was subject to politics, the dominant force in Israeli society at the time. During that period, Israeli football was organized by three sports federations, each affiliated with a different political camp. The second part deals with the period from 1990 to the present, in which football clubs were privatized and players became commodities. The contrast between these two periods highlights how the political-economic milieu set effective limits on the structure and practice of Israeli football.","PeriodicalId":43582,"journal":{"name":"Israel Studies Review","volume":"60 1","pages":"1-16"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2019-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88307305","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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