Pub Date : 2024-01-10DOI: 10.1353/rah.2023.a917244
Aaron Freedman
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> The Reform Not Traveled: Reconsidering Alan Brinkley’s <em>The End of Reform</em> <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Aaron Freedman (bio) </li> </ul> Alan Brinkley, <em>The End of Reform: New Deal Liberalism in Recession and War</em>. New York: Vintage, 1996. x + 384 pp. Bibliographical references and index. $17.95. <p>In 1985, Alan Brinkley, then still a relatively young scholar whose first book had only been published two years earlier, took to the pages of this journal to assess a giant: Richard Hofstadter’s <em>The Age of Reform</em>. Thirty years after its original publication, Brinkley wrote, Hofstadter’s treatise loomed over the field of American political history as “something of a relic.” More recent scholarship had pilloried Hofstadter’s often condescending portrayal of the late-nineteenth-century agrarian populists as left-behind reactionaries, and his “consensus school” approach to American history seemed woefully out of date in the wake of the Reagan Revolution’s toppling of the postwar liberal order. <em>The Age of Reform</em>, Brinkley pronounced, had come to “embody something of a scholarly paradox…It is a book whose central interpretations few historians any longer accept, but one whose influence few historians can escape.”<sup>1</sup></p> <p>Yet despite this tough judgement, now akin to conventional wisdom for generations of students of American history, Brinkley found that something quite useful remained in <em>The Age of Reform</em>, an observation that had in fact improved with age: its understanding of the New Deal not as the completion of a decades-long arc of reform, but as a break from it. As Brinkley noted, Hofstadter had touched on what was still an uncomfortable truth in the 1950s: that the old driving forces of reform—antimonopoly and state planning—had, by the end of Roosevelt’s life, given way to something else entirely. Whereas earlier generations of reformers looked to fundamentally restructure the capitalist system itself, the liberalism ascendent after World War II aspired to a more modest shift: a big business-approved form of Keynesian demand management with a side of social welfare and individual rights protection. Though Brinkley was left dissatisfied with Hofstadter’s treatment of how and why “the language of liberalism, and the substantive direction of liberalism” <strong>[End Page 289]</strong> had changed, he recognized that question as core to understanding America in the twentieth century.<sup>2</sup></p> <p>It is now nearly thirty years since the publication of <em>The End of Reform</em>, the book in which Brinkley first worked through his own answer to Hofstadter’s question. It is difficult to avoid a comparison of the two scholars. While never reaching quite the stature of Hofstadter at his prime, Brinkley nonetheless became a towering figure in American political history, his influ
以下是内容的简要摘录，以代替摘要： 未曾走过的改革：重新审视艾伦-布林克利的《改革的终结》 亚伦-弗里德曼（简历） 艾伦-布林克利，《改革的终结》：经济衰退和战争中的新政自由主义》。纽约：x + 384 pp.参考书目和索引。$17.95.1985 年，艾伦-布林克利（Alan Brinkley），当时还是一位相对年轻的学者，他的第一本书两年前才出版：理查德-霍夫斯塔德的《改革时代》。布林克利写道，霍夫斯塔德的这本论文在最初出版的30年后，作为 "遗物 "笼罩着美国政治史领域。霍夫斯塔德将 19 世纪晚期的农业民粹主义者描绘成左翼反动派，而在里根革命推翻了战后的自由主义秩序之后，他的 "共识学派 "美国史研究方法似乎已经严重过时，近来的学术研究对霍夫斯塔德进行了抨击。布林克利指出，《改革时代》"体现了某种学术上的悖论......这本书的核心解释很少有历史学家再接受，但它的影响却很少有历史学家能摆脱。"1 然而，尽管做出了这一艰难的判断--如今这已成为几代美国历史学生的传统智慧，但布林克利发现，《改革时代》中仍有一些相当有用的东西，这一观点事实上随着时间的推移而有所改进：它对新政的理解不是将其视为长达数十年的改革弧线的完成，而是将其视为改革弧线的中断。正如布林克利指出的那样，霍夫斯塔德触及了一个在20世纪50年代仍然令人不安的事实：改革的旧动力--反垄断和国家计划--在罗斯福晚年已经完全让位于其他东西。前几代改革者希望从根本上重构资本主义体系本身，而二战后兴起的自由主义则希望实现一种更为温和的转变：一种大企业认可的凯恩斯需求管理形式，同时兼顾社会福利和个人权利保护。尽管布林克利对霍夫斯塔德关于 "自由主义的语言和自由主义的实质方向"[第289页完]如何以及为何发生变化的论述感到不满，但他认为这个问题是理解20世纪美国的核心所在。很难避免将这两位学者相提并论。虽然布林克利从未达到霍夫斯塔德鼎盛时期的地位，但他却成为了美国政治史上的重要人物，其影响力在学术界和公共领域都有体现。1994 年，他在《美国历史评论》（American Historical Review）上发表的文章《美国保守主义的问题》（The Problem of American Conservatism）开启了一代美国右翼学者的学术研究，而他的畅销教科书也成为高中生和大学生了解美国历史最常见的途径。和霍夫斯塔德一样，布林克利也不幸英年早逝，这使他失去了发表学术论文、参与新历史潮流的机会。有鉴于此，现在回顾布林克利的作品，很容易看到霍夫斯塔德的遗作：关注传统的白人、男性、精英政治史研究对象，在很大程度上忽视了基层政治参与者的作用，以及种族、性别和性取向对政治和国家的影响。但是，如果在这里结束对布林克利的评价，就会忽略他职业生涯中对自由主义进行拷问的项目所具有的持久意义。在当下，这项工作再迫切不过了，布林克利本人曾给予霍夫斯塔德同样的审慎考虑。尽管在此之前和之后，许多学者都曾研究过新政的历史，但《改革的终结》仍然是对美国历史上一个重要支点的宝贵研究：民粹主义者、进步主义者和早期新政者的扩张性改革计划缩小为我们现在所知的战后自由主义的意识形态和实践。与布林克利相比，事后诸葛亮更能让我们体会到，这种自由主义并不是某个终点......
{"title":"The Reform Not Traveled: Reconsidering Alan Brinkley's The End of Reform","authors":"Aaron Freedman","doi":"10.1353/rah.2023.a917244","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/rah.2023.a917244","url":null,"abstract":"<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span>\u0000<p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> The Reform Not Traveled: Reconsidering Alan Brinkley’s <em>The End of Reform</em> <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Aaron Freedman (bio) </li> </ul> Alan Brinkley, <em>The End of Reform: New Deal Liberalism in Recession and War</em>. New York: Vintage, 1996. x + 384 pp. Bibliographical references and index. $17.95. <p>In 1985, Alan Brinkley, then still a relatively young scholar whose first book had only been published two years earlier, took to the pages of this journal to assess a giant: Richard Hofstadter’s <em>The Age of Reform</em>. Thirty years after its original publication, Brinkley wrote, Hofstadter’s treatise loomed over the field of American political history as “something of a relic.” More recent scholarship had pilloried Hofstadter’s often condescending portrayal of the late-nineteenth-century agrarian populists as left-behind reactionaries, and his “consensus school” approach to American history seemed woefully out of date in the wake of the Reagan Revolution’s toppling of the postwar liberal order. <em>The Age of Reform</em>, Brinkley pronounced, had come to “embody something of a scholarly paradox…It is a book whose central interpretations few historians any longer accept, but one whose influence few historians can escape.”<sup>1</sup></p> <p>Yet despite this tough judgement, now akin to conventional wisdom for generations of students of American history, Brinkley found that something quite useful remained in <em>The Age of Reform</em>, an observation that had in fact improved with age: its understanding of the New Deal not as the completion of a decades-long arc of reform, but as a break from it. As Brinkley noted, Hofstadter had touched on what was still an uncomfortable truth in the 1950s: that the old driving forces of reform—antimonopoly and state planning—had, by the end of Roosevelt’s life, given way to something else entirely. Whereas earlier generations of reformers looked to fundamentally restructure the capitalist system itself, the liberalism ascendent after World War II aspired to a more modest shift: a big business-approved form of Keynesian demand management with a side of social welfare and individual rights protection. Though Brinkley was left dissatisfied with Hofstadter’s treatment of how and why “the language of liberalism, and the substantive direction of liberalism” <strong>[End Page 289]</strong> had changed, he recognized that question as core to understanding America in the twentieth century.<sup>2</sup></p> <p>It is now nearly thirty years since the publication of <em>The End of Reform</em>, the book in which Brinkley first worked through his own answer to Hofstadter’s question. It is difficult to avoid a comparison of the two scholars. While never reaching quite the stature of Hofstadter at his prime, Brinkley nonetheless became a towering figure in American political history, his influ","PeriodicalId":43597,"journal":{"name":"REVIEWS IN AMERICAN HISTORY","volume":"85 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2024-01-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139414851","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-01-10DOI: 10.1353/rah.2023.a917239
William D. Goldsmith
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> Escaping the Education Trap <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> William D. Goldsmith (bio) </li> </ul> Cristina Viviana Groeger, <em>The Education Trap: Schools and the Remaking of Inequality in Boston</em>. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2021. 384 pp. Illustrations, map, notes, and index. $36.00. Daniel S. Moak, <em>From the New Deal to the War on Schools: Race, Inequality, and the Rise of the Punitive Education State</em>. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2022. xiv + 326 pp. Notes, bibliography, and index. $34.95. Elizabeth Tandy Shermer, <em>Indentured Students: How Government-Guaranteed Loans Left Generations Drowning in College Debt</em>. Cambridge: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2021. 400 pp. Photos, illustrations, appendices, notes, and index. $29.95. <p>“America’s Choice: High Skills or Low Wages!” That was the exclamatory question put to policymakers as the 1990s dawned, the title of a report from an illustrious group of politicians, academics, educators, labor leaders, and business executives who had joined forces as the Commission on the Skills of the American Workforce. The report’s framing was not narrowly focused on how investing in education would promote economic growth or productivity—it pitched more and better education as a way to raise pay for average workers, lower poverty, and equalize income distribution. Bill Clinton incorporated the message on the 1992 campaign trail, and several committee members joined his presidential administration.</p> <p>The “America’s Choice” report was one of many published in the 1980s, 1990s, and 2000s that preached what W. Norton Grubb and Marvin Lazerson skeptically dubbed the “education gospel,” this emphasis that better schools would mean a better economy for everyone, that more credentials would lead to higher wages, that college for all would create economic security for all.<sup>1</sup> In retrospect, it is far from clear that America did face a choice between high skills and low wages, then or since. The education gospel treated the construction of the global economy as beyond policymakers’ control, ignoring the roles of trade policy, labor policy, and tax policy in hollowing out the middle class, enriching a narrow economic elite, and driving a further wage <strong>[End Page 244]</strong> wedge between those with and without bachelor’s degrees. Jason Resnikoff’s <em>Labor’s End: How the Promise of Automation Degraded Work</em> (2021) dissects how postwar policymakers employed the concept of “automation” to speed up, intensify, and degrade work, underscoring how rarely the “skills gap” diagnosis captured the economic facts of life in the 20<sup>th</sup>-century U.S. And yet, in contrast to the 1990s free market zealots, “America’s Choice” at least acknowledged that economic inequality was getting worse and that government should do someth
以下是内容的简要摘录，以代替摘要： 逃离教育陷阱》，威廉-D-戈德史密斯（简历），克里斯蒂娜-维维安娜-格罗格，《教育陷阱：波士顿的学校与不平等重塑》。剑桥：哈佛大学出版社，2021 年。384 pp.插图、地图、注释和索引。$36.00.Daniel S. Moak, From the New Deal to the War on Schools：种族、不平等和惩罚性教育国家的崛起》。Chapel Hill：Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2022.xiv + 326 pp.注释、参考书目和索引。$34.95.Elizabeth Tandy Shermer, Indentured Students：How Government-Guaranteed Loans Left Generations Drowning in College Debt.剑桥：哈佛大学出版社贝尔纳普出版社，2021 年。400 pp.照片、插图、附录、注释和索引。$29.95."美国的选择：高技能还是低工资！"这是在 20 世纪 90 年代初向政策制定者提出的感叹式问题，也是由政治家、学者、教育家、劳工领袖和企业高管组成的杰出团体联合成立的美国劳动力技能委员会的一份报告的标题。该报告的框架并非狭隘地聚焦于投资教育如何促进经济增长或生产力，而是将更多更好的教育作为提高普通工人薪酬、减少贫困和实现收入分配平等的途径。比尔-克林顿（Bill Clinton）在 1992 年的竞选活动中传达了这一信息，委员会的几位成员也加入了他的总统政府。美国的选择 "报告是 20 世纪 80 年代、90 年代和 2000 年代出版的众多宣扬 "教育福音 "的报告之一，诺顿-格拉布（W. Norton Grubb）和马文-拉泽森（Marvin Lazerson）对此持怀疑态度。教育福音将全球经济的构建视为政策制定者无法控制的，忽视了贸易政策、劳工政策和税收政策在掏空中产阶级、使狭隘的经济精英富裕起来以及进一步拉大拥有和没有学士学位的人之间的工资 [完 244 页] 差距方面所起的作用。杰森-雷斯尼克夫（Jason Resnikoff）的《劳动的终结：自动化的承诺如何使工作退化》（Labor's End: How the Promise of Automation Degraded Work，2021 年）剖析了战后政策制定者如何利用 "自动化 "这一概念来加速、强化和退化工作，强调了 "技能差距 "这一诊断在 20 世纪美国的经济生活事实中是多么罕见。比尔-克林顿会大力推广一个在概念上半生不熟的解决方案，这一点也不足为奇。现在回过头来看，难能可贵的是，如此广泛的代表能够围绕 "高技能或低工资 "这一框架达成共识。委员会的 23 名成员包括美国汽车工人联合会（United Auto Workers）主席、全国城市联盟（National Urban League）负责人、福特汽车公司副总裁以及里根和卡特时期的前劳工部长。这么多不同的利益集团和政策制定者怎么会把范围缩小到以教育和培训作为公平经济政策的核心呢？越来越多的学者正试图弄清为什么自由派政策制定者在 1980 年之后的时期内处理日益加剧的经济不平等问题的能力如此之差，加里-格斯特尔（Gary Gerstle）将这一时期称为 "新自由主义秩序"。Gerstle的《新自由主义秩序的兴衰》（The Rise and Fall of the Neoliberal Order：自由市场时代的美国与世界》（2022 年）认为，里根开创、克林顿巩固的市场最大化计划左右两派相互交织，而莉莉-盖斯默的《被抛在后面》（Left Behind：莉莉-盖斯默（Lily Geismer）的《被抛在后面：民主党解决不平等问题的失败尝试》（Left Behind: The Democrats Failed Attempt to Solve Inequality）（2022 年）着重介绍了克林顿夫妇如何借鉴民主党领导委员会中流传的观点，通过信贷扩张、税收激励赋权区和支持新兴企业家等市场化手段来实现经济平等。布伦特-塞布尔（Brent Cebul）的《进步的幻想》（Illusions of Progress：美国世纪的商业、贫困和自由主义》（2023 年）认为，自新政以来，联邦政府通过公私合营的方式依靠地方商业精英来发展经济，这种方式具有较长的连续性。
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Pub Date : 2024-01-10DOI: 10.1353/rah.2023.a917245
Alex McPhee-Browne
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> Reimagining The Far Right <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Alex McPhee-Browne (bio) </li> </ul> Leo P. Ribuffo’s <em>The Old Christian Right: The Protestant Far Right from the Great Depression to the Cold War</em>. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1983. xix + 274 pp. Notes and Index. <p>All historical work is, at least implicitly, revisionist. All historical work seeks to alter our perception of a set of individuals, ideas, or events. But some work is Revisionist with a capital R, capable of profoundly, if often subtly, shifting the existing terms of debate, opening a new perspective that comes to seem like common sense. The late Leo Ribuffo’s first book, <em>The Old Christian Right</em> (1983), was one of those works, a tour de force that made us see the past of the Great Depression and the early Cold War in a new and unsettling light.</p> <p>With far-right movements flourishing across the globe, a return to and reconsideration of Ribuffo’s work can provide us with a deeper understanding of the roots, significance, and impact of the far right in twentieth- and twenty-first-century America. <em>The Old Christian Right</em> was published when the American far right was largely, though not wholly, in abeyance, and Ribuffo’s account of the far right of the 1930s and 1940s provided a definitive analysis of the political fortunes of the movement in those pivotal decades. Ribuffo wrote with a skeptical eye and a roving curiosity. What made his work so fresh—and so prescient—was its utter refusal to carry on a tradition of analysis inherited from the postwar era. Although the subjects of his book, as he noted, were not heroes—indeed, they were “villains” (p. xi)—he refused to treat them with anything but the utmost scrupulous, probing, and critical respect, the kind of respect due any subject of historical inquiry, however repugnant their views or even their actions.</p> <p>In practice, this principle, Ribuffo believed, had been ignored by the previous generation’s literature on the far right. Scholars such as Seymour Martin Lipset and Richard Hofstadter had tended to pathologize the far right, attributing its rancor and extreme beliefs to a mix of “status anxiety,” fundamentalist Christianity, psychopathology, and the deracinating force of industrial capitalism. <strong>[End Page 295]</strong> These “pluralist”—or “consensus”—scholars, Ribuffo argued, seldom provided a comprehensive explanation of the ideology held by members of the right or left “extremes,” even as a prelude to subsequent analysis. Their beliefs, instead, were treated by pluralists as tokens of personal neuroses or status deprivation; they were caricatured rather than examined as “complex human beings” (p. xi).</p> <p>The concept of “extremism,” originally used to make sense of the fractious politics of the 1930s, dominated post-World War II scholarship on the
以下是内容的简要摘录，以代替摘要： Reimagining The Far Right Alex McPhee-Browne (bio) Leo P. Ribuffo 的 The Old Christian Right：从大萧条到冷战时期的新教极右翼》。费城：xix + 274 pp.注释和索引。所有的历史著作，至少隐含着修正主义。所有的历史著作都试图改变我们对一系列个人、思想或事件的看法。但有些作品是大写的 "修正主义"（Revisionist with a capital R），能够深刻地（尽管往往是微妙地）改变现有的辩论条件，开辟一个看似常识的新视角。已故的利奥-里布福（Leo Ribuffo）的第一本书《旧基督教右翼》（1983 年）就是这样一部作品，它让我们以一种全新的、令人不安的视角来看待大萧条和冷战初期的过去。随着极右运动在全球范围内蓬勃发展，重温并重新审视里布福的作品可以让我们更深入地了解极右运动在二十世纪和二十一世纪美国的根源、意义和影响。旧基督教右翼》出版时，美国极右翼运动虽未完全消停，但也基本处于停滞状态，而里布福对 20 世纪 30 年代和 40 年代极右翼运动的论述，为我们提供了对该运动在这关键几十年中政治命运的权威分析。里布福以怀疑的眼光和漫无边际的好奇心写作。他的作品之所以如此新颖，如此具有先见之明，就在于它完全拒绝继承战后分析的传统。尽管如他所言，书中的对象并非英雄--事实上，他们是 "恶棍"（第 xi 页）--但他拒绝以任何方式对待他们，而是给予他们最大的审慎、探究和批判性的尊重，这也是对任何历史研究对象应有的尊重，无论他们的观点甚至行为多么令人反感。里布福认为，在实践中，上一代极右翼文献忽视了这一原则。西摩-马丁-利普塞特（Seymour Martin Lipset）和理查德-霍夫斯塔德（Richard Hofstadter）等学者倾向于将极右翼病态化，将其愤怒和极端信仰归因于 "地位焦虑"、基督教原教旨主义、精神病理学和工业资本主义的破坏力。[里布福认为，这些 "多元化"--或者说 "共识"--学者很少对左右 "极端 "成员所持的意识形态做出全面的解释，即使作为后续分析的前奏也是如此。相反，他们的信仰被多元论者视为个人神经官能症或地位被剥夺的象征；他们被漫画化，而不是作为 "复杂的人 "来研究（第 xi 页）。极端主义 "这一概念最初是用来解释 20 世纪 30 年代纷争不断的政治的，在二战后主导了极右翼的学术研究。里布福指出，这部分是由于三个因素：越来越依赖社会科学来对抗有组织的偏执；中间派学者对以前的进步主义和人民阵线信仰的重新评估；参议员约瑟夫-麦卡锡的出现。其结果是，学术研究以模糊的--而且往往是可疑的--社会地位和 "独裁 "个性取代了阶级分析（第 238 页）。在大多数情况下，多元化学者无视原始研究，用社会科学的语言表达 20 世纪 30 年代讨伐本土法西斯主义的主题，警告极右势力的力量和吸引力，以及国家易受其影响。里布福写道，这是 "对美国生活进行全面解读的基础，这种解读现在已经司空见惯，几乎不需要回顾"（第 239 页）。多元主义学者将极左和极右与 "务实 "的中间对立起来，认为 "极端分子 "不是追求有形的经济利益，而是寻求从地位焦虑中获得心理和情感上的解脱（第 240 页）。然而，Ribuffo 认为，多元主义学者针对 "伪保守派 "的还原性论战掩盖而非澄清了极右翼的本质（第 239 页）。他坚持认为，20 世纪 30 年代的极右翼成员并不像霍夫斯塔德（Hofstadter）所说的那样是偏执狂，在心理上不属于正常的多元政治范畴，而是美国政治生活中的一员。事实上，在许多方面，极右翼成员在心理和意识形态上都比他们的自由派敌人更加复杂。里布福详细阐述了这一论点。
{"title":"Reimagining The Far Right","authors":"Alex McPhee-Browne","doi":"10.1353/rah.2023.a917245","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/rah.2023.a917245","url":null,"abstract":"<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span>\u0000<p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> Reimagining The Far Right <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Alex McPhee-Browne (bio) </li> </ul> Leo P. Ribuffo’s <em>The Old Christian Right: The Protestant Far Right from the Great Depression to the Cold War</em>. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1983. xix + 274 pp. Notes and Index. <p>All historical work is, at least implicitly, revisionist. All historical work seeks to alter our perception of a set of individuals, ideas, or events. But some work is Revisionist with a capital R, capable of profoundly, if often subtly, shifting the existing terms of debate, opening a new perspective that comes to seem like common sense. The late Leo Ribuffo’s first book, <em>The Old Christian Right</em> (1983), was one of those works, a tour de force that made us see the past of the Great Depression and the early Cold War in a new and unsettling light.</p> <p>With far-right movements flourishing across the globe, a return to and reconsideration of Ribuffo’s work can provide us with a deeper understanding of the roots, significance, and impact of the far right in twentieth- and twenty-first-century America. <em>The Old Christian Right</em> was published when the American far right was largely, though not wholly, in abeyance, and Ribuffo’s account of the far right of the 1930s and 1940s provided a definitive analysis of the political fortunes of the movement in those pivotal decades. Ribuffo wrote with a skeptical eye and a roving curiosity. What made his work so fresh—and so prescient—was its utter refusal to carry on a tradition of analysis inherited from the postwar era. Although the subjects of his book, as he noted, were not heroes—indeed, they were “villains” (p. xi)—he refused to treat them with anything but the utmost scrupulous, probing, and critical respect, the kind of respect due any subject of historical inquiry, however repugnant their views or even their actions.</p> <p>In practice, this principle, Ribuffo believed, had been ignored by the previous generation’s literature on the far right. Scholars such as Seymour Martin Lipset and Richard Hofstadter had tended to pathologize the far right, attributing its rancor and extreme beliefs to a mix of “status anxiety,” fundamentalist Christianity, psychopathology, and the deracinating force of industrial capitalism. <strong>[End Page 295]</strong> These “pluralist”—or “consensus”—scholars, Ribuffo argued, seldom provided a comprehensive explanation of the ideology held by members of the right or left “extremes,” even as a prelude to subsequent analysis. Their beliefs, instead, were treated by pluralists as tokens of personal neuroses or status deprivation; they were caricatured rather than examined as “complex human beings” (p. xi).</p> <p>The concept of “extremism,” originally used to make sense of the fractious politics of the 1930s, dominated post-World War II scholarship on the","PeriodicalId":43597,"journal":{"name":"REVIEWS IN AMERICAN HISTORY","volume":"17 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2024-01-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139414131","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-01-10DOI: 10.1353/rah.2023.a917238
Elliott Young
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> Railroaded: <span>How Trains Made Mass Immigrant Expulsion Possible</span> <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Elliott Young (bio) </li> </ul> Ethan Blue, <em>The Deportation Express: A History of America through Forced Removal</em>. Oakland: University of California Press, 2021. xiii + 448 pp. Figures, maps, notes, bibliography and index. $39.95. <blockquote> <p>“Goodbye to my Juan, goodbye, Rosalita,</p> <p>Adios mis amigos, Jesus y Maria;</p> <p>You won’t have your names when you ride the big airplane,</p> <p>All they will call you will be ‘deportees’”</p> —Maryin Hoffman and Woody Guthrie, “Deportee” </blockquote> <p>A few years back, as I was waiting to board a flight to Mexico from San Francisco International airport, I noticed some government agents escorting handcuffed migrants onto my commercial flight. I wanted to say something, to scream, to denounce ICE, to lay my body down on the gears of the deportation machine, but I didn’t. The passengers on my flight that day got a glimpse of the mass expulsion industry that mostly remains hidden from view, but nobody said a word. It was routine. Another day in America.</p> <p>In December 2018, the University of Washington Center for Human Rights received a database of the Immigration and Customs Enforcement’s (ICE) Alien Repatriation Tracking System (ARTS) following a Freedom of Information Act request. Although journalists have reported on the activities of ICE Air, as it is colloquially known, this network of chartered deportation flights operates in the shadows. Nobody had an idea of the size and shape of this aerial expulsion machine. The ARTS dataset revealed that there were 1.73 million passengers on almost 15,000 ICE Air Operations flights between 2010 and 2018. Almost three-quarters of these flights brought deportees back to their home countries, mostly Mexico, while just over one-quarter were internal transfers in which migrants were shuffled between detention centers in the United States. 150,000–250,000 migrants were boarded onto ICE Air each year, making it one of the largest mass removal strategies in U.S. history.<sup>1</sup> We know that under presidents Obama and Trump, the system reached unprecedented levels of deportation, removing more than half a million migrants annually at <strong>[End Page 236]</strong> its height. But understanding the mechanism for how those mass deportations actually happened remains fuzzy.</p> <p>When something like mass incarceration or mass deportation becomes routine, it can happen before our very eyes without our understanding the intricacies of how the complex system operates. While today airplanes and busses are used to ferry migrants around the country and expel them to other countries, in the beginning of the twentieth century, the primary mode of transport was the railroad. Ethan Blue’s <em>Deportation Express</em> helps us to
以下是内容的简要摘录，以代替摘要： Railroaded：火车如何使大规模驱逐移民成为可能 埃利奥特-扬（Elliott Young）（简历） 伊桑-布鲁（Ethan Blue），《驱逐快车》（The Deportation Express）：美国强制驱逐史》。奥克兰：奥克兰：加州大学出版社，2021 年。xiii + 448 页。图表、地图、注释、参考书目和索引。$39.95. "再见了，我的胡安，再见了，罗莎莉塔，再见了，我的朋友们，耶稣和玛丽亚；当你们乘坐大飞机时，你们不会有自己的名字，他们只会叫你们'被驱逐者'"--马林-霍夫曼和伍迪-格斯里，《被驱逐者》 几年前，当我在旧金山国际机场等待登上飞往墨西哥的航班时，我注意到一些政府人员押着戴着手铐的移民登上我的商业航班。我想说点什么，想尖叫，想谴责移民及海关执法局，想让自己的身体趴在驱逐机器的齿轮上，但我没有。那天，我航班上的乘客们看到了大规模驱逐工业的一角，它大部分时间都隐藏在人们的视线之外，但没有人说一句话。这只是例行公事。美国的又一天。2018 年 12 月，华盛顿大学人权中心（University of Washington Center for Human Rights）根据《信息自由法》（Freedom of Information Act）的要求，收到了移民与海关执法局（ICE）外国人遣返跟踪系统（ARTS）的数据库。尽管记者们曾报道过 ICE Air（俗称 "ICE Air"）的活动，但这个驱逐包机网络一直在暗中运作。没有人知道这个空中驱逐机器的规模和形状。ARTS 数据集显示，2010 年至 2018 年间，ICE Air 运营的近 15000 次航班共运送了 173 万名乘客。其中近四分之三的航班将被驱逐者送回了他们的祖国，主要是墨西哥，而略高于四分之一的航班是内部转移，移民在美国的拘留中心之间被转移。每年有 15 万至 25 万移民登上 ICE Air，使其成为美国历史上规模最大的大规模驱逐战略之一。1 我们知道，在奥巴马总统和特朗普总统执政期间，该系统的驱逐力度达到了前所未有的水平，最高峰时每年驱逐 50 多万移民。但是，对这些大规模驱逐的实际发生机制的理解仍然模糊不清。当大规模监禁或大规模递解出境这样的事情成为例行公事时，它就会在我们眼前发生，而我们却不了解这个复杂系统是如何运作的。如今，人们用飞机和公共汽车将移民运送到全国各地并驱逐到其他国家，而在 20 世纪初，主要的运输方式是铁路。伊桑-布鲁的《驱逐快车》帮助我们了解了铁路在驱逐成千上万移民的过程中所扮演的角色。对铁路的关注将我们的视线引向了驱逐机器的齿轮和车轮，让我们得以从铁马的肚子里窥探一二。正如布鲁写道："多亏了火车，美国本土主义者长期以来对排斥移民和大规模驱逐的幻想终于可以实现了"（第 5 页）。也许吧。虽然火车在过去确实为驱逐移民提供了便利，就像今天的飞机一样，但本土主义者的幻想从未完全实现，因为控制和消灭移民的技术过于昂贵，无法实现他们的梦想。当唐纳德-特朗普（Donald Trump）在 2016 年的一次初选辩论中声称要驱逐所有 1100 万无证移民时，很少有人相信他真的能做到；就像特朗普的许多主张一样，叫声比咬字更难听。2 然而，逮捕、拘留和驱逐出境的公开行为却达到了另一个目的：恐吓移民人口，有效地将他们留在阴影中，使他们容易被利用。这个系统并没有坏。它是按设计运行的。与二十一世纪相比，二十世纪上半叶被驱逐出境的人口规模显得微不足道，因为二十一世纪每年都有数十万人被驱逐出美国。1914 年，只有不到 5000 人被驱逐，但在 1914 年至 1931 年期间，有近 13 万人被驱逐（第 5 页）。铁路是这一驱逐系统的核心，尤其是从内陆地区，但究竟有多少人是通过铁路运输，而不是其他运输方式？
{"title":"Railroaded: How Trains Made Mass Immigrant Expulsion Possible","authors":"Elliott Young","doi":"10.1353/rah.2023.a917238","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/rah.2023.a917238","url":null,"abstract":"<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span>\u0000<p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> Railroaded: <span>How Trains Made Mass Immigrant Expulsion Possible</span> <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Elliott Young (bio) </li> </ul> Ethan Blue, <em>The Deportation Express: A History of America through Forced Removal</em>. Oakland: University of California Press, 2021. xiii + 448 pp. Figures, maps, notes, bibliography and index. $39.95. <blockquote> <p>“Goodbye to my Juan, goodbye, Rosalita,</p> <p>Adios mis amigos, Jesus y Maria;</p> <p>You won’t have your names when you ride the big airplane,</p> <p>All they will call you will be ‘deportees’”</p> —Maryin Hoffman and Woody Guthrie, “Deportee” </blockquote> <p>A few years back, as I was waiting to board a flight to Mexico from San Francisco International airport, I noticed some government agents escorting handcuffed migrants onto my commercial flight. I wanted to say something, to scream, to denounce ICE, to lay my body down on the gears of the deportation machine, but I didn’t. The passengers on my flight that day got a glimpse of the mass expulsion industry that mostly remains hidden from view, but nobody said a word. It was routine. Another day in America.</p> <p>In December 2018, the University of Washington Center for Human Rights received a database of the Immigration and Customs Enforcement’s (ICE) Alien Repatriation Tracking System (ARTS) following a Freedom of Information Act request. Although journalists have reported on the activities of ICE Air, as it is colloquially known, this network of chartered deportation flights operates in the shadows. Nobody had an idea of the size and shape of this aerial expulsion machine. The ARTS dataset revealed that there were 1.73 million passengers on almost 15,000 ICE Air Operations flights between 2010 and 2018. Almost three-quarters of these flights brought deportees back to their home countries, mostly Mexico, while just over one-quarter were internal transfers in which migrants were shuffled between detention centers in the United States. 150,000–250,000 migrants were boarded onto ICE Air each year, making it one of the largest mass removal strategies in U.S. history.<sup>1</sup> We know that under presidents Obama and Trump, the system reached unprecedented levels of deportation, removing more than half a million migrants annually at <strong>[End Page 236]</strong> its height. But understanding the mechanism for how those mass deportations actually happened remains fuzzy.</p> <p>When something like mass incarceration or mass deportation becomes routine, it can happen before our very eyes without our understanding the intricacies of how the complex system operates. While today airplanes and busses are used to ferry migrants around the country and expel them to other countries, in the beginning of the twentieth century, the primary mode of transport was the railroad. Ethan Blue’s <em>Deportation Express</em> helps us to ","PeriodicalId":43597,"journal":{"name":"REVIEWS IN AMERICAN HISTORY","volume":"54 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2024-01-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139414135","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-01-10DOI: 10.1353/rah.2023.a917241
Laura Phillips-Sawyer
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> Liberal Technocrats and the Economic Ideology of Efficiency <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Laura Phillips-Sawyer (bio) </li> </ul> Elizabeth Popp Berman, <em>Thinking like an Economist: How Efficiency Replaced Equality in U.S. Public Policy</em>. Princeton University Press, 2022. x + 334 pp. Notes, bibliography, index. $37.00 <p><em>Thinking like an Economist</em> opens with a familiar lament: that liberal Democratic presidents have lost their progressive edge. Democratic policies, Elizabeth Popp Berman explains, no longer embody the core values and aspirations of New Deal and Great Society programs—”political claims grounded in values of rights, universalism, equity, and limiting corporate power” (p. 4). Those noneconomic values once motivated and sustained progressive policies in social policy, antitrust law, and social regulation of health, safety, and the environment. Today, however, Democratic policymaking embraces a traditionally Republican focus on “leveraging choice, competition, incentives, and the power of markets in the pursuit of outcomes that would be not just effective, but efficient” (p. 2). This embrace, she argues, has redefined what constitutes “good policy (p. 6)” and constricted the “very horizons of possibility (p. 3)” for contemporary American progressives.</p> <p>Berman argues that “liberal technocrats”—professionally trained public servants who identified with a centrist Democratic Party—brought postwar neoclassical economics’ obsession with efficiency into government. Beginning in the 1960s, systems analysts and industrial organization (IO) economists deployed an economic style of reasoning as a politically-neutral tool to “rationalize” bureaucratic decision-making processes and economic regulation. Elite economics departments initially developed the core tenets and basic presumptions of neoclassical economics, but this way of thinking through real-world problems quickly spread to law schools, public administration programs, and especially think-tanks. A feedback loop formed that reinforced the trend. Eventually, those liberal technocrats—not right-wing conservative or libertarian pundits—elevated efficiency (broadly defined) as the core principle of policy analysis. Through the ubiquity of cost-benefit analysis, efficiency displaced other values, such as universal access, democratic participation, or decentralized economic power. By the 1980s, where many stories of “neoliberalism” <strong>[End Page 262]</strong> and deregulation begin, Democratic policymaking had already been captured by economists’ understanding of efficiency.</p> <p>So, what does it mean to think like an economist? Do all economists think alike? Here, Berman sets her book apart by focusing on postwar neoclassical <em>micro</em>economics, rather than <em>macro</em>economics. Macroeconomics is concerned with national-level fiscal, mo
{"title":"Liberal Technocrats and the Economic Ideology of Efficiency","authors":"Laura Phillips-Sawyer","doi":"10.1353/rah.2023.a917241","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/rah.2023.a917241","url":null,"abstract":"<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span>\u0000<p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> Liberal Technocrats and the Economic Ideology of Efficiency <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Laura Phillips-Sawyer (bio) </li> </ul> Elizabeth Popp Berman, <em>Thinking like an Economist: How Efficiency Replaced Equality in U.S. Public Policy</em>. Princeton University Press, 2022. x + 334 pp. Notes, bibliography, index. $37.00 <p><em>Thinking like an Economist</em> opens with a familiar lament: that liberal Democratic presidents have lost their progressive edge. Democratic policies, Elizabeth Popp Berman explains, no longer embody the core values and aspirations of New Deal and Great Society programs—”political claims grounded in values of rights, universalism, equity, and limiting corporate power” (p. 4). Those noneconomic values once motivated and sustained progressive policies in social policy, antitrust law, and social regulation of health, safety, and the environment. Today, however, Democratic policymaking embraces a traditionally Republican focus on “leveraging choice, competition, incentives, and the power of markets in the pursuit of outcomes that would be not just effective, but efficient” (p. 2). This embrace, she argues, has redefined what constitutes “good policy (p. 6)” and constricted the “very horizons of possibility (p. 3)” for contemporary American progressives.</p> <p>Berman argues that “liberal technocrats”—professionally trained public servants who identified with a centrist Democratic Party—brought postwar neoclassical economics’ obsession with efficiency into government. Beginning in the 1960s, systems analysts and industrial organization (IO) economists deployed an economic style of reasoning as a politically-neutral tool to “rationalize” bureaucratic decision-making processes and economic regulation. Elite economics departments initially developed the core tenets and basic presumptions of neoclassical economics, but this way of thinking through real-world problems quickly spread to law schools, public administration programs, and especially think-tanks. A feedback loop formed that reinforced the trend. Eventually, those liberal technocrats—not right-wing conservative or libertarian pundits—elevated efficiency (broadly defined) as the core principle of policy analysis. Through the ubiquity of cost-benefit analysis, efficiency displaced other values, such as universal access, democratic participation, or decentralized economic power. By the 1980s, where many stories of “neoliberalism” <strong>[End Page 262]</strong> and deregulation begin, Democratic policymaking had already been captured by economists’ understanding of efficiency.</p> <p>So, what does it mean to think like an economist? Do all economists think alike? Here, Berman sets her book apart by focusing on postwar neoclassical <em>micro</em>economics, rather than <em>macro</em>economics. Macroeconomics is concerned with national-level fiscal, mo","PeriodicalId":43597,"journal":{"name":"REVIEWS IN AMERICAN HISTORY","volume":"81 1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2024-01-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139414129","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-01-10DOI: 10.1353/rah.2023.a917237
Kaitlin Reed
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> Settler Answers to Settler Problems: <span>Centering Settler Colonialism in Environmental History</span> <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Kaitlin Reed (bio) </li> </ul> Traci Brynne Voyles, <em>The Settler Sea: California’s Salton Sea and the Consequences of Colonialism</em>. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2021. xiv + 382pp. Illustrations, notes, bibliography, and index. $30.00. <p>What do salt, toxic algae, hotel furniture, and fighter jets have in common? All of them can be found in the “ecological conundrum” that is the Salton Sea (p. 2). Paradoxically conceptualized as both an environmental refuge and toxic wasteland, the Salton Sea’s story, in Traci Brynne Voyles’s telling, perfectly illustrates the “precariousness of the settler world, not just settler approaches to environmentalism but settler epistemologies about human relationships to nature and to one another” (pp. 266–7).</p> <p>In dialogue with other scholars of Indigenous California, Voyles makes two critical interventions in her second book: first, a call for centering settler colonialism within historical discourse of California and the United States, but especially within environmental histories. Voyles and others are pointing out how, “People misunderstand the settler invasion of Indigenous California <em>as</em> California history rather than an unsustainable and disruptive episode in it.”<sup>1</sup> In settler colonial societies, settler colonialism is normalized to the point where it becomes invisibilized—from state-mandated curriculum oriented around the imaginary of Manifest Destiny<sup>2</sup> to environmental decision making. <sup>3</sup> Voyles argues that the:</p> <blockquote> <p>Salton Sea served as a microcosm of the twentieth-century West, reflecting back to us—sometimes with the exaggerated distortions of a funhouse mirror—the major forces that have shaped that century’s western environmental history: dryland irrigation, Indigenous dispossession, dam-building, militarization, pesticide-intensive agriculture, labor exploitation, tourism, prisons and policing, and wildlife conservation (p. 268).</p> </blockquote> <p>Voyles’ second, and related, intervention is oriented around environmental justice—namely, that environmental conditions that are created and maintained by settler colonialism can produce environmental injustices. Fans of <strong>[End Page 229]</strong> her <em>Wastelanding</em> (2015) will be happy to find a few threads that continue through Voyles’ sophomore manuscript: aridity and nuclearism. At the same time, the prose in <em>The Settler Sea</em> is a pleasure. Powerful imagery throughout transports the reader—from imagining Cahuilla families fishing the shores of the ancient Lake Cahuilla to the hotel furniture afloat in the Salton Sea “succumbed to bloat, mold, and rot” (p. 168). The structure of the book moves chronologica
{"title":"Settler Answers to Settler Problems: Centering Settler Colonialism in Environmental History","authors":"Kaitlin Reed","doi":"10.1353/rah.2023.a917237","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/rah.2023.a917237","url":null,"abstract":"<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span>\u0000<p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> Settler Answers to Settler Problems: <span>Centering Settler Colonialism in Environmental History</span> <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Kaitlin Reed (bio) </li> </ul> Traci Brynne Voyles, <em>The Settler Sea: California’s Salton Sea and the Consequences of Colonialism</em>. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2021. xiv + 382pp. Illustrations, notes, bibliography, and index. $30.00. <p>What do salt, toxic algae, hotel furniture, and fighter jets have in common? All of them can be found in the “ecological conundrum” that is the Salton Sea (p. 2). Paradoxically conceptualized as both an environmental refuge and toxic wasteland, the Salton Sea’s story, in Traci Brynne Voyles’s telling, perfectly illustrates the “precariousness of the settler world, not just settler approaches to environmentalism but settler epistemologies about human relationships to nature and to one another” (pp. 266–7).</p> <p>In dialogue with other scholars of Indigenous California, Voyles makes two critical interventions in her second book: first, a call for centering settler colonialism within historical discourse of California and the United States, but especially within environmental histories. Voyles and others are pointing out how, “People misunderstand the settler invasion of Indigenous California <em>as</em> California history rather than an unsustainable and disruptive episode in it.”<sup>1</sup> In settler colonial societies, settler colonialism is normalized to the point where it becomes invisibilized—from state-mandated curriculum oriented around the imaginary of Manifest Destiny<sup>2</sup> to environmental decision making. <sup>3</sup> Voyles argues that the:</p> <blockquote> <p>Salton Sea served as a microcosm of the twentieth-century West, reflecting back to us—sometimes with the exaggerated distortions of a funhouse mirror—the major forces that have shaped that century’s western environmental history: dryland irrigation, Indigenous dispossession, dam-building, militarization, pesticide-intensive agriculture, labor exploitation, tourism, prisons and policing, and wildlife conservation (p. 268).</p> </blockquote> <p>Voyles’ second, and related, intervention is oriented around environmental justice—namely, that environmental conditions that are created and maintained by settler colonialism can produce environmental injustices. Fans of <strong>[End Page 229]</strong> her <em>Wastelanding</em> (2015) will be happy to find a few threads that continue through Voyles’ sophomore manuscript: aridity and nuclearism. At the same time, the prose in <em>The Settler Sea</em> is a pleasure. Powerful imagery throughout transports the reader—from imagining Cahuilla families fishing the shores of the ancient Lake Cahuilla to the hotel furniture afloat in the Salton Sea “succumbed to bloat, mold, and rot” (p. 168). The structure of the book moves chronologica","PeriodicalId":43597,"journal":{"name":"REVIEWS IN AMERICAN HISTORY","volume":"5 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2024-01-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139415177","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-24eCollection Date: 2023-07-01DOI: 10.2106/JBJS.ST.22.00038
Colin J Harrington, Marissa Dearden, John Richards, Matthew Carty, Jason Souza, Benjamin K Potter
<p><strong>Background: </strong>The agonist-antagonist myoneural interface (AMI) technique at the time of transtibial amputation involves the use of agonist-antagonist muscle pairs to restore natural contraction-stretch relationships and to improve proprioceptive feedback when utilizing a prosthetic limb<sup>1</sup>.</p><p><strong>Description: </strong>Utilizing the standard incision for a long posterior myofasciocutaneous flap, the lateral and medial aspects of the limb are dissected, identifying and preserving the superficial peroneal and saphenous nerve, respectively. The tendons of the tibialis anterior and peroneus longus are transected distally to allow adequate length for the AMI constructs. After ligation of the anterior tibial vessels, the deep peroneal nerve is identified and tagged to create a regenerative peripheral nerve interface (RPNI). The tibia and fibula are cut approximately 15 cm from the medial joint line, facilitating dissection of the deep posterior compartment and ligation of the peroneal and posterior tibial vessels. The tendons of the lateral gastrocnemius and tibialis posterior are transected distally, and the amputation is completed. The extensor retinaculum is harvested from the residual limb along with multiple 2 × 3-cm free muscle grafts, which will be used for the RPNI constructs. The retinaculum is secured to the tibia with suture anchors, and AMI pairs of the lateral gastrocnemius and tibialis anterior as well as the tibialis posterior and peroneus longus are constructed. Separate RPNIs of the major lower-extremity nerves are performed, and the wound is closed in a standard layered fashion.</p><p><strong>Alternatives: </strong>An isometric myodesis of the gastrocnemius without coaptation of agonist-antagonist muscle pairs can be performed at the time of transtibial amputation.</p><p><strong>Rationale: </strong>The AMI technique restores natural agonist-antagonist relationships at the time of transtibial amputation to increase proprioceptive feedback and improve prosthetic control. These outcomes contrast with those of a traditional isometric myodesis, which prevents proprioceptive communication from the residual limb musculature to the central nervous system. Additionally, the AMI technique allows for concentric and eccentric muscular contractions, which may contribute to the maintenance of limb volume and aid with prosthetic fitting, as opposed to the typical limb atrophy observed following standard transtibial amputation<sup>1,2</sup>. With the development and availability of more advanced prostheses, the AMI technique offers more precise control and increases the functionality of these innovative devices.</p><p><strong>Expected outcomes: </strong>Early clinical outcomes of the AMI technique at the time of transtibial amputation have been promising. In a case series of the first 3 patients who underwent the procedure, complications were minor and consisted of 2 episodes of cellulitis and 1 case of delayed wound
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Pub Date : 2023-06-01DOI: 10.1353/rah.2023.a911212
Sharon Ann Musher
Revisiting the New Deal in the Shadow of a Double Pandemic Sharon Ann Musher (bio) Scott Borchert, Republic of Detours: How the New Deal Paid Broke Writers to Rediscover America. NY: Macmillan Publishers, 2021. 385 pp. Notes and index. $30. Mary Ann Calo, African American Artists and the New Deal Art Programs. University Park: Penn State University Press, 2023. 216 pp. Figures, notes, bibliography, and index. $74.95. Eric Rauchway, Why the New Deal Matters. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2021. 232 pp. Notes and index. $16. Sara Rutkowski, ed., Rewriting America: New Essays on the Federal Writers' Project. Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 2022. 264 pp. $30.95. Index. Jill Watts, The Black Cabinet: The Untold Story of African Americans and Politics During the Age of Roosevelt. NY: Grove Press, 2020. 560 pp. Figures, notes, bibliography, and index. $20. Today's politicians, activists, academics, writers, and artists regularly look to New Deal programs, rhetoric, and ideology to address contemporary challenges. In 2019, Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-NY) called for a Green New Deal through a bill introduced to the House.1 Although that bill was not enacted, the youth-led Sunrise Movement has grown around the concept of electing leaders to prioritize climate change, end reliance on fossil fuels, and guarantee universally accessible living wages. Shortly after President Biden's election in 2021, efforts to establish a new New Deal increased. Biden issued an Executive Order to create a Civilian Climate Corps that would put young people to work to tackle environmental degradation reminiscent of an earlier New Deal agenda. The Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) was one of President Roosevelt's programs, employing young men on national conservation projects to plant trees and build trails.2 In May, Congressman Ted W. Lieu (D-CA) took up the New Deal mantle when he proposed a Twenty-First Century Federal Writers' Project Act, inspired by the original Writers' Project, [End Page 160] which hired unemployed white-collar workers across the nation to portray the country through State Guides, ethnic studies, and first-person interviews. Lieu's plan was similar but less direct. Rather than the federal government openly hiring writers, it would provide funds to non-profits, libraries, and news sources to engage struggling writers to document COVID's impact and honor lives lost.3 That August, Congresswoman Teresa Leger Fernandez (D-NM) presented the Creative Economy Revitalization Act (CERA) to the House. CERA resonated with the New Deal's Work Progress Administration (WPA), a work-relief program that included the Writers' Project.4 Like the proposed Twenty-First Century FWP, Fernandez's act called for less immediate aid to the unemployed. Instead, the Department of Labor would work with the National Endowment for the Arts (NEA) to administer grants to organizations to hire artists to create accessible art. That September, Ben Ray Lujan (D-
在双重流行病的阴影下重新审视新政莎朗·安·穆希尔(传记)斯科特·博尔切特，弯路共和国:新政如何让破产的作家重新发现美国。纽约:麦克米伦出版社，2021年。385页。注释和索引。30美元。玛丽·安·卡洛，非裔美国艺术家和新政艺术项目。大学公园:宾夕法尼亚州立大学出版社，2023。216页。图表、注释、参考书目和索引。74.95美元。埃里克·劳赫威，《新政为什么重要》。纽黑文:耶鲁大学出版社，2021。232页。注释和索引。16美元。Sara Rutkowski主编，《重写美国:关于联邦作家项目的新文章》。阿默斯特:马萨诸塞大学出版社，2022。264页，30.95美元。索引。吉尔·沃茨，《黑人内阁:不为人知的非裔美国人和罗斯福时代政治的故事》。纽约:格罗夫出版社，2020。560页。图表、注释、参考书目和索引。20美元。今天的政治家、活动家、学者、作家和艺术家经常关注新政的计划、修辞和意识形态，以应对当代的挑战。2019年，纽约州民主党众议员亚历山大·奥卡西奥-科尔特斯(Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez)通过向众议院提交的一项法案呼吁实施绿色新政1 .尽管该法案没有颁布，但由年轻人领导的“日出运动”(Sunrise Movement)围绕着选举领导人优先考虑气候变化、结束对化石燃料的依赖、保证普遍可获得的生活工资这一概念而发展起来。拜登总统于2021年当选后不久，制定新新政的努力就增加了。拜登发布了一项行政命令，成立一个民间气候队，让年轻人参与到解决环境恶化的工作中来，这让人想起了早期的新政议程。民间自然资源保护团(CCC)是罗斯福总统的一个项目，它雇佣年轻人参与国家自然资源保护项目，植树和修建小径5月，国会议员刘云平(加州民主党)接过新政的衣袍，提出了《21世纪联邦作家计划法案》，该法案受到最初的作家计划的启发，该计划在全国范围内雇佣失业白领，通过国家指南、种族研究和第一人称访谈来描绘这个国家。刘云平的计划与此类似，但没有那么直接。联邦政府不会公开招聘作家，而是向非营利组织、图书馆和新闻来源提供资金，让苦苦挣扎的作家记录新冠病毒的影响，纪念逝去的生命同年8月，国会女议员Teresa Leger Fernandez(民主党)向众议院提交了《创意经济振兴法案》(CERA)。CERA与罗斯福新政的工作进步管理局(WPA)产生了共鸣，这是一个包括作家计划在内的工作救济计划。4就像提议的21世纪FWP一样，费尔南德斯的法案要求对失业者提供不那么直接的援助。取而代之的是，劳工部将与美国国家艺术基金会(National Endowment for the Arts，简称NEA)合作，为聘请艺术家创作无障碍艺术的组织提供资助。同年9月，本·雷·卢扬(民主党- nm)向参议院提出了同样的法案相反，政府对COVID-19的反应更加有限，持续时间更短，更少着眼于改变现状，而不是恢复现状。例如，对与COVID-19大流行作斗争的个人和组织的大部分支持都是通过救济法案形式的临时资金提供的，例如《关怀法案》(2020年)和《美国救援计划》(2021年)在地方、地区和州的层面上，新政式的努力取得了一些成功。2012年，纽约市人力资源管理局通过纽约工作进步计划(New York’s Work Progress Program)恢复了WPA，该计划为没有上学的年轻、低收入、失业人员提供工资补贴和职业培训。虽然在纽约州推广这一计划的尝试失败了，但加州在2020年设法制定了一项全州范围的艺术家和作家职业培训项目，尽管资金不足然而，这种弱化的程序维持的不仅仅是对系统的重新想象。一些模仿新政方法的最具创意的项目已经在大学、私人和非营利部门发展起来。例如，创意重建纽约是一个为期两年的艺术家就业计划，类似于联邦艺术计划。创意人员……
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Pub Date : 2023-06-01DOI: 10.1353/rah.2023.a911205
David Igler
Telling California Stories David Igler (bio) John Mack Faragher, California: An American History. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2022. ix + 466 pp. Illustrations, maps, bibliography, and index. $28.50. Assembling a history of California presents the narrative challenge of an overabundance of stories. Forget Hollywood with its longtime penchant for excavating the lurid past or its recent descent into remakes of remakes and plots driven by the sale of plastic action figures. Also forget advertisers, who have created and regurgitated versions of the California Dream since the 16th century, when Garci Rodríquez de Montalvo's novel Adventures of Esplandian placed California on the literary map as an island located off the western coast of North America. An island solely inhabited by gold-clad Amazons? The story sold well to Spanish adventurers, at least to those who could read. The challenge for historians who seek narrative coherence—as John Mack Faragher does in California: An American History—is one of selection and equilibrium. How to choose among the infinite number of Indigenous creation stories, or settler narratives, or shifty political schemes? How to achieve some balance between the region's violent and exclusionary past and its moments of human charity? Raised in the storied lands of southern California, Faragher has spent most of his scholarly life writing about topics situated well east of the Golden State. His monographs Women and Men on the Overland Trail (1979), Sugar Creek (1986) and A Great and Noble Scheme (2005) explored settler groups in motion and others temporarily fixed in place, while his biography Daniel Boone (1993) examined one of the nation's most written-about and mythologized citizens. With historian Robert Hine, Faragher authored two of the best synthetic accounts of the American West. In 2016, he returned to his southern California roots with Eternity Street: Violence and Justice in Frontier Los Angeles, which is among the most dark, brutal, and gripping histories written about any American city.1 It kept me reading late into the night in the same way a noir-mystery by Jo Nesbø or Kate Atkinson does. In short, John Mack Faragher knows how to tell a compelling story—one steeped in decades of his own archival research and a sense of place. A quick glance at the table of contents suggests California: An American History represents an odd assemblage of the state's past. It runs to over 440 [End Page 108] pages and contains 40 chapters, with titles like "What Happened to My Chickens?" and "My Little Sister's Heart in My Hands." Though delineating a state obsessed with its modern incarnation and rapid expansion in the 20th century, Faragher refuses to hit the year 1900 until two-thirds of the way into the book. For those of us unenthused by the overriding historical focus on modern California, we applaud Faragher's temporal bias for the deep past: the subduction zones and tectonics that formed this place, the Native stori
大卫·伊格勒(传记)约翰·麦克·法拉格，《加州:一部美国历史》。纽黑文:耶鲁大学出版社，2022。ix + 466页。插图，地图，参考书目和索引。28.50美元。汇集加州的历史呈现了过多故事的叙事挑战。忘掉好莱坞长期以来对挖掘耸人听闻的过去的嗜好吧，也忘掉它最近在塑料玩具娃娃销售的推动下，陷入翻拍和情节的泥潭吧。也别忘了广告商，自16世纪以来，他们一直在创造和重复各种版本的加州梦，当时Garci Rodríquez de Montalvo的小说《Esplandian Adventures of Esplandian》将加利福尼亚作为一个位于北美西海岸外的岛屿放在文学地图上。一个只住着穿着金色衣服的亚马逊人的岛屿?这个故事很受西班牙冒险家的欢迎，至少对那些能读懂的人来说是这样。寻求叙事连贯性的历史学家面临的挑战——就像约翰·麦克·法拉格在《加州:美国历史》一书中所做的那样——是选择和平衡。如何在不计其数的土著创造故事、定居者叙事或诡谲的政治计划中做出选择?如何在该地区暴力和排外的过去与人类仁爱的时刻之间取得某种平衡?Faragher在南加州的传奇土地上长大，他的大部分学术生涯都在写关于金州东部的话题。他的专著《陆上小径上的女人和男人》(1979年)、《糖溪》(1986年)和《伟大而崇高的计划》(2005年)探讨了迁移中的移民群体和其他暂时固定在原地的群体，而他的传记《丹尼尔·布恩》(1993年)则研究了美国最受关注和最具神话色彩的公民之一。法拉格与历史学家罗伯特·海因(Robert Hine)合著了两本关于美国西部的最佳综合记述。2016年，他带着《永恒街:洛杉矶边境的暴力与正义》回到南加州，这是关于美国城市的最黑暗、最残酷、最扣人心弦的历史作品之一它让我一直读到深夜，就像乔·内斯博或凯特·阿特金森的黑色推理小说一样。简而言之，约翰·麦克·法拉格知道如何讲述一个引人入胜的故事——一个沉浸在他自己数十年的档案研究和地方感中的故事。快速浏览一下目录就会发现，《加州:美国历史》是加州历史的奇特组合。这本书长达440多页，包含40章，标题包括“我的鸡怎么了?”和“我妹妹的心在我手里”。虽然描绘了一个沉迷于其现代化身和20世纪快速扩张的国家，但法拉格直到书中三分之二的部分才提到1900年。对于我们这些对现代加利福尼亚的历史焦点不感兴趣的人来说，我们赞赏法拉格对过去的时间偏见:形成这个地方的俯冲带和构造，提供了多种开端的土著故事，挣扎的航海家和沿海社区之间的许多相遇，西班牙和墨西哥定居者殖民主义的持久遗产，以及美国公民在淘金热期间大量抵达后随之而来的混乱。淘金热之后(一直持续到20世纪)发生的事情包括国家支持的屠杀、排斥、合并，以及一些人对统治权力的短暂挑战。如果像该州伟大的编年史家凯里·麦克威廉姆斯(Carey McWilliams)所说的那样，淘金热“一下子亮起了灯”，那么“火焰”照亮了无数不和谐的片段和许多未实现的期望对于一个有着10000多年人类居住历史的曲折历史的地方，法拉格的穿越线是什么呢?“人类的多样性是加州历史的基础，”他写道，尽管这一真理几乎没有触及该地区社会历史的表面(第5页)。法拉格尔对土著多样性和坚持不懈的关注(尽管定居者竭尽全力消灭)代表了他最有效的中心主题之一。这本书从Konkow的一个村庄开始，以将祖先的土地归还给土著群体的当今紧张局势结束。在这些终点之间…
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Pub Date : 2023-06-01DOI: 10.1353/rah.2023.a911208
Raymond James Krohn
Whither Revivalism and Reform Raymond James Krohn (bio) Ryan C. McIlhenny, To Preach Deliverance to the Captives: Freedom and Slavery in the Protestant Mind of George Bourne, 1780–1845. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2020. ix + 257pp. Acknowledgements, notes, bibliography, and index. $45.00. Ben Wright, Bonds of Salvation: How Christianity Inspired and Limited American Abolitionism. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2020. vii + 253pp. Acknowledgements, notes, and index. $45.00. In 1976, historian Ronald G. Walters opened a chapter-length analysis of religion and the reformist ethos by contending that crusading abolitionism in the United States "could not . . . have been what it was after 1830 if there had not been an evangelical Protestant tradition behind it and if there had not been evangelical Protestants in it from beginning to end." Despite acknowledging that revivalism in and of itself did not fuel the drive to immediately emancipate the enslaved, at the section's close he nonetheless reaffirmed the revivalistic inheritance of post-1830 antislavery, whose zealous adherents appropriately transformed their cause into "a church." Thirty years later, sociologist Michael P. Young premised the emergence of the American social movement on a solidly spiritual foundation, claiming that pre-Civil War antialcohol, antislavery, and anti-vice crusaders harnessed both the "genteel orthodoxy" of older Protestant sects and "boisterous populism" of newer ones while launching campaigns against individual immorality and societal wickedness. The instrumental connections that antebellum reformers had made between "the intimate and the far-flung," he observed, "stemm[ed] from an evangelical sense of the dynamic of sin, repentance, and reformation . . . .[a] reflexive force [that] projected personal sins onto national problems and introjected national evils into personal affairs." So closely intertwined are religious revitalization and the resurgence of such early nineteenth-century reforms as temperance and abolitionism in the scholarly literature, that any decoupling or reconceptualization is difficult to envision.1 Across the twentieth century, scholars crafted an array of texts on reformist religion that collectively produced a richly textured tapestry. Listing several of [End Page 127] these books suggests the warp and woof of a century-long conversation about reformism's nature and meaning: Alice Felt Tyler, Freedom's Ferment: Phases of American Social History to 1860 (1944); Whitney R. Cross, The Burned-over District: The Social and Intellectual History of Enthusiastic Religion in Western New York, 1800–1850 (1950); Timothy L. Smith, Revivalism and Social Reform in Mid-19th-Century America (1957); Clifford S. Griffin, The Ferment of Reform, 1830–1860 (1967); James Brewer Stewart, Holy Warriors: The Abolitionists and American Slavery (1976; rev. ed., 1997); Paul E. Johnson, A Shopkeeper's Millennium: Society and Revivals in Roch
Raymond James Krohn, Ryan C. McIlhenny，《向俘虏宣讲解放:乔治·伯恩的新教思想中的自由和奴隶制，1780-1845》。巴吞鲁日:路易斯安那州立大学出版社，2020。Ix + 257pp。致谢、注释、参考书目和索引。45.00美元。本·赖特，《救赎的纽带:基督教如何启发和限制美国废奴主义》。巴吞鲁日:路易斯安那州立大学出版社，2020。Vii + 253pp。致谢、注释和索引。45.00美元。1976年，历史学家罗纳德·g·沃尔特斯(Ronald G. Walters)对宗教和改革派精神进行了长达一章的分析，他认为美国的废奴主义运动“不可能……如果它背后没有福音派新教传统，如果它从头到尾都没有福音派新教徒，它就会变成1830年后的样子。”尽管承认复兴运动本身并没有推动立即解放被奴役的人，但在这一节的结尾，他仍然重申了1830年后反奴隶制的复兴运动遗产，其热心的追随者适当地将他们的事业转变为“一个教会”。三十年后，社会学家迈克尔·p·杨(Michael P. Young)将美国社会运动的出现建立在坚实的精神基础之上，他声称内战前的反酒精、反奴隶制和反恶习十字军在发起反对个人不道德行为和社会邪恶的运动时，既利用了旧新教教派的“文雅正统”，也利用了新新教教派的“喧嚣民粹主义”。他观察到，内战前的改革者在“亲密和遥远”之间建立的工具联系，“源于福音派对罪恶、悔改和改革动态的认识. . . .[一种]反射性力量，[这种力量]将个人的罪恶投射到国家问题上，并将国家的罪恶内化到个人事务中。”宗教复兴与19世纪早期宗教改革(如学术文献中的节制和废奴主义)的复兴紧密交织在一起，以至于很难想象两者之间的脱钩或重新概念化在整个20世纪，学者们精心制作了一系列关于改革派宗教的文本，这些文本共同构成了一幅丰富多彩的挂毯。列出这些书中的几本书表明了关于改良主义的性质和意义的长达一个世纪的对话的经线和脉络:爱丽丝·费尔特·泰勒，自由的发酵:到1860年的美国社会历史阶段(1944);惠特尼·r·克罗斯:《被烧毁的地区:1800-1850年纽约西部狂热宗教的社会史和思想史》(1950);蒂莫西·l·史密斯:《19世纪中期美国的奋兴运动与社会改革》(1957);克利福德s格里芬，改革的发酵，1830-1860 (1967);詹姆斯·布鲁尔·斯图尔特，《神圣战士:废奴主义者和美国奴隶制》(1976;1997年修订版);保罗·e·约翰逊，《一个店主的千年:1815-1837年纽约罗切斯特的社会与复兴》(1978);威廉·g·麦克劳克林:《复兴、觉醒与改革》(1978);南希·休伊特:《妇女行动主义与社会变革:罗切斯特，1822-1872》(1984);洛丽·d·金兹伯格:《妇女与慈善事业:19世纪美国的道德、政治和阶级》(1990);罗伯特·艾布扎格:《崩溃的宇宙:美国改革与宗教想象》(1994);史蒂文·明茨，《道德家和现代化者:美国内战前的改革者》(1995);利奥·p·希雷尔，《愤怒的孩子:新学派加尔文主义和战前改革》(1998)。然而，如果不是1933年吉尔伯特·霍布斯·巴恩斯的《1830-1844年反奴隶制的冲动》介入，史学辩论的轮廓将会完全不同。在那篇经典的研究中，巴恩斯有效地将内战前的废奴主义从历史的忽视中拯救了出来，他边缘化了威廉·劳埃德·加里森(William Lloyd Garrison)和他的新英格兰追随者小圈子的慈善威望，同时把西奥多·德怀特·维尔德(Theodore Dwight Weld)和来自纽约西部和老西北复兴主义地区的志同道合的改革者的福音主义激进主义放大为非常受人尊敬。尽管后来的学者最终收回了巴恩斯对加里森的“魔鬼”称号，但后来的改革派学生受益于巴恩斯对狂热宗教的强调，并将其扩展为废奴主义运动的主要动力。Ryan C. McIlhenny和Ben Wright各自的专著，在LSU出版社最近出版的“反奴隶制、废除奴隶制和大西洋世界”系列中，邀请人们对这一古老结构的现状进行探讨。每个作者……
{"title":"Whither Revivalism and Reform","authors":"Raymond James Krohn","doi":"10.1353/rah.2023.a911208","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/rah.2023.a911208","url":null,"abstract":"Whither Revivalism and Reform Raymond James Krohn (bio) Ryan C. McIlhenny, To Preach Deliverance to the Captives: Freedom and Slavery in the Protestant Mind of George Bourne, 1780–1845. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2020. ix + 257pp. Acknowledgements, notes, bibliography, and index. $45.00. Ben Wright, Bonds of Salvation: How Christianity Inspired and Limited American Abolitionism. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2020. vii + 253pp. Acknowledgements, notes, and index. $45.00. In 1976, historian Ronald G. Walters opened a chapter-length analysis of religion and the reformist ethos by contending that crusading abolitionism in the United States \"could not . . . have been what it was after 1830 if there had not been an evangelical Protestant tradition behind it and if there had not been evangelical Protestants in it from beginning to end.\" Despite acknowledging that revivalism in and of itself did not fuel the drive to immediately emancipate the enslaved, at the section's close he nonetheless reaffirmed the revivalistic inheritance of post-1830 antislavery, whose zealous adherents appropriately transformed their cause into \"a church.\" Thirty years later, sociologist Michael P. Young premised the emergence of the American social movement on a solidly spiritual foundation, claiming that pre-Civil War antialcohol, antislavery, and anti-vice crusaders harnessed both the \"genteel orthodoxy\" of older Protestant sects and \"boisterous populism\" of newer ones while launching campaigns against individual immorality and societal wickedness. The instrumental connections that antebellum reformers had made between \"the intimate and the far-flung,\" he observed, \"stemm[ed] from an evangelical sense of the dynamic of sin, repentance, and reformation . . . .[a] reflexive force [that] projected personal sins onto national problems and introjected national evils into personal affairs.\" So closely intertwined are religious revitalization and the resurgence of such early nineteenth-century reforms as temperance and abolitionism in the scholarly literature, that any decoupling or reconceptualization is difficult to envision.1 Across the twentieth century, scholars crafted an array of texts on reformist religion that collectively produced a richly textured tapestry. Listing several of [End Page 127] these books suggests the warp and woof of a century-long conversation about reformism's nature and meaning: Alice Felt Tyler, Freedom's Ferment: Phases of American Social History to 1860 (1944); Whitney R. Cross, The Burned-over District: The Social and Intellectual History of Enthusiastic Religion in Western New York, 1800–1850 (1950); Timothy L. Smith, Revivalism and Social Reform in Mid-19th-Century America (1957); Clifford S. Griffin, The Ferment of Reform, 1830–1860 (1967); James Brewer Stewart, Holy Warriors: The Abolitionists and American Slavery (1976; rev. ed., 1997); Paul E. Johnson, A Shopkeeper's Millennium: Society and Revivals in Roch","PeriodicalId":43597,"journal":{"name":"REVIEWS IN AMERICAN HISTORY","volume":"174 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135195488","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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