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Word and Bond in the Antebellum and Civil War Eras 战前和内战时期的言语与邦德
IF 0.1 4区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1353/rah.2022.0030
Timothy L. Wesley
Like the larger subject of Christianity’s role in antebellum and wartime American political and cultural discourse that they share, neither of these important monographs is uncomplicated. In broad strokes, the authors of both works succeed in adding depth and specificity to premises that most students of nineteenth-century American history already grant. At its heart, Ben Wright’s contention in Bonds of Salvation: How Christianity Inspired and Limited Abolitionism is that opposing and incompatible understandings of what their faith required of them in converting the world to the gospel led some Christian denominationalists to abide, and others to attack, American slavery. The notion that religion often serves different masters in common ideological contests is anything but new. Still, Wright’s detailed exploration of the designs and organizational efforts of American antislavery gradualists, colonizers, abolitionists, and southern advocators who alike claimed the mantle of their Christian faith as motivation reminds us that context must always play a leading role in efforts to historicize the religious debate over slavery. Likewise, James P. Byrd’s hypothesis in A Holy Baptism of Fire and Blood: The Bible and the American Civil War seems self-evident when stated in its simplest form. Christians of the Civil War era believed in the literalness of scripture, Byrd contends, and consequently used the Bible to support their actions in every area of their lives. Only after reading Byrd’s skillfully crafted study that combines discerning analysis with abundant quantification do the nuances, contestations, and contradictions of privileging the Bible as an agent of causation and/or justification become clear.
就像他们分享的基督教在战前和战时美国政治和文化话语中的作用这一更大的主题一样,这两本重要的专著都不是简单的。这两本书的作者都成功地为大多数研究19世纪美国历史的学生已经认可的前提增加了深度和特殊性。本·赖特在《救赎的纽带:基督教如何启发和限制废奴主义》一书中的核心论点是,在将世界转变为福音的过程中,他们对信仰要求的对立和不相容的理解导致一些基督教教派主义者遵守美国奴隶制,而另一些则攻击美国奴隶制。宗教常常在共同的意识形态之争中为不同的主子服务,这种观点一点也不新鲜。尽管如此,赖特对美国反奴隶制渐进主义者、殖民者、废奴主义者和南方倡导者的设计和组织努力的详细探索提醒我们,在将有关奴隶制的宗教辩论历史化的努力中,背景必须始终发挥主导作用。这些人都声称自己的基督教信仰是他们的动力。同样,詹姆斯·p·伯德在《火与血的神圣洗礼:圣经与美国内战》中的假设,如果以最简单的形式陈述,似乎是不言而喻的。伯德认为,内战时期的基督徒相信圣经的真实性,因此在生活的各个方面都用圣经来支持他们的行动。只有读了伯德巧妙的研究,结合了辨别力的分析和丰富的量化,才会明白把圣经作为因果关系和/或证明的代理的细微差别、争论和矛盾。
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引用次数: 0
The New Old-School American Revolution 美国新旧学派革命
IF 0.1 4区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1353/rah.2022.0028
F. Russo
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引用次数: 0
The South's Legacy of White Supremacy 南方白人至上主义的遗产
IF 0.1 4区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1353/rah.2022.0032
S. Cox
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引用次数: 0
Having It All 拥有一切
IF 0.1 4区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-06-01 DOI: 10.1353/rah.2022.0023
Flannery Burke
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引用次数: 0
Objects and Rituals of Time in the Nineteenth-Century United States 19世纪美国的时间对象与仪式
IF 0.1 4区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-06-01 DOI: 10.1353/rah.2022.0020
Justin T. Clark
In studying change over time, historians have tended to pay more attention to the former than the latter. Since the mid-twentieth century, and especially in recent decades, a rich interdisciplinary scholarship has investigated the histories of timekeepers and time standards, diaries, calendars, Sabbath observances, commemorations, “free” and labor time, as well as the science, philosophy, and art of time. Yet instead of establishing an independent identity, the history of time has mostly surfaced across disparate subfields, in the guise of the history of technology, labor, leisure, religion, memory, material and visual culture.1 Conversely, history remains notably less represented than other disciplines in interdisciplinary venues for time studies, such as the Temporal Belongings network and the journal Time and Society. One impediment to a more coherent history of time is the subject’s inherent difficulty. Time is a frustratingly fluid and ambiguous concept, even in comparison with other social constructions. Time exists at a multitude of seemingly incommensurate scales, complicating the scholarly synthesis of everyday mechanical timekeeping with more purely ideological temporal conceptions,
在研究历史变迁时,历史学家往往更关注前者,而不是后者。自20世纪中期以来,特别是近几十年来,丰富的跨学科学术研究已经调查了计时员和时间标准的历史,日记,日历,安息日仪式,纪念活动,“自由”和劳动时间,以及时间的科学,哲学和艺术。然而,时间的历史并没有建立一个独立的身份,而是以技术、劳动、休闲、宗教、记忆、物质和视觉文化的历史为幌子,在不同的子领域中浮出了表面相反,在时间研究的跨学科场所,如时间财物网络和《时间与社会》杂志,历史的代表性仍然明显低于其他学科。一个更连贯的时间历史的障碍是这门学科固有的困难。时间是一个令人沮丧的流动和模糊的概念,即使与其他社会结构相比也是如此。时间存在于许多看似不相称的尺度上,使日常机械计时的学术综合与更纯粹的意识形态时间概念复杂化,
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引用次数: 0
American Vanguardism 美国Vanguardism
IF 0.1 4区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-06-01 DOI: 10.1353/rah.2022.0018
M. Stanley
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引用次数: 0
The Metaphor of the Fringe in the Historiography of the American Right 美国右翼史学中的边缘隐喻
IF 0.1 4区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-06-01 DOI: 10.1353/rah.2022.0025
Jennifer Mittelstadt
Not since the late 1950s and early 1960s have Americans heard as much about a right-wing fringe as they have in the six years since the election of Donald Trump. Just to name a few examples in what turned out to be a parade of horrors: in 2017, white supremacist groups attacked peaceful advocates of racial equality in Charlottesville, North Carolina, killing one. An anti-Semitic extremist killed 11 people at a synagogue in Pittsburgh in 2018. In 2019, a xenophobic white-supremacist targeted Latinos, murdering 23 people in El Paso, Texas. And a coalition of right-wing extremists coordinated and participated in the attack on the U.S. Capitol to overturn the election of President-elect Joseph Biden in 2021. Many journalists have asked “what happened to America’s political center of gravity?”1 The “menace,” they report, finally “has entered the mainstream,” as “the GOP fringe has taken over American politics.”2 If journalists and commentators expressed surprise at the power of the so-called far-right fringe, historians John Huntington and Edward Miller do not. Huntington’s Far-Right Vanguard: The Radical Roots of Modern Conservatism and Edward Miller’s A Conspiratorial Life: Robert Welch, the John Birch Society, and the Revolution of American Conservatism have located new sources—people, organizations and events long neglected or taken for granted—and their different histories converge on a compelling argument: the growing power of the American right in the late 20th century derived not from the influence of the so-called respectable right and mainstream Republican Party, but from the far right, or ultraright. The ultraright’s activists led the growth of the right in every way: they fueled the communications used to educate a wider grassroots right and a national political leadership; they peopled movement
自20世纪50年代末和60年代初以来,美国人从未像唐纳德·特朗普当选后的六年里那样听说过右翼边缘势力。举几个恐怖游行的例子:2017年,白人至上主义团体在北卡罗来纳州夏洛茨维尔袭击了种族平等的和平倡导者,杀死了一人。2018年,一名反犹太主义极端分子在匹兹堡的一座犹太教堂杀害了11人。2019年,一名仇外的白人至上主义者以拉丁裔为目标,在得克萨斯州埃尔帕索谋杀了23人。右翼极端分子联盟协调并参与了对美国国会大厦的袭击,以推翻2021年当选总统约瑟夫·拜登的选举。许多记者问“美国的政治重心发生了什么?”1他们报道称,随着“共和党边缘势力接管了美国政治”,“威胁”终于“进入主流”。2如果记者和评论员对所谓的极右翼边缘势力的力量表示惊讶,历史学家约翰·亨廷顿和爱德华·米勒则不会。亨廷顿的《极右翼先锋:现代保守主义的激进根源》和爱德华·米勒的《阴谋人生》:罗伯特·韦尔奇、约翰·伯奇协会和美国保守主义革命找到了新的来源——人,长期被忽视或被视为理所当然的组织和事件,以及它们不同的历史汇聚在一个令人信服的论点上:20世纪末美国右翼日益强大的力量不是来自所谓的受人尊敬的右翼和主流共和党的影响,而是来自极右翼或极右翼。极右翼的活动人士在各个方面领导着右翼的发展:他们推动了用于教育更广泛的基层右翼和国家政治领导层的沟通;他们发动了人民运动
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引用次数: 0
People in Cold Storage: The Cruel Limbos of Historical and Current Detainees in the United States 《冷库中的人:美国历史上和现在被拘留者的残酷边缘》
IF 0.1 4区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-06-01 DOI: 10.1353/rah.2022.0024
Lorin Flores
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引用次数: 0
Border History is Indigenous History 边境历史是土著历史
IF 0.1 4区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-06-01 DOI: 10.1353/rah.2022.0017
Ryan Hall
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引用次数: 0
The Trials, Travels, and Triumphs of the ADAMS Family 亚当斯一家的考验、旅行和胜利
IF 0.1 4区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-06-01 DOI: 10.1353/rah.2022.0014
Lindsay M. Chervinsky
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引用次数: 0
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REVIEWS IN AMERICAN HISTORY
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