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Revisiting the New Deal in the Shadow of a Double Pandemic 在双重流行病的阴影下重新审视新政
4区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1353/rah.2023.a911212
Sharon Ann Musher
Revisiting the New Deal in the Shadow of a Double Pandemic Sharon Ann Musher (bio) Scott Borchert, Republic of Detours: How the New Deal Paid Broke Writers to Rediscover America. NY: Macmillan Publishers, 2021. 385 pp. Notes and index. $30. Mary Ann Calo, African American Artists and the New Deal Art Programs. University Park: Penn State University Press, 2023. 216 pp. Figures, notes, bibliography, and index. $74.95. Eric Rauchway, Why the New Deal Matters. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2021. 232 pp. Notes and index. $16. Sara Rutkowski, ed., Rewriting America: New Essays on the Federal Writers' Project. Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 2022. 264 pp. $30.95. Index. Jill Watts, The Black Cabinet: The Untold Story of African Americans and Politics During the Age of Roosevelt. NY: Grove Press, 2020. 560 pp. Figures, notes, bibliography, and index. $20. Today's politicians, activists, academics, writers, and artists regularly look to New Deal programs, rhetoric, and ideology to address contemporary challenges. In 2019, Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-NY) called for a Green New Deal through a bill introduced to the House.1 Although that bill was not enacted, the youth-led Sunrise Movement has grown around the concept of electing leaders to prioritize climate change, end reliance on fossil fuels, and guarantee universally accessible living wages. Shortly after President Biden's election in 2021, efforts to establish a new New Deal increased. Biden issued an Executive Order to create a Civilian Climate Corps that would put young people to work to tackle environmental degradation reminiscent of an earlier New Deal agenda. The Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) was one of President Roosevelt's programs, employing young men on national conservation projects to plant trees and build trails.2 In May, Congressman Ted W. Lieu (D-CA) took up the New Deal mantle when he proposed a Twenty-First Century Federal Writers' Project Act, inspired by the original Writers' Project, [End Page 160] which hired unemployed white-collar workers across the nation to portray the country through State Guides, ethnic studies, and first-person interviews. Lieu's plan was similar but less direct. Rather than the federal government openly hiring writers, it would provide funds to non-profits, libraries, and news sources to engage struggling writers to document COVID's impact and honor lives lost.3 That August, Congresswoman Teresa Leger Fernandez (D-NM) presented the Creative Economy Revitalization Act (CERA) to the House. CERA resonated with the New Deal's Work Progress Administration (WPA), a work-relief program that included the Writers' Project.4 Like the proposed Twenty-First Century FWP, Fernandez's act called for less immediate aid to the unemployed. Instead, the Department of Labor would work with the National Endowment for the Arts (NEA) to administer grants to organizations to hire artists to create accessible art. That September, Ben Ray Lujan (D-
在双重流行病的阴影下重新审视新政莎朗·安·穆希尔(传记)斯科特·博尔切特,弯路共和国:新政如何让破产的作家重新发现美国。纽约:麦克米伦出版社,2021年。385页。注释和索引。30美元。玛丽·安·卡洛,非裔美国艺术家和新政艺术项目。大学公园:宾夕法尼亚州立大学出版社,2023。216页。图表、注释、参考书目和索引。74.95美元。埃里克·劳赫威,《新政为什么重要》。纽黑文:耶鲁大学出版社,2021。232页。注释和索引。16美元。Sara Rutkowski主编,《重写美国:关于联邦作家项目的新文章》。阿默斯特:马萨诸塞大学出版社,2022。264页,30.95美元。索引。吉尔·沃茨,《黑人内阁:不为人知的非裔美国人和罗斯福时代政治的故事》。纽约:格罗夫出版社,2020。560页。图表、注释、参考书目和索引。20美元。今天的政治家、活动家、学者、作家和艺术家经常关注新政的计划、修辞和意识形态,以应对当代的挑战。2019年,纽约州民主党众议员亚历山大·奥卡西奥-科尔特斯(Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez)通过向众议院提交的一项法案呼吁实施绿色新政1 .尽管该法案没有颁布,但由年轻人领导的“日出运动”(Sunrise Movement)围绕着选举领导人优先考虑气候变化、结束对化石燃料的依赖、保证普遍可获得的生活工资这一概念而发展起来。拜登总统于2021年当选后不久,制定新新政的努力就增加了。拜登发布了一项行政命令,成立一个民间气候队,让年轻人参与到解决环境恶化的工作中来,这让人想起了早期的新政议程。民间自然资源保护团(CCC)是罗斯福总统的一个项目,它雇佣年轻人参与国家自然资源保护项目,植树和修建小径5月,国会议员刘云平(加州民主党)接过新政的衣袍,提出了《21世纪联邦作家计划法案》,该法案受到最初的作家计划的启发,该计划在全国范围内雇佣失业白领,通过国家指南、种族研究和第一人称访谈来描绘这个国家。刘云平的计划与此类似,但没有那么直接。联邦政府不会公开招聘作家,而是向非营利组织、图书馆和新闻来源提供资金,让苦苦挣扎的作家记录新冠病毒的影响,纪念逝去的生命同年8月,国会女议员Teresa Leger Fernandez(民主党)向众议院提交了《创意经济振兴法案》(CERA)。CERA与罗斯福新政的工作进步管理局(WPA)产生了共鸣,这是一个包括作家计划在内的工作救济计划。4就像提议的21世纪FWP一样,费尔南德斯的法案要求对失业者提供不那么直接的援助。取而代之的是,劳工部将与美国国家艺术基金会(National Endowment for the Arts,简称NEA)合作,为聘请艺术家创作无障碍艺术的组织提供资助。同年9月,本·雷·卢扬(民主党- nm)向参议院提出了同样的法案相反,政府对COVID-19的反应更加有限,持续时间更短,更少着眼于改变现状,而不是恢复现状。例如,对与COVID-19大流行作斗争的个人和组织的大部分支持都是通过救济法案形式的临时资金提供的,例如《关怀法案》(2020年)和《美国救援计划》(2021年)在地方、地区和州的层面上,新政式的努力取得了一些成功。2012年,纽约市人力资源管理局通过纽约工作进步计划(New York’s Work Progress Program)恢复了WPA,该计划为没有上学的年轻、低收入、失业人员提供工资补贴和职业培训。虽然在纽约州推广这一计划的尝试失败了,但加州在2020年设法制定了一项全州范围的艺术家和作家职业培训项目,尽管资金不足然而,这种弱化的程序维持的不仅仅是对系统的重新想象。一些模仿新政方法的最具创意的项目已经在大学、私人和非营利部门发展起来。例如,创意重建纽约是一个为期两年的艺术家就业计划,类似于联邦艺术计划。创意人员……
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引用次数: 0
Telling California Stories 讲加州故事
4区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1353/rah.2023.a911205
David Igler
Telling California Stories David Igler (bio) John Mack Faragher, California: An American History. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2022. ix + 466 pp. Illustrations, maps, bibliography, and index. $28.50. Assembling a history of California presents the narrative challenge of an overabundance of stories. Forget Hollywood with its longtime penchant for excavating the lurid past or its recent descent into remakes of remakes and plots driven by the sale of plastic action figures. Also forget advertisers, who have created and regurgitated versions of the California Dream since the 16th century, when Garci Rodríquez de Montalvo's novel Adventures of Esplandian placed California on the literary map as an island located off the western coast of North America. An island solely inhabited by gold-clad Amazons? The story sold well to Spanish adventurers, at least to those who could read. The challenge for historians who seek narrative coherence—as John Mack Faragher does in California: An American History—is one of selection and equilibrium. How to choose among the infinite number of Indigenous creation stories, or settler narratives, or shifty political schemes? How to achieve some balance between the region's violent and exclusionary past and its moments of human charity? Raised in the storied lands of southern California, Faragher has spent most of his scholarly life writing about topics situated well east of the Golden State. His monographs Women and Men on the Overland Trail (1979), Sugar Creek (1986) and A Great and Noble Scheme (2005) explored settler groups in motion and others temporarily fixed in place, while his biography Daniel Boone (1993) examined one of the nation's most written-about and mythologized citizens. With historian Robert Hine, Faragher authored two of the best synthetic accounts of the American West. In 2016, he returned to his southern California roots with Eternity Street: Violence and Justice in Frontier Los Angeles, which is among the most dark, brutal, and gripping histories written about any American city.1 It kept me reading late into the night in the same way a noir-mystery by Jo Nesbø or Kate Atkinson does. In short, John Mack Faragher knows how to tell a compelling story—one steeped in decades of his own archival research and a sense of place. A quick glance at the table of contents suggests California: An American History represents an odd assemblage of the state's past. It runs to over 440 [End Page 108] pages and contains 40 chapters, with titles like "What Happened to My Chickens?" and "My Little Sister's Heart in My Hands." Though delineating a state obsessed with its modern incarnation and rapid expansion in the 20th century, Faragher refuses to hit the year 1900 until two-thirds of the way into the book. For those of us unenthused by the overriding historical focus on modern California, we applaud Faragher's temporal bias for the deep past: the subduction zones and tectonics that formed this place, the Native stori
大卫·伊格勒(传记)约翰·麦克·法拉格,《加州:一部美国历史》。纽黑文:耶鲁大学出版社,2022。ix + 466页。插图,地图,参考书目和索引。28.50美元。汇集加州的历史呈现了过多故事的叙事挑战。忘掉好莱坞长期以来对挖掘耸人听闻的过去的嗜好吧,也忘掉它最近在塑料玩具娃娃销售的推动下,陷入翻拍和情节的泥潭吧。也别忘了广告商,自16世纪以来,他们一直在创造和重复各种版本的加州梦,当时Garci Rodríquez de Montalvo的小说《Esplandian Adventures of Esplandian》将加利福尼亚作为一个位于北美西海岸外的岛屿放在文学地图上。一个只住着穿着金色衣服的亚马逊人的岛屿?这个故事很受西班牙冒险家的欢迎,至少对那些能读懂的人来说是这样。寻求叙事连贯性的历史学家面临的挑战——就像约翰·麦克·法拉格在《加州:美国历史》一书中所做的那样——是选择和平衡。如何在不计其数的土著创造故事、定居者叙事或诡谲的政治计划中做出选择?如何在该地区暴力和排外的过去与人类仁爱的时刻之间取得某种平衡?Faragher在南加州的传奇土地上长大,他的大部分学术生涯都在写关于金州东部的话题。他的专著《陆上小径上的女人和男人》(1979年)、《糖溪》(1986年)和《伟大而崇高的计划》(2005年)探讨了迁移中的移民群体和其他暂时固定在原地的群体,而他的传记《丹尼尔·布恩》(1993年)则研究了美国最受关注和最具神话色彩的公民之一。法拉格与历史学家罗伯特·海因(Robert Hine)合著了两本关于美国西部的最佳综合记述。2016年,他带着《永恒街:洛杉矶边境的暴力与正义》回到南加州,这是关于美国城市的最黑暗、最残酷、最扣人心弦的历史作品之一它让我一直读到深夜,就像乔·内斯博或凯特·阿特金森的黑色推理小说一样。简而言之,约翰·麦克·法拉格知道如何讲述一个引人入胜的故事——一个沉浸在他自己数十年的档案研究和地方感中的故事。快速浏览一下目录就会发现,《加州:美国历史》是加州历史的奇特组合。这本书长达440多页,包含40章,标题包括“我的鸡怎么了?”和“我妹妹的心在我手里”。虽然描绘了一个沉迷于其现代化身和20世纪快速扩张的国家,但法拉格直到书中三分之二的部分才提到1900年。对于我们这些对现代加利福尼亚的历史焦点不感兴趣的人来说,我们赞赏法拉格对过去的时间偏见:形成这个地方的俯冲带和构造,提供了多种开端的土著故事,挣扎的航海家和沿海社区之间的许多相遇,西班牙和墨西哥定居者殖民主义的持久遗产,以及美国公民在淘金热期间大量抵达后随之而来的混乱。淘金热之后(一直持续到20世纪)发生的事情包括国家支持的屠杀、排斥、合并,以及一些人对统治权力的短暂挑战。如果像该州伟大的编年史家凯里·麦克威廉姆斯(Carey McWilliams)所说的那样,淘金热“一下子亮起了灯”,那么“火焰”照亮了无数不和谐的片段和许多未实现的期望对于一个有着10000多年人类居住历史的曲折历史的地方,法拉格的穿越线是什么呢?“人类的多样性是加州历史的基础,”他写道,尽管这一真理几乎没有触及该地区社会历史的表面(第5页)。法拉格尔对土著多样性和坚持不懈的关注(尽管定居者竭尽全力消灭)代表了他最有效的中心主题之一。这本书从Konkow的一个村庄开始,以将祖先的土地归还给土著群体的当今紧张局势结束。在这些终点之间…
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引用次数: 0
The Museum in Crisis 危机中的博物馆
4区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1353/rah.2023.a911204
Reed Gochberg
The Museum in Crisis Reed Gochberg (bio) Samuel J. Redman, The Museum: A Short History of Crisis and Resilience. New York: New York University Press, 2022. 232 pp. Notes and index. $24.95. On April 8, 2020, the Smithsonian's National Museum of American History announced a Rapid Response Collecting Task Force in response to the COVID-19 pandemic. Acknowledging "the urgency to document the ephemeral aspects of the historic turning points . . . and the need to provide a long-term historical perspective," the Smithsonian outlined a significant role for the museum during a period of major uncertainty.1 By pursuing objects from across different areas of American society, from science and medicine to business, politics, and culture, museum curators saw an opportunity to record the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on all aspects of everyday life. These materials would ensure that such a crisis would not be forgotten, and they would allow future historians and members of the public to understand this significant moment in history. The crisis the Smithsonian sought to preserve was taking place not only outside the walls of museums, but also within them. Many museums remained closed for months in 2020 due to the pandemic, and even when they reopened, the consequences were deeply felt. Staff layoffs, new masking and distancing policies, and ongoing economic impacts all transformed the way museums had to operate. These closures also coincided with nationwide protests surrounding the murder of George Floyd in May 2020, which prompted a wider reckoning about racial injustice across American political, social, and cultural institutions. Some saw these challenges as a chance to rethink the role of a museum. An article for the American Alliance of Museums proclaimed that, "The museum we closed will not be the museum we reopen," suggesting a sense of tentative optimism that perhaps this pause in everyday operations might create space for reflection and an opportunity for change.2 Samuel Redman's recent book The Museum: A Short History of Crisis and Resilience reveals the much longer history of how museums have survived challenging times. Redman traces a set of key moments in American history throughout the twentieth century, including the influenza epidemic of 1918 and the Great Depression to World War II and the culture wars of the 1980s [End Page 103] and 1990s, situating the work of museums against the backdrop of major crises. Throughout this book, Redman defines museums as dynamic institutions, capable of shifting priorities and operations in order to respond actively to the needs of a given moment. The Museum: A Short History of Crisis and Resilience emphasizes that a crisis can also provide an opportunity to reflect on institutional values: "What are our main priorities? Whom do museums serve? How do cultural institutions continue to survive with curtailed operations? What operations are deemed 'essential'?" (p. 4). Such questions have enormous consequences f
《危机中的博物馆》(Reed Gochberg,传记)Samuel J. Redman,《博物馆:危机与复原力的简史》。纽约:纽约大学出版社,2022。232页。注释和索引。24.95美元。2020年4月8日,史密森尼美国国家历史博物馆宣布成立快速反应收集工作组,以应对COVID-19大流行。承认“迫切需要记录历史转折点的短暂方面……以及提供长期历史视角的必要性,”史密森尼概述了博物馆在这一重大不确定时期的重要作用通过从科学、医学到商业、政治和文化等美国社会不同领域的展品,博物馆馆长们看到了一个记录新冠疫情对日常生活方方面面影响的机会。这些材料将确保这样的危机不会被遗忘,它们将使未来的历史学家和公众能够理解这一重要的历史时刻。史密森学会试图保存的危机不仅发生在博物馆外,也发生在博物馆内。由于疫情,许多博物馆在2020年关闭了数月,即使重新开放,其后果也令人深感。员工裁员、新的掩蔽和隔离政策,以及持续的经济影响,都改变了博物馆的运营方式。这些关闭也恰逢2020年5月围绕乔治·弗洛伊德(George Floyd)被谋杀的全国性抗议活动,这促使人们对美国政治、社会和文化机构中的种族不公正现象进行了更广泛的反思。一些人认为这些挑战是重新思考博物馆角色的机会。美国博物馆联盟(American Alliance of Museums)的一篇文章宣称,“我们关闭的博物馆将不再是我们重新开放的博物馆”,这暗示了一种试探性的乐观情绪,也许这种日常运作的暂停可能会创造反思的空间和变革的机会塞缪尔·雷德曼(Samuel Redman)的新书《博物馆:危机和恢复力的简史》揭示了博物馆如何在充满挑战的时代中生存下来的更悠久的历史。雷德曼追溯了整个二十世纪美国历史上的一系列关键时刻,包括1918年的流感流行和大萧条,到第二次世界大战和20世纪80年代和90年代的文化战争,将博物馆的工作置于重大危机的背景下。在这本书中,雷德曼将博物馆定义为动态的机构,能够改变优先事项和操作,以积极响应特定时刻的需求。博物馆:危机和复原力的简史强调,危机也可以提供一个反思制度价值观的机会:“我们的主要优先事项是什么?博物馆为谁服务?文化机构如何在缩减运营的情况下继续生存?哪些操作被认为是‘必要的’?”这些问题对博物馆如何定义他们的观众和社区,如何理解他们的社会责任感,以及如何为未来的不确定时刻做好准备有着巨大的影响。Redman的工作证明了关注博物馆如何应对过去的挑战的重要性,以便更好地理解他们如何想象未来的替代方法。第一章讲述了一场当代读者可能会感到非常熟悉的危机:1918年被称为“西班牙流感”的流感大流行的影响,以及美国自然历史博物馆等博物馆如何试图驾驭和管理他们的应对措施。这一章强调了过去几年博物馆面临的许多挑战,包括游客人数下降,几年来缓慢而渐进的恢复,甚至使用口罩等策略来减轻疾病的传播。1918年流感大流行发生时,公共博物馆正经历着巨大的变革,通过展览向游客展示信息的新方法直到最近才开始流行。将博物馆作为公共教育空间的想法并不新鲜,但进步时代的教育和社会改革使这些问题在文化机构的世界中变得更加紧迫。因此,流感大流行带来的冲击和不确定性……
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引用次数: 0
Ray, George, and Mabel: Friendship, Politics, and the Tragedies of American Liberalism 《雷、乔治和梅布尔:友谊、政治和美国自由主义的悲剧》
4区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1353/rah.2023.a911213
Thomas G. Andrews
Ray, George, and Mabel:Friendship, Politics, and the Tragedies of American Liberalism Thomas G. Andrews (bio) Historians simultaneously react to and build upon the work of other scholars. At some point in our training—possibly as undergraduates but at least in the first year or two of graduate school—we should begin to treat the study of the resulting dynamics of critique, corroboration, and creative leaps forward as worthy of scrutiny in its own right. Often, the critical examination of historical literature and how it has changed over time, a pursuit which most now refer to as historiography, veers into rarefied theoretical debates or intricate methodological disputes.1 When we go to the trouble of considering our fellow historians as actual human beings as well as abstracted intellects, though, richer and more interesting vantage points on what historians do and why can open up. Historical work, like any other human endeavor, has always been and will always be shaped by personalities and personal relationships. Think back on your own career within the profession, and note how your triumphs and traumas have been shaped by your fellow historians. An unkind intellectual smackdown from a tyrannical advisor. A late-night round of drinks with kindred spirits at a conference hotel. A moment of frailty during a barbed exchange when another scholar's inability to hide their feelings belied the conceit that history could ever be a purely intellectual pursuit. An unbidden act of kindness from a senior scholar who needn't have but nonetheless did. A bond of true friendship forged amid the posturing and performativity that prevail with disconcerting predictability whenever scholars gather. In such moments, we can no longer overlook the irreducible humanity of the people who do the thing we collectively call history. The personal politics of history, as all of us realize sooner or later, story our field. Only rarely, though, do historians subject these peculiar, closely held narratives to systematic research or concerted analysis. Our reluctance to get personal is hardly surprising. Who among us, after all, can discern any margin in conceding just how much an enterprise that we frequently lionize, [End Page 177] particularly to undergraduates, as the "historians' craft," has been indelibly shaped not just by the disciplined endeavor of applying our intellects to the past's sundry remnants, but also by pettier factors including jealousy and envy, intimacy and alliance? Although each of us can testify about the ways that those and an array of other dynamics have affected our own careers, we nonetheless typically exhibit a concerted inclination to tuck away our own personal stories about how the historical sausage actually gets made into categories—lore, insider knowledge, trade secrets, gossip, dirt—that we almost always treat as unworthy of scrutiny. What I want to suggest in this essay, though, is that historians might learn a great deal about history and h
《雷、乔治和梅布尔:友谊、政治和美国自由主义的悲剧》托马斯·g·安德鲁斯(传记)历史学家同时对其他学者的作品作出反应,并以此为基础。在我们训练的某个阶段——可能是作为本科生,但至少是在研究生院的头一两年——我们应该开始把对由此产生的批判、确证和创造性飞跃的动态研究视为值得审视的研究。通常,对历史文献及其随时间变化的批判性研究,即现在大多数人所说的史学的追求,会转向稀薄的理论辩论或复杂的方法争论然而,当我们不辞辛劳地把我们的历史学家同行们看作是真实的人,而不是抽象的知识分子时,我们就会对历史学家所做的事情和原因有更丰富、更有趣的看法。历史工作,就像任何其他人类的努力一样,一直并将永远受到个性和个人关系的影响。回想一下你自己的职业生涯,并注意到你的成功和创伤是如何被你的历史学家同行塑造的。一个专横的顾问在智力上的无情打击。深夜在会议酒店与志趣相投的人一起喝酒。当另一位学者无法掩饰自己的感受时,在一场尖刻的交流中,他的脆弱时刻掩盖了历史可以成为纯粹智力追求的自负。这是一位资深学者不请自来的善意之举,他本不必这么做,但却这么做了。每当学者们聚在一起时,他们的姿态和表演就会以令人不安的可预测性占上风,这是一种真正友谊的纽带。在这样的时刻,我们不能再忽视那些创造历史的人们不可磨灭的人性。我们所有人迟早都会意识到,历史的个人政治影响着我们的领域。然而,历史学家很少对这些独特的、严密的叙述进行系统的研究或协调一致的分析。我们不愿涉及个人问题并不奇怪。毕竟,我们当中有谁能在承认我们经常崇拜的事业,特别是对大学生来说,作为“历史学家的手艺”,有多少是不可磨灭的,不仅是通过将我们的智力应用于过去的各种残余的有纪律的努力,而且还受到包括嫉妒和嫉妒、亲密关系和联盟在内的更小的因素的影响?尽管我们每个人都可以证明这些以及其他一系列动态对我们自己职业生涯的影响,但我们通常都表现出一种一致的倾向,即把我们自己的个人故事藏起来,把历史香肠实际上分成了各种类别——爱情、内幕知识、商业秘密、八卦、肮脏——我们几乎总是认为这些东西不值得仔细研究。在这篇文章中,我想说的是,如果我们至少把我们许多人放在口袋里的历史学家作为人类的故事中的一些进行更全面的研究,那么历史学家可能会学到很多关于历史和史学的知识。我认为,思考和撰写这样的故事,可以推进个人化史学的重要工作。个人化史学是历史研究的一个分支,我常常觉得它奇怪地缺乏人性。通过将我们的历史学家同行视为复杂的人,我们可以很好地扩展我们自夸的(尽管可能不发达的)同理心能力,这样的方法可以提醒我们,美丽的、令人困惑的意外事件不断地影响着我们的工作——作为历史学家,当然,也是作为人类。________作为这篇训诂的文本的幕后故事,是我随身携带了将近二十年的故事。8月中旬,在南加州一个可爱的日子里,我第一次读到这个令人揪心的故事,讲的是两个恰好是历史学家的男人和一个不是历史学家的女人之间的关系。我正在翻看雷·艾伦·比灵顿和乔治·s·麦戈文之间的通信。雷·艾伦·比灵顿是一位获奖的美国西部历史学家,他在20世纪40年代末至80年代初为恢复和支持弗雷德里克·杰克逊·特纳著名的“边疆理论”做出了比任何人都多的努力。
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引用次数: 0
Rehabilitating the Beast 修复野兽
4区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1353/rah.2023.a911209
Douglas R. Egerton
Rehabilitating the Beast Douglas R. Egerton (bio) Elizabeth D. Leonard, Benjamin Franklin Butler: A Noisy, Fearless Life. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2022. xix + 365 pp. Notes, bibliography, and index. $36.00. General, congressman, and governor Benjamin Franklin Butler remains one of the more mercurial figures of the Civil War and Reconstruction years. As a young Democrat and attorney, Butler took the side of laboring women against the managers and owners of cotton mills in Lowell, Massachusetts, yet for most of the antebellum years, he was silent on the question of where that cotton came from. As a delegate to the 1860 Charleston and Baltimore Democratic conventions, Butler first endorsed Illinois Senator Stephen Douglas before transferring his loyalty to Mississippi's Jefferson Davis as the best hope of defeating a Republican presidential candidate, yet in his later years as a Republican congressman, many thought Butler the most likely progressive to take up the mantle of the ailing Thaddeus Stevens. Certainly, historians have rarely known what to make of his unpredictable career and flamboyant personality. Butler's inconsistencies soundly defeated biographer Hans Trefousse, who in Ben Butler: The South Called Him Beast! (1957) flattened his life into a dull affair, and as late as 1997's When the Devil Came Down to Dixie, Chester Hearn demonized his tenure in New Orleans as a charming rogue who devoted his time to enriching himself at the expense of white southerners. At last, Butler has received the proper balance in Elizabeth Leonard's masterful and elegantly written biography. Leonard, the author of numerous books about these decades, and particularly the Lincoln-Prize-winning biography of Judge Advocate General Joseph Holt, knows this terrain well, of course, but as a professor at Maine's Colby College, she is also associated with the institution once known as Waterville College, where Butler studied while briefly considering a life in the ministry. (Apart from the fact that Colby has a large cache of Butler's materials, the ever-helpful Butler attempted to assist his future biographers by writing Butler's Book: Autobiography and Personal Reminiscences (1892), which filled 1037 pages and contained another 94 pages of documents and correspondence.)1 As one has come to expect from her earlier work, Leonard's study is deeply [End Page 138] grounded in archival materials, cites ninety-eight newspapers, and draws on a small library of books and articles. Her prose is lively and clear and wonderfully free of jargon, and this is an extraordinarily readable biography for a fairly hefty volume. Although Butler is today famous, or infamous, perhaps, for his later exploits as a soldier and politician, Leonard makes wise use of his early correspondence, and that of his wife, Sarah Jones Butler, in mapping out his years as a young Democratic operative and defense attorney. Justifiably, she here finds much to admire. His support for
道格拉斯·r·埃格顿(传记)伊丽莎白·d·伦纳德,本杰明·富兰克林·巴特勒:喧闹无畏的生活。教堂山:北卡罗来纳大学出版社,2022年。19 + 365页。注释,参考书目和索引。36.00美元。将军、国会议员和州长本杰明·富兰克林·巴特勒仍然是内战和重建时期最善变的人物之一。作为一名年轻的民主党人和律师,巴特勒站在劳动妇女的一边,反对马萨诸塞州洛厄尔市棉纺厂的经理和老板,但在内战前的大部分时间里,他对棉花从哪里来的问题保持沉默。作为1860年查尔斯顿和巴尔的摩民主党大会的代表,巴特勒先是支持伊利诺伊州参议员斯蒂芬·道格拉斯,然后又转而支持密西西比州的杰斐逊·戴维斯,认为他最有希望击败共和党总统候选人。然而,在他担任共和党国会议员的晚年,许多人认为巴特勒最有可能继承生病的塞迪斯·史蒂文斯的衣钵。当然,历史学家很少知道如何理解他不可预测的职业生涯和张扬的个性。巴特勒的前后矛盾彻底击败了传记作家汉斯·特雷福斯,他在《本·巴特勒:南方称他为野兽!》直到1997年的《当魔鬼降临到迪克西》,切斯特·赫恩还把他在新奥尔良的任期妖魔化为一个迷人的流氓,他把时间都花在了牺牲南方白人的利益上,让自己变得富有。最后,巴特勒在伊丽莎白·伦纳德这本精湛而优雅的传记中得到了适当的平衡。伦纳德写了很多关于这几十年的书,尤其是获得林肯奖的大法官约瑟夫·霍尔特的传记,当然,她对这方面非常了解,但作为缅因州科尔比学院的教授,她也与曾经被称为沃特维尔学院的机构有联系,巴特勒曾在那里学习过,并短暂地考虑过牧师的生活。(除了科尔比拥有大量巴特勒的资料外,总是乐于助人的巴特勒还试图通过撰写巴特勒的书来帮助他未来的传记作者:《自传与个人回忆》(Autobiography and Personal Reminiscences, 1892),长达1037页,其中包含另外94页的文件和信件。1正如人们从她早期的作品中所期望的那样,伦纳德的研究深深扎根于档案材料,引用了98份报纸,并利用了一个小图书馆的书籍和文章。她的文笔生动清晰,没有行话,这是一本相当厚的传记,可读性极佳。尽管巴特勒后来作为军人和政治家的功绩在今天很出名,或者是臭名昭著,但伦纳德明智地利用了他早期的信件,以及他妻子莎拉·琼斯·巴特勒的信件,描绘了他年轻时作为民主党特工和辩护律师的岁月。毫无疑问,她在这里发现了很多值得钦佩的地方。他对进步改革的支持,如无记名投票和在洛厄尔工厂每天工作十小时,为他在辉格党报刊上赢得了大量负面报道。在1853年赢得马萨诸塞州议会席位后,巴特勒起草了一份法案,以补偿20年前被烧毁的查尔斯敦乌尔苏拉修道院和学校。考虑到当时在新英格兰肆虐的反天主教本土主义,巴特勒对他的法案失败并不感到惊讶,但正如他向一位支持者透露的那样,当他认为有人“被冤枉了”时,他的“精神状态”总是让他“在战斗中站在弱者一边”。与此同时,他反对为波士顿地区提供更多的州议会席位,因为波士顿地区的商人坚持认为,他们应该获得更多的代表席位,因为他们缴纳了更多的税款。巴特勒宣称,州政府不应该“给富人比穷人投更多票的权利”(第35-37页)。如果说巴特勒的言论与其他北方民主党人的看法一致,那么他也是他所在政党和地区的典型代表,他希望忽视西部地区围绕奴隶制的斗争。巴特勒最初是道格拉斯和人民主权的支持者,但他开始怀疑这位民主党领跑者能否在即将到来的总统竞选中赢得选举人团。虽然他……
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引用次数: 0
Pioneers, Parricides, and the Spectre of Violence in Settler-Colonial Homes and Histories 拓荒者,弑父者,以及殖民家庭和历史中的暴力幽灵
4区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1353/rah.2023.a911210
Katrina Jagodinsky
Pioneers, Parricides, and the Spectre of Violence in Settler-Colonial Homes and Histories Katrina Jagodinsky (bio) Peter Boag, Pioneering Death: The Violence of Boyhood in Turn-of-the-Century Oregon. Seattle: Center for the Study of the Pacific Northwest in association with University of Washington Press, 2022. xii + 298 pp. Figures, maps, chart, notes, bibliography, and index. $30.00 Americans are grappling with everyday political and personal violence on a variety of fronts. Escalating frustrations with alternating police inaction and violence, failed explanations of gender- and racially motivated mass-shootings, and the heartbreaking centrality of children in this violence—as both victims and perpetrators—leave many onlookers desperate to understand how these acts have come to be so distinctly American. A cadre of scholars are focused on this problem: criminologists, lawyers, political scientists, psychologists, sociologists, and, applying their own unique set of tools and methodologies, historians.1 Among the historians concerned with the peculiarities of American violence are those who specialize in the North American West, a region characterized in the popular imagination and in most scholarly treatments as fundamentally violent.2 Peter Boag's most recent book, Pioneering Death: The Violence of Boyhood in Turn-of-the-Century Oregon (2022), joins this conversation, arguing that violence is intrinsic to American culture, particularly pioneering culture. Boag borrows an approach from Foucault to offer readers an "ethnology of parricide" (p. 9) that links a horrific "fifteen or so minutes" to "the westward expansion of the United States, rural and agricultural decline, the consolidation of market capitalism, political change, environmental transformation, race and labor, penal reform and the evolution of justice, religion and the meaning of death, and the especially intimate matters of childhood, family, gender relations, and memory" (p. 10).3 What unfolds is a compelling story that incorporates a diverse set of analytical methods to describe an eighteen year-old's parricide and murder in the 1895 Willamette Valley and explain "why children kill their parents–a question that has haunted humanity since humanity has haunted the world" (p. 217). [End Page 143] At the core of Boag's study is Loyd Montgomery's parricide of his father and mother, John and Elizabeth, and murder of neighbor Daniel McKercher on 19 November, 1895. The eldest of five siblings at eighteen, Loyd stood at the intersection of boyhood and manhood, though his heinous actions ensured he would face execution before completing that transformation—unless we believe his murderous acts marked the end of his childhood. His parents, John and Elizabeth, were the children of Oregon founding families who had themselves practiced genocidal anti-Indian violence to secure their settler-colonial claims to the Willamette Valley in the 1840s and 1850s. As adults and parents of the Valley's thir
《拓荒者,弑父者,以及移民-殖民家庭和历史中的暴力幽灵》卡特里娜·雅戈金斯基(传记)彼得·博格,《拓荒者的死亡:世纪之交俄勒冈州少年时代的暴力》。西雅图:太平洋西北研究中心与华盛顿大学出版社合作,2022年。xii + 298页。数字,地图,图表,注释,参考书目和索引。美国人每天都在努力应对各种战线上的政治和个人暴力。警察的不作为和暴力的交替,对性别和种族动机的大规模枪击事件的解释失败,以及儿童在暴力事件中令人心碎的中心地位——受害者和肇事者——让许多旁观者绝望地想知道这些行为是如何变得如此明显的美国人。一群学者正专注于这个问题:犯罪学家、律师、政治学家、心理学家、社会学家,以及运用各自独特工具和方法的历史学家在关注美国暴力特点的历史学家中,有一些专门研究北美西部的人,在大众的想象中,在大多数学术研究中,北美西部的特点是基本上是暴力的彼得·博格(Peter Boag)的最新著作《开拓性的死亡:世纪之交俄勒冈州少年时代的暴力》(2022)加入了这一讨论,他认为暴力是美国文化,尤其是开拓性文化的内在特征。Boag借用了福柯的一种方法,为读者提供了一种“弑父的民族学”(第9页),将可怕的“十五分钟左右”与“美国的西向扩张、农村和农业的衰落、市场资本主义的巩固、政治变革、环境转型、种族和劳工、刑罚改革和司法的演变、宗教和死亡的意义,以及童年、家庭、性别关系和记忆等特别亲密的问题”(第10页)联系起来这是一个引人入胜的故事,它结合了一系列不同的分析方法,描述了1895年威拉米特山谷一个18岁男孩的弑父和谋杀,并解释了“为什么孩子会杀死他们的父母——自从人类困扰世界以来,这个问题一直困扰着人类”(第217页)。Boag研究的核心是lloyd Montgomery在1895年11月19日杀害了他的父亲和母亲John和Elizabeth,并谋杀了邻居Daniel McKercher。劳埃德在18岁时是五个兄弟姐妹中的老大,处于少年和成年的交汇处,尽管他令人发指的行为使他在完成转变之前面临处决——除非我们相信他的杀人行为标志着他童年的结束。他的父母约翰(John)和伊丽莎白(Elizabeth)是俄勒冈州创始家族的孩子,他们自己在19世纪40年代和50年代实施了种族灭绝的反印第安暴力,以确保他们对威拉米特山谷(Willamette Valley)的移民殖民主张。作为山谷第三代移民的成年人和父母,蒙哥马利一家努力在十九世纪末许多农村农业社区面临的财政危机中站稳了自己的立场,尽管他们的亲戚通过1850年《捐赠土地索赔法》等移民-殖民剥夺措施积累了巨额财富。丹尼尔·麦克切尔(Daniel McKercher)在被谋杀前不到十年来到威拉米特山谷,也许他之所以能保持经济上的成功,是因为他20多岁时随父母从加拿大移民过来,30多岁时一直单身。他活跃于当地的兄弟会组织,在社区中广受尊敬,并与他的兄弟合伙经营一个磨粉机。考虑到邻居的困境,McKercher对John Montgomery给予了信任,他在去世时没有不动产,也没有给他的四个无辜的孩子留下遗产——他们在父母去世后都和守寡的祖母住在一起。Boag以优雅的文笔和引人入胜的细节叙述了这一事件,以及导致它的环境。他的大部分消息来源都是当地报纸的报道,加上对犯罪本身的地区性和全国性报道。他在报纸上补充先驱者的回忆和手稿、社会和人口统计、州报告和县历史。他运用文化、经济、环境和性别分析来拓展1895年劳埃德·蒙哥马利谋杀案的意义,迅速让读者了解了威拉米特山谷居民之间的联系和共同的困境。熟悉博格前科的读者……
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引用次数: 0
American Fitness: Gender, Wellness, and the New Body Politic 美国人健身:性别、健康和新的身体政策
4区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1353/rah.2023.a911214
Sarah Schrank
American Fitness:Gender, Wellness, and the New Body Politic Sarah Schrank (bio) Bill Hayes, Sweat: A History of Exercise. New York: Bloomsbury Publishing, 2022. 246 pp. Figures, notes, and index. $28.00 Danielle Friedman, Let's Get Physical: How Women Discovered Exercise and Reshaped the World. New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 2022. xxiii +328 pp. Figures, notes, and index. $27.00 Rina Raphael, The Gospel of Wellness: Gyms, Gurus, Goop, and the False Promise of Self-Care. New York: Henry Holt and Company, 2022. 345 pp. Notes. $28.99 Natalia Mehlman Petrzela, Fit Nation: The Gains and Pains of America's Exercise Obsession. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2022. 424 pp. Figures, notes, and index. $29.00 Annie Weisman, creator. Physical. Apple TV+, Seasons 1 and 2. 2021–2022. Among the many challenges of the COVID-19 pandemic was the uncomfortably embodied nature of the experience. Millions of people got sick, millions died, millions felt physically trapped—unable to travel distances or even leave their homes—millions found it hard to get basic supplies, and millions discovered that, at some cost to waistline and bankbook, alcohol and food delivery services could smooth the pandemic's rougher edges. Millions also suffered great loneliness caused by physical isolation while others, conversely, suffered upticks in domestic violence as forced proximity stressed relationships to the breaking point.1 Surgical masks became rarified items, and wearing homemade masks became a political signifier. We might not be able to see each other's faces but we could read positionality through the body—is the mask covering their nose? Is their body six feet away from mine? In the United States, along with the closure of schools and workplaces, the 2020 shuttering of gyms, health clubs, yoga shalas, and dance studios brought [End Page 198] home the stark reality that familiar life had altered—possibly forever. Panic set in. Americans who incorporated exercise into their daily routines had to make changes very quickly. Those who could afford to invested in home gyms; there was a run on kettlebells almost immediately. Peloton, a company many of us had never heard of, became, practically overnight, a bourgeois household utility. The global adoption of Zoom meant that people could take live exercise classes of all types from the safety and convenience of their own homes. Some people started walking their dogs a lot more than their pets needed while others just threw in the towel. Who cares about BMI (body mass index) when the world feels like it's ending? As it turns out, we do care—often for conflicting and self-defeating reasons—and there is a bumper crop of new work to prove it. That it was all brought to press (or air) during the pandemic is a coincidence, as the projects had to be in production—or at least conceived—long before, but it is hard not to see the zeitgeist in it, too. Readers of Reviews in American History surely remember the almost daily editorials and o
《美国人健身:性别、健康和新的身体政治》莎拉·施兰克比尔·海斯,《汗水:运动的历史》。纽约:布鲁姆斯伯里出版社,2022。246页。图表、注释和索引。丹妮尔·弗里德曼,《让我们运动起来:女性如何发现运动并重塑世界》。纽约:p.p Putnam's Sons, 2022。xxiii +328页。图表、注释和索引。$27.00 Rina Raphael,《健康的福音:健身房、大师、Goop和自我保健的虚假承诺》。纽约:Henry Holt and Company, 2022。345页。28.99美元,娜塔莉亚·梅尔曼·佩特泽拉著,《健身之国:美国人痴迷运动的得失》。芝加哥:芝加哥大学出版社,2022。424页。图表、注释和索引。$29.00 Annie Weisman,创造者。物理。Apple TV+,第一季和第二季。2021 - 2022。在2019冠状病毒病大流行的诸多挑战中,有一项是这种经历令人不安。数百万人生病,数百万人死亡,数百万人感到身体被困——无法长途旅行,甚至无法离开家——数百万人发现很难获得基本用品,数百万人发现,酒精和食品配送服务可以以一定的腰围和银行账户为代价,缓解疫情带来的冲击。数以百万计的人还因身体上的隔离而感到极度孤独,而另一些人则相反,由于被迫的亲密关系使他们的关系到了破裂的边缘,家庭暴力事件有所增加医用口罩变得稀罕,自制口罩成为一种政治象征。我们可能看不见对方的脸,但我们可以通过身体解读对方的位置——是口罩遮住了鼻子吗?他们的尸体离我的六英尺远吗?在美国,随着学校和工作场所的关闭,健身房、健身俱乐部、瑜伽馆和舞蹈工作室也将在2020年关闭,这让人们意识到一个严酷的现实:熟悉的生活已经改变了——可能是永远改变了。恐慌开始了。把锻炼纳入日常生活的美国人必须很快做出改变。那些有能力投资家庭健身房的人;几乎立刻就出现了一场对壶铃的抢购。Peloton,一个我们许多人从未听说过的公司,几乎在一夜之间变成了一个资产阶级家庭公用事业公司。Zoom的全球普及意味着人们可以在自己家中安全便捷地参加各种类型的现场健身课程。有些人开始遛狗的时间远远超过了宠物的需要,而另一些人则干脆放弃了。当世界末日来临的时候,谁还在乎身体质量指数呢?事实证明,我们确实关心——通常是出于相互矛盾和自我挫败的原因——而且有大量的新研究证明了这一点。这一切在疫情期间被付梓(或播出)只是一个巧合,因为这些项目早在此之前就已经在制作中了,或者至少是在构思中,但很难不从中看到时代精神。《美国历史评论》的读者肯定记得,《纽约时报》和其他新闻媒体几乎每天都有关于疫情对我们身体、思想、灵魂和国家良知的影响的社论和专栏。我们也不能忘记,乔治·弗洛伊德(George Floyd)被处以可怕的私刑,他的临终遗言“我无法呼吸”悲惨地呼应了新型冠状病毒患者的悲叹,并促使新一代抗议者走上街头。即使是一个不经意的观察者,对身体、心理、精神和制度崩溃的报道也表明,人们甚至认为这种流行病是由种族、阶级和性别不平等介导的:美国人的健康和体质——或缺乏健康和体质——直接反映了整个国家的健康和体质。这并不是学术界和大众第一次对美国人身体的历史及其与运动的关系产生浓厚的兴趣。在一定程度上,作为对一系列新的健身选择的回应——爵士健身操、有氧健身操、鹦鹉螺号健身操——20世纪80年代出现了新的学术研究,思考为什么运动——为了健康和长寿而进行的体力活动——似乎如此美国化。这并不是说有目的的锻炼是从美国开始的——事实并非如此——但似乎确实有一些关于严格、纪律……
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引用次数: 0
Making America Not Great 让美国变得不伟大
4区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1353/rah.2023.a911207
Chris Magra
Making America Not Great Chris Magra (bio) Dane A. Morrison, Eastward of Good Hope: Early America in a Dangerous World. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2021. xv + 314 pp. Notes, sources, and index. $57.00. There has been much recent interest in interactions between the United States and the rest of the world. America's dependence on Chinese manufacturers and shipping companies, red balloons with spy cameras, and TikTok tech have grabbed the attention of politicians, historians, and the wider public. A United States president and multiple state governors have played on popular xenophobic fears and toxic nationalism in a wild effort to make America great again. Historians have engaged with this public interest in America and the world.1 Dael Norwood in Trading Freedom (2022) and Brian Rouleau in With Sails Whitening Every Sea (2014), for example, have demonstrated that overseas trade and foreign entanglements shaped the course of early American political culture. For Norwood, United States commercial ties with China "put American merchants and sailors into direct contact with a vast array of new peoples and places, and at critical moments it inspired policymakers and politicians to consider national projects and domestic disputes in global perspective" (p. 10). In this top-down history, overseas commerce turned early American political leaders into cosmopolitans, and they began to associate world trade with freedom, or post-American-Revolution "liberation from the mercantilist confines of the British Empire" (p. 20).2 Rouleau tacks a different course. For him, "every barroom brawl, stabbing, or other violent incident" involving American mariners in overseas ports in China and throughout the Pacific Ocean, "jeopardized connections the United States (and its commercial class) had built with foreign governments (and their own merchants)." (p. 106) Controlling misbehaving maritime laborers became a means of sustaining global capitalism and America's burgeoning overseas empire. In this bottom-up account, early American maritime laborers were not cosmopolitans. Overseas trade did not foster worldly accommodationist attitudes among motley crews. Instead, they used contemporary notions of savage and civilized to describe themselves and the foreign peoples they encountered. Mariners frequently likened Pacific Islanders to negative stereotypes of American Indians. These [End Page 121] attitudes led at times to physical violence. Such "racialized vigilantism" even caused colonization in the case of Hawaii (p. 85). Dane Morrison's prize-winning new book, Eastward of Good Hope, further positions the early history of the United States in a global context. Morrison's book leans more toward Rouleau's bottom-up approach. For Morrison, increased interest in world trade meant greater antipathy among American merchants and mariners toward foreign peoples and places during the Early Republic, when U.S. attitudes were in their most formative state. The winner
克里斯·麦格拉(传记)戴恩·a·莫里森,《美好希望的东方:危险世界中的早期美国》。巴尔的摩:约翰霍普金斯大学出版社,2021。xv + 314页。注释,来源和索引。57.00美元。最近,人们对美国与世界其他地区的互动产生了浓厚的兴趣。美国对中国制造商和航运公司的依赖、带有间谍摄像头的红气球以及TikTok技术已经引起了政治家、历史学家和更广泛公众的注意。一位美国总统和多位州长利用民众的仇外恐惧和有害的民族主义,疯狂地试图让美国再次伟大。历史学家一直致力于研究美国和世界的这种公众利益例如,达尔·诺伍德在《贸易自由》(2022)和布莱恩·鲁罗在《风帆泛白每一片海洋》(2014)中表明,海外贸易和外国纠纷战塑造了早期美国政治文化的进程。对诺伍德来说,美国与中国的商业关系“使美国商人和水手与大量新的民族和地方直接接触,并在关键时刻激励决策者和政治家从全球视角考虑国家项目和国内争端”(第10页)。在这段自上而下的历史中,海外贸易把早期的美国政治领导人变成了世界主义者,他们开始把世界贸易与自由联系起来,或者美国革命后“从大英帝国的重商主义束缚中解放出来”(第20页)鲁罗采取了不同的做法。在他看来,在中国和整个太平洋的海外港口,涉及美国水手的“每一次酒吧斗殴、刺伤或其他暴力事件”,“都破坏了美国(及其商业阶层)与外国政府(及其本国商人)建立的联系”。控制行为不端的海上劳工成为维持全球资本主义和美国迅速发展的海外帝国的一种手段。在这种自下而上的叙述中,早期的美国海上劳工并不是世界主义者。海外贸易并没有在形形色色的船员中培养世俗的迁就主义态度。相反,他们用野蛮和文明的当代概念来描述自己和他们遇到的外国民族。水手们经常把太平洋岛民比作对美洲印第安人的负面刻板印象。这些态度有时会导致身体暴力。这种“种族化的警戒主义”甚至导致了夏威夷的殖民化(第85页)。戴恩·莫里森(Dane Morrison)的获奖新书《好望角的东方》(east of Good Hope)进一步将美国的早期历史置于全球背景下。莫里森的书更倾向于鲁罗自下而上的方法。对莫里森来说,在共和早期,美国人的态度处于最形成的状态,对世界贸易的兴趣增加意味着美国商人和水手对外国人民和地方的更大反感。这位约翰·莱曼图书奖得主尖锐地指出,“美国人想象的世界是无序和危险的,被暴政搞得精神错乱,或者沉浸在混乱之中,往往是致命的,总是不确定的,不可预测的,不稳定的……这种世界观,比其他任何东西都更能塑造美国人对自己在世界上的地位的看法”(第8页)。在研究生研讨会上,宏大而大胆的论点会促成良好的讨论。莫里森在整本书中都坚持自己的观点。美国与世界之间大量的直接、长途贸易并没有以积极的方式塑造美国文化的轮廓。海上贸易并没有产生美国的世界主义者或世界公民。相反,海外贸易刺激了美国早期的仇外情绪。作者整理了大量的证据来证明他的观点。莫里森着重分析了美国人对四个地区的态度:奥斯曼帝国;中国;印度;以及包括东印度群岛、大洋洲和北美太平洋西北部分的大南海。毫无疑问,年轻和年老的学者们会喜欢讨论这四个地区在多大程度上构成了“世界”3(第viii页)。莫里森主要依靠水手的新闻报道、船只的日志、日记、囚禁和旅行的叙述,以及商人之间的通信来记录美国人对这四个地区的人民和地方的恐惧的形成。莫里森在研究方法上既注重理论,又一丝不苟。他利用洛吉亚·加西亚-佩纳关于档案沉默的后殖民理论来揭示十八世纪……
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引用次数: 0
Whither the Radicals? 激进派往何处?
IF 0.1 4区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1353/rah.2023.a900725
Cecily N. Zander
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引用次数: 0
Slouching Towards Utopia: An Economic History of the Twentieth Century by J. Bradford DeLong (review) 缓慢走向乌托邦:二十世纪经济史,J.Bradford DeLong(评论)
IF 0.1 4区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1353/rah.2023.a900723
P. Coclanis
In 2004 I served as a member of the program committee for the annual meeting of a major historical association. The committee’s first task was to draft a call for papers. The association had already chosen a broad theme for the meeting, but wanted us to signal that proposals on topics other than that theme were acceptable. I suggested something like proposals on “other important topics were welcome,” but several committee members immediately objected on the grounds that the adjective “important” implied normativity. I then offered alternative language—proposals on “other important and unimportant topics were welcome”—but that didn’t fly either. I start with this story because the profession was then smack dab in the middle of a long, drawn-out battle against (flight from?) concepts such as objectivity, critical discernment, and judgements regarding value. Syntheses were ipso facto considered imperializing/hegemonizing, and thus increasingly frowned upon. Grand narratives were pretty much out altogether. For the most part, mainstream history at the time was about disaggregation, about smaller parallel stories, micro-histories, and multiple perspectives, indeed, even multiple conceptions of “truth”—whether personal (“my truth,” as it was sometimes put), or, alternatively, what Shelby Steele later called “poetic truth”, i.e., a distorted partisan version of reality espoused in order to promote a preferred ideological outcome.1 Fortunately, the worm has turned, as it were, and of late things have begun to change, to which Slouching Towards Utopia attests. Syntheses and grand narratives, while not exactly in, are no longer endangered species. To be sure, it still takes considerable chutzpah for someone to attempt one, but they are no longer rarae aves. If it is possible to generalize about a group qua group, the tribe known as economists, for better or worse (possibly both) can be said to be imbued with chutzpah, few more so than J. Bradford DeLong, a distinguished economic historian at the University of California-Berkeley. And I say this not
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REVIEWS IN AMERICAN HISTORY
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