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Nixon’s War at Home: The FBI, Leftist Guerrillas, and the Origins of Counterterrorism by Daniel S. Chard (review) 《尼克松的国内战争:联邦调查局、左翼游击队和反恐的起源》,丹尼尔·s·查德著(书评)
IF 0.1 4区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1353/rah.2023.a900722
Camilo E. Lund-Montaño
In the fall of 1970, Judge Damon Keith presided over a “conspiracy” case involving members of the White Panther Party, a radical leftist organization in Michigan. Three leaders of the organization were charged at the United States District Court of Eastern Michigan, accused of bombing CIA offices in Ann Arbor on September of 1968. The government lawyers presented evidence including electronic surveillance tapes to demonstrate that the defendants had conspired to commit the bombing. The defense attorneys filed a motion against this particular evidence because it lacked a judicial warrant. Judge Keith ruled in favor of the defense and stated that this was in direct violation of the Fourth Amendment. The prosecutors, instead of moving forward with the case, pushed this particular matter further. In the Appeals trial, Attorney General John Mitchell’s representatives, under direction of William Rehnquist, then Assistant Attorney General, found examples from old English case books of assertions by British monarchs between the fifteenth and seventeenth centuries of their “inherent power” to authorize extraordinary searches when deemed necessary to protect the nation. When the Court of Appeals of the Sixth District ruled in favor of Judge Keith, Mitchell and the justice Department pushed the case up to the Supreme Court in 1972. In the case of United States v. U.S. District Court et al, 407 U.S. 297, Robert Mardian, Assistant Attorney General of the United States, argued in front of the Supreme Court that the president had an “inherent power” to authorize the use of electronic surveillance without a warrant. In other words, the president should be allowed to circumvent provisions in the Fourth Amendment, when invoked as a matter of national security.1 In his opening remarks, Mardian argued that it was ultimately at the discretion of the executive to determine matters of domestic security and expedite the use of warrantless surveillance tactics. Arthur Kinoy, lead counsel for
1970年秋天,达蒙·基思法官主持了一起涉及密歇根州激进左翼组织白豹党成员的“阴谋”案。该组织的三名领导人在美国东密歇根州地方法院被指控于1968年9月在安娜堡轰炸中央情报局办公室。政府律师出示了包括电子监控录像带在内的证据,证明被告密谋实施了爆炸。辩护律师对这一特殊证据提出了动议,因为它缺乏司法搜查令。基思法官做出了有利于辩方的裁决,并指出这直接违反了第四修正案。检察官没有继续推进案件,而是把这件事推得更远。在上诉审判中,司法部长约翰·米切尔(John Mitchell)的代表在时任助理司法部长威廉·伦奎斯特(William Rehnquist)的指导下,从15世纪至17世纪的英国君主的古英语案例书中找到了一些例子,证明他们拥有“固有权力”,可以在被认为有必要保护国家时授权进行特别搜查。当第六区上诉法院做出有利于基思法官的裁决时,米切尔和司法部于1972年将此案提交至最高法院。在美国诉美国地方法院等人(407 U.S. 297)一案中,美国助理司法部长罗伯特·马迪安在最高法院面前辩称,总统拥有“固有权力”,可以在没有搜查令的情况下授权使用电子监视。换句话说,总统应该被允许在涉及国家安全的情况下绕过第四修正案的规定马迪安在开幕词中辩称,决定国内安全问题和加快使用未经授权的监视策略,最终应由行政部门自行决定。Arthur Kinoy,首席律师
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引用次数: 0
Haunted by Slavery: A Southern White Woman in the Freedom Struggle by Gwendolyn Midlo Hall (review) 《被奴隶制困扰:自由斗争中的南方白人女性》,Gwendolyn Midlo Hall著(评论)
IF 0.1 4区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1353/rah.2023.a900724
R. Sparks
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引用次数: 0
Abe: Abraham Lincoln in His Times by David S. Reynolds (review) 《安倍:亚伯拉罕·林肯的时代》,大卫·S·雷诺兹著(评论)
IF 0.1 4区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1353/rah.2023.a900720
Brian P. Luskey
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引用次数: 0
The Good Country: A History of the American Midwest, 1800–1900 by Jon K. Lauck (review) 《好国家:美国中西部历史,1800–1900》,Jon K.Lauck著(评论)
IF 0.1 4区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1353/rah.2023.a900719
Timothy Messer-Kruse
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引用次数: 0
A New Working Class: The Legacies of Public-Sector Employment in the Civil Rights Movement by Jane Berger (review) 《一个新的工人阶级:民权运动中公共部门就业的遗产》简·伯杰著(书评)
IF 0.1 4区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1353/rah.2023.a900721
F. Gooding
With the case of African Americans, Jane Berger reminds us in A New Working Class: The Legacies of Public-Sector Employment in the Civil Rights Movement that history may not necessarily repeat itself, but it can strike us as awfully familiar. While A New Working Class valiantly details attempts by Black public-sector workers and the unions they formed to struggle for racial and economic justice in Baltimore, the obstacles they faced and setbacks they suffered unfortunately fairly consistently represent stories that can be told virtually wherever large concentrations of Black public-sector workers can be found. Not to be cynical, but often, there is no happy ending to this recurring narrative—at least not by Hollywood standards. Speaking of Hollywood, while many Americans only know what they know of Baltimore from the highly-acclaimed HBO cable television series “The Wire,” which aired from 2002–2008, Berger goes back in time to when labor conditions precipitated the almost trite—if not stereotypical—depictions of “Inner City, USA” as projected upon the bleak and blank canvas of the city’s decaying landscape. In watching Baltimore through the para-realistic lens of such gritty, yet still fictional, cable television storytelling, one can be forgiven for losing sight of its nickname—“Charm City.” If anything, during the outbreak of World War II, numerous opportunistic Black laborers left economically dead-end jobs in the South for the prospects of improved pay and working conditions on federal jobs in northern metropolitan cities such as Chicago, Washington, D.C. and Baltimore. As Berger notes early in her monograph, Baltimore was a site of prosperous boom times, boasting low levels of unemployment, expanding suburban neighborhoods, and increasing car registrations to match, all thanks to defense orders. Even better, these good times were open to white and Black workers to enjoy alike. While the concept seems relatively simple—move to a better environment and start fresh with a better job leading to a better existence—numerous Black,
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引用次数: 0
The Sum of Our Dreams: A Concise History of America by Louis P. Masur (review) 《我们梦想的总和:美国简史》作者:路易斯·p·马苏尔(书评)
IF 0.1 4区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1353/rah.2023.a900716
Michael S. Green
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引用次数: 0
A Failed Vision of Empire: The Collapse of Manifest Destiny, 1845–1872 by Daniel J. Burge (review) 帝国的失败愿景:明确命运的崩溃,1845-1872,丹尼尔·J·伯格(评论)
IF 0.1 4区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1353/rah.2023.a900718
Alice L. Baumgartner
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引用次数: 0
Trading Freedom: How Trade with China Defined Early America by Dael A. Norwood (review) 贸易自由:与中国的贸易如何定义早期美国作者:戴尔·a·诺伍德
IF 0.1 4区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1353/rah.2023.a900717
B. Rouleau
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引用次数: 0
The Passion of Anne Hutchinson: An Extraordinary Woman, the Puritan Patriarchs, & the World They Made and Lost by Marilyn J. Westerkamp (review) 玛丽莲·J·韦斯特坎普的《安妮·哈钦森的激情:一个非凡的女人,清教徒的父权,以及他们制造和失去的世界》(评论)
IF 0.1 4区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1353/rah.2023.a900715
Sarah Crabtree
I gave a talk to K-12 teachers last March broadly and blandly titled “Reapproaching Women’s History Month.” I opened with a collage of “well-behaved women seldom make history” and “notorious RBG” knick-knacks. I then invited those attending to join me in investigating a number of current books aimed at young people, perhaps best represented by the She Persisted series known collectively as the Persisterhood and the “Good Night Stories for Rebel Girls” app and podcast based on the ever-expanding book series by the same name.1 We talked together about the promise and pitfalls of this “shero” approach to Women’s History Month curricula, thinking about what would be gained by devoting just as much attention—even all year round!—to everyday women from the past and how they, and therefore we, make history. This aim, of course, has long been the driving force behind women’s history. Generations of historians have brilliantly illuminated the everyday lives of ordinary women, demonstrating how they shaped and were shaped by the worlds in which they lived. In the process, they have revealed complex identities and societies intersected and ordered by everchanging ideas about race, religion, ethnicity, class, ability, and sexuality—as well as marriage, motherhood, sex, citizenship, and work. My conversation with these educators highlighted the need for diverse and multifaceted stories that, yes, inspired students with examples of strong women doing uncommon things, but that also represented ordinary women who, while perhaps not exceptional, were nevertheless extraordinarily important. So imagine my sheepishness when it took several chapters before I realized what Marilyn Westerkamp was really up to with her excellent book, The Passion of Anne Hutchinson. Despite her clearly stating at the outset she had given up her hope to write “a traditional biography of Anne Hutchinson” (p. 2), I had supposed her work would follow in the tradition of other classic biographies of early American women—Laurel Thatcher Ulrich’s A Midwife’s Tale (1990), Elaine Foreman Crane’s The Diary of Elizabeth Drinker (1994), Nell Irwin Painter’s
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引用次数: 0
Conceiving Liberty in Pax Americana 在美国治下构想自由
IF 0.1 4区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1353/rah.2022.0042
Lisa Szefel
In 1945, after decades of destruction and deprivation, freedom in Europe seemed to be within grasp. In contrast to the post-World War I retreat into isolationism, the United States, intent on forging a world order grounded in liberal democracy and capitalist prosperity, assumed global leadership. Melvin Leffler’s seminal A Preponderance of Power: National Security, the Truman Administration, and the Cold War (1992) set the terms of debate regarding postwar national and international economic, political, and colonial rearrangements. That doorstopper of a book began as the guns fell silent in Germany, a moment the defeated nation dubbed Stunde Null (“Zero Hour”), and representatives of Imperial Japan signed the Instrument of Surrender aboard the USS Missouri. Louis Menand’s The Free World: Art and Thought in the Cold War surveys the same landscape, but from a different angle. The Free World seeks to map out why, in this Pax Americana, paintings and poems, music and movies seemed to actualize liberty. Menand canvasses the shearing forces that caused this faulting and folding in art and ideas as Americans pivoted away from war footing. The Free World does not explore the use of culture as a weapon against Communism abroad, a field expertly mined by Frances Stonor Saunders’ landmark The Cultural Cold War: The CIA and the World of Arts and Letters (1991) and, more recently, Cold War Modernists: Art, Literature, and American Cultural Diplomacy (2015) by Greg Barnhisel. Nor does Menand concern himself with the impact of politics on national identity, a vantage point first sketched by Stephen Whitfield’s The Culture of the Cold War (1991). In the context of superpower rivalry, totalitarian peril, and decolonization, Menand carves out deft insights as they form, strike, renovate, and ricochet—sometimes with a chisel, other times with a scalpel. The Free World ends with a bang rather than concludes, bringing Kennan’s prescription of Soviet containment to its logical conclusion in Operation Rolling Thunder, which rained down three-hundred pounds of bombs for every woman, man, and child in North Vietnam. The engines of American political, intellectual, artistic, and moral authority, developed over the previous two decades, came screeching to a halt, shifting
1945年,在经历了几十年的破坏和剥夺之后,欧洲的自由似乎指日可待。与第一次世界大战后退回到孤立主义相比,美国决心建立一个以自由民主和资本主义繁荣为基础的世界秩序,承担了全球领导角色。梅尔文·莱弗勒的开创性著作《权力的优势:国家安全、杜鲁门政府和冷战》(1992)为战后国家和国际经济、政治和殖民重新安排的辩论奠定了基础。这本书的开头是德国的炮声沉寂,战败国称之为“零时刻”(Stunde Null),日本帝国的代表在密苏里号航空母舰上签署了投降书。路易斯·曼南德的《自由世界:冷战时期的艺术与思想》考察了同样的景观,但从不同的角度。《自由世界》试图找出为什么在这个美国治下的和平中,绘画、诗歌、音乐和电影似乎实现了自由。曼南德仔细研究了在美国人远离战争基础的过程中,导致艺术和思想出现这种断层和折叠的剪切力。《自由世界》并没有探讨将文化作为对抗国外共产主义的武器,这是弗朗西斯·斯通或桑德斯的标志性著作《文化冷战:中央情报局与艺术和文学世界》(1991)和最近的《冷战现代主义者:艺术、文学和美国文化外交》(Greg Barnhisel, 2015)所擅长挖掘的领域。Menand也不关心政治对国家认同的影响,这是Stephen Whitfield在1991年的《冷战文化》(the Culture of the Cold War)一书中首次提出的观点。在超级大国的竞争、极权主义的危险和去殖民化的背景下,梅纳德在它们形成、冲击、更新和反弹的过程中,时而用凿子,时而用手术刀,巧妙地刻画出了深刻的见解。《自由世界》在一声巨响中结束,而不是结束,凯南对苏联的遏制处方在滚雷行动中得到了合乎逻辑的结论,该行动向北越的每个女人、男人和孩子投掷了300磅炸弹。过去二十年发展起来的美国政治、知识、艺术和道德权威的引擎嘎然而止,开始转向
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