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A dissimulated trade: Northern European timber merchants in Seville (1574–1598) A dissimulated trade: Northern European timber merchants in Seville (1574–1598) , by Germán Jiménez-Montes, Leiden & Boston, Brill, 2022, 260 pp., €114,48 (hardcover), ISBN: 978-9-00446-018-8 伪装的贸易:塞维利亚的北欧木材商人(1574-1598),作者:Germán jimsamnez - montes, Leiden &波士顿,布里尔,2022,260页,€114,48(精装),ISBN: 978-9-00446-018-8
Q4 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2023-11-07 DOI: 10.1080/03585522.2023.2277829
A. Jorge Aguilera-López
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引用次数: 0
Cash flow: the businesses of menstruation Cash flow: the businesses of menstruation , by Camilla Mørk Røstvik, London, UCL Press, 2022, 229 pp., £40.00 (hardback) £20.00 (paperback), available open access on https://www.uclpress.co.uk/products/141638, ISBN 978-1-787-35556-9 (hardback) 《现金流:月经的生意》,Camilla Mørk Røstvik著,伦敦,UCL出版社,2022年,229页,40.00英镑(精装本)20.00英镑(平装本),可在https://www.uclpress.co.uk/products/141638上开放获取,ISBN 978-1-787-35556-9(精装本)
Q4 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2023-11-07 DOI: 10.1080/03585522.2023.2276931
Matleena Frisk
"Cash flow: the businesses of menstruation." Scandinavian Economic History Review, ahead-of-print(ahead-of-print), pp. 1–2
“现金流:月经的生意。”斯堪的纳维亚经济史评论,印前(印前),第1-2页
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引用次数: 0
Finding common ground: rebuilding the Scandinavian Monetary Union in the interwar years 寻找共同点:在两次世界大战期间重建斯堪的纳维亚货币联盟
Q4 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2023-11-07 DOI: 10.1080/03585522.2023.2276932
Gjermund Forfang Rongved
The Scandinavian Monetary Union (SMU) of Denmark, Sweden and Norway has been labelled ‘the most successful of the pre-World War I monetary unions’. It functioned smoothly throughout the first era of globalisation but is considered to have disintegrated during the Great War. However, attempts at rebuilding the union in the interwar years, in a spirit of increased intra-Scandinavian central bank cooperation, have been overlooked. In fact, the Scandinavian central banks frequently convened trying to re-establish the SMU. This paper is the first comprehensive account of these efforts. Based on archival material from these three central banks, it will answer questions on three different levels of analysis: How did the central banks consider future cooperation through the union despite interwar economic turmoil? As ending the leading symbol of Scandinavian cooperation would be politically costly, was it the central banks or governments who were the main actors in re-establishing the union? Given both the need to balance between national primacy and to cooperate to counter economic turmoil, and the fact that all Scandinavian countries followed suit as England abandoned gold in 1931, how are we to consider aspects such as isolationism versus cooperation and small state behaviour versus great power policies?
丹麦、瑞典和挪威组成的斯堪的纳维亚货币联盟(SMU)被称为“第一次世界大战前最成功的货币联盟”。它在全球化的第一个时代运转顺利,但被认为在第一次世界大战期间解体了。然而,在两次世界大战期间,本着加强斯堪的纳维亚中央银行内部合作的精神重建联盟的努力却被忽视了。事实上,斯堪的纳维亚各国央行经常召开会议,试图重建统一货币联盟。本文是对这些努力的第一次全面叙述。基于这三家中央银行的档案材料,它将回答三个不同层次的分析问题:尽管两次世界大战之间的经济动荡,中央银行如何考虑通过联盟进行未来的合作?既然结束斯堪的纳维亚合作的主要象征在政治上代价高昂,那么在重建联盟的过程中,央行还是政府才是主要角色?考虑到在国家主导地位和合作应对经济动荡之间取得平衡的必要性,以及所有斯堪的纳维亚国家都效仿英国在1931年放弃金本位制的事实,我们该如何考虑孤立主义与合作、小国行为与大国政策等方面?
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引用次数: 0
Long-run evolution of income inequality in the Nordic countries 北欧国家收入不平等的长期演变
Q4 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2023-10-26 DOI: 10.1080/03585522.2023.2268624
Rolf Aaberge, Erik Bengtsson
ABSTRACTThis paper surveys Nordic historic studies on the distribution of income to highlight similarities and differences between Denmark, Finland, Norway, and Sweden in the evolution of income concentration and income inequality over more than 140 years. Our descriptive analysis allows for a decomposition where we identify the contribution of the income share of the richest 1 per cent and the distribution of income among the other 99 per cent to overall inequality as measured by the Gini coefficient. The results show that the evolution of income concentration and inequality can be characterised by episodes rather than by secular cycles, which means that the evolution can neither be summarised by Kuznets’ inverse U nor by a U. The evidence on the role played by the share of the top 1 per cent for overall income inequality shows to be mixed and to vary across time and countries.KEYWORDS: InequalityincomesScandinaviaJEL: CODES: D31N33N34 AcknowledgementsWe would like to thank Jesper Roine, Petri Roikonen, Jakob Søgaard and Daniel Waldenström for sharing the data that has been used to produce the figures presented in this paper. We would also like to thank the editor Paul Sharp and three anonymous referees at SEHR for useful comments and suggestions.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Ólafsson and Kristjánsson (Citation2017) provide estimates of the share of the top 1 per cent for two years between the world wars (1927 and 1936) and for the period 1992–2017, while estimates of overall inequality measured by the Gini coefficient are only available for the recent three decades.2 Flodström was a crucial actor in the creation of modern economic statistics in Sweden. See Hellroth (Citation2011) for a study which discusses the role of Flodström.3 For the city of Stockholm 1870–1970 Bengtsson and Molinder (Citation2022) have been able to calculate both individual and household level inequality measures. However, they show to yield remarkably similar results.4 The top income approach of course has its clear proponents, most notably Piketty. See Piketty’s (Citation2014, pp. 246–268) discussion of top income shares versus overall measures of inequality like the Gini coefficient.5 Note that the Gini coefficient can be interpreted as the ratio between the average pairwise income differences in the population and twice the mean income, which means that the Gini coefficient becomes equal to 0 if and only if all population units have equal income. The other extreme is attained if and only if one unit receives the total income. In this case the Gini coefficient takes the value 1. When the Gini coefficient is equal to 0.5 then the average income difference is equal to the mean income.6 Nolan et al. (Citation2019, p. 1290) concur, arguing that «increases in inequality have often occurred in discrete ‘episodes’ rather than in a consistent fashion over time».7 To further explore the role of the financial sector an
在这种税收转移干预之后,最贫穷的人的收入将从2000欧元增加到4800欧元,而最富有的人的收入将从5万欧元减少到3.6万欧元。10对于瑞典来说,1975年对不平等的总体衡量标准的估计还没有进一步得到。rolf Aaberge得到了挪威研究理事会的支持[赠款号261985;341250]。Erik Bengtsson获得了瑞典研究委员会项目资助2018-01853和Riksbankens Jubileumsfond资助M19-0231:1的支持。
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引用次数: 0
Lithuanian economy, 1919–1940: stagnant but resilient. The first inter-war GDP time-series estimates and their implications 立陶宛经济,1919-1940:停滞但有弹性。第一个两次世界大战之间的GDP时间序列估计及其含义
Q4 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2023-09-27 DOI: 10.1080/03585522.2023.2259909
Adomas Klimantas
This paper presents the first attempt to estimate the GDP time series for inter-war Lithuania, tracking the country's annual performance from 1919 until its incorporation into the USSR in 1940, and situating Lithuania within the wider East-Central European economic landscape. The research provides robust evidence that, contrary to prior beliefs, Lithuania was a stagnant economy, resembling other newly established agricultural states such as Estonia and Poland in terms of its GDP growth rate. By 1940, Lithuania remained on the economic periphery of Europe, yet it demonstrated significant resilience during the Great Depression, with no contraction in its GDP per capita between 1929 and 1938. This paper helps fill one of the remaining gaps in Europe's historical national accounts, making it an essential resource for analysing the divergent growth patterns in East-Central Europe.
本文首次尝试估算两次世界大战期间立陶宛的GDP时间序列,跟踪该国从1919年到1940年并入苏联的年度表现,并将立陶宛置于更广泛的东中欧经济格局中。这项研究提供了有力的证据,证明与先前的看法相反,立陶宛是一个停滞的经济体,就GDP增长率而言,与爱沙尼亚和波兰等其他新建立的农业国家类似。到1940年,立陶宛的经济仍然处于欧洲的边缘,但它在大萧条期间表现出了显著的弹性,在1929年至1938年期间,其人均GDP没有收缩。本文有助于填补欧洲历史上国民经济核算的一个空白,使其成为分析中东欧不同增长模式的重要资源。
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引用次数: 0
English commercial ascendancy and the growth in competition for Baltic markets, 1650–1700 英国商业优势和波罗的海市场竞争的增长(1650-1700
Q4 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2023-09-14 DOI: 10.1080/03585522.2023.2252654
Adam Grimshaw
ABSTRACTFrom the 1650s the expansion of English interests in the Baltic fostered more competition for access to commercial markets. A desire from Sweden to meet its own commercial goals also led to a greater level of competition for shipping. An increasing association between England and Sweden brought about the greatest commercial shift in Baltic commerce during that century. Building on research that has established general trends in Anglo-Baltic commercial history during the period, this article assesses the growth and competition of English commercial ambition. The article consults data sets such as the Sound Toll Registers Online, and the Stockholm customs accounts, while taking into consideration contemporary diplomatic sources. It seeks to answer why, how and where English trade became competitive in the Baltic. It outlines general commercial flows by juxtaposing England’s shipping next to its nearest competitors and consults three case studies to reveal previously unrealised nuances in Anglo-Baltic trade.KEYWORDS: EnglandSwedenBaltictradeearly modernJEL CODES: F02F14F36N43P45 Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 TNA, CO 389/15, 14 July 1696.2 I would like to thank Jan Willem Veluwenkamp for pointing me in the direction of the former study.3 It must be said that in such a broad and detailed study Åström did touch on aspects of Anglo-Dutch competition for markets in the Baltic but was perhaps limited by spatial considerations to warrant a detailed appraisal (Åström, Citation1963, pp. 61–68).4 It is important to appreciate that the English and Scottish commercial spheres were distinctive jurisdictional entities. In practice the two spheres remained separate with very little collaboration occurring in Baltic trade between the two nations. For a history of Scottish commercial organisation in the early part of the century consult (McLoughlin, Citation2013).5 A brief sketch of developments in the Swedish iron industry in the context of western exports during the seventeenth century occurs in Chris Evans and Göran Rydén’s study. However, this study of the Anglo-Swedish iron trade focuses on the 1700s and not its foundation the century prior (Evans & Rydén, Citation2007).6 A key exception would be Henry Roseveare’s research during the 1990s which incorporated the exploits of the Marescoe-David commercial house in the Baltic (Roseveare, Citation1991).7 For current debates surrounding the Sound Toll Registers see: (Degn, Citation2017). For more information on how the STRO functions in practice consult: Scheltjens, Veluwenkamp, & van der Woude, Citation2018). Although the STRO have provided unparalleled access to the Sound Toll Registers it is important for researchers to familiarise themselves with the latter article for practical and contextual reasons. As a supplement to the introductory chapter, which acts as an invaluable methodological guide to aid future research, the edited volume to which
56 STRO搜索1668 - 1700.00年间从波罗的海各主要港口到英国和荷兰共和国的出港航次。必须强调的是,这里显示的值代表了英国从英国以及从第三方港口通过英国船只进行的进口贸易的总和SSA, SCA,第59卷。1680.59斯德哥尔摩市贸易委员会会议记录中提到了一些拥有burgess权利的苏格兰商人。SSA,斯德哥尔摩商报协议,vol . 1-7。1635, 1638-1639, 1639-1640, 1642-1644, 1652-1654, 1655, 1658-1653.60 SSA, SCA第1卷。1636.61 SSA, SCA,第21卷。1655.62 SSA, SCA,第27卷。1660.63 SSA, SCA,第27卷。1660. 例如,与阿姆斯特丹、莱尔贝克或但泽等港口相比,有许多相同的商业经营者,其中许多可能是瑞典人、苏格兰人、荷兰人、德国人、波罗的海人或来历不明的人有关瑞典英语社区的更多信息,请参阅:Grimshaw (Citation2018).65《1654年条约》印于:(Jenkinson, Citation1909, pp. 69-70)。《1656年条约》见帕特森,f.a.(1937),第566-591页。《1661年条约》印于:(Hertslet, Citation1820, pp. 324-333)。1665年的条约可以在TNA中找到,SP 103/69.66这是一个类似的策略,在一代人之前,但在相反的方向参见图4。目前的研究已经对列强之间的条约的作用及其对贸易的影响有了更多的了解。这已经超越了既定的、基本的观点,即商业条约的缔结(以17世纪80年代初荷兰与瑞典的协议为例)仅仅导致了贸易的增长。以色列(Citation1989,第300-304页)。亨利·汉努拉对荷兰共和国和瑞典外交政策的研究表明,当时有多种声音试图影响这类协议。(Hannula, Citation2023,第123-149页)。尽管这项研究更多地关注谈判过程,而不是对最终的贸易水平进行编目,但格里姆肖对瑞典贸易的研究表明,不管成文协议如何,市场力量首先决定了贸易的主要运动。格里姆肖(引文2023),特别是第四章瑞典外交官约翰·巴克曼·莱永伯格(Johan Barckman Leijonberg)此时被提升为驻瑞典大使。参见:无名氏,' Leijonberg, släkt ' .69关于与波罗的海的瑞典控制区进行贸易的英国商业投诉可以在整个殖民地办公室文件中找到。例如:TNA, CO 388/1。
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引用次数: 0
Old-age mortality and social class in northern Norway in the first half of the twentieth century 20世纪上半叶挪威北部的老年死亡率和社会阶层
Q4 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2023-09-13 DOI: 10.1080/03585522.2023.2255599
Petja Lyn Langholz, Hilde Leikny Sommerseth
The number of studies on social inequality in mortality in Norway before 1960 is limited and they often focus on early life outcomes. Little is known about socioeconomic differences in old-age mortality before the emergence of the welfare state. Linked census and church records from the Historical Population Register of Norway were used to study a sample of 10,457 men and women born 1841–1870 who lived in Troms, a province in northern Norway, in the early twentieth century. We analysed the association between social class, measured in adulthood, and mortality at age 60 and older using Cox proportional hazards models. The results do not indicate a clear social gradient in mortality. Differences between social classes varied in the magnitude and direction of effects, depending on gender and place of residence. For women, the association between social class and mortality was weaker overall. Only farming was significantly associated with decreased mortality risk compared to the group of lower-skilled and unskilled workers. Differences were more pronounced among men, with higher mortality for non-manual classes in towns, and lower mortality for skilled workers and farmers in rural areas. The advantage for farmers was amplified in combination with manual or non-manual work.
关于1960年以前挪威死亡率方面的社会不平等的研究数量有限,它们往往侧重于早期生活结果。在福利国家出现之前,人们对老年人死亡率的社会经济差异知之甚少。研究人员利用挪威历史人口登记处的相关人口普查和教会记录,研究了20世纪初居住在挪威北部省份特罗姆斯的10457名1841-1870年出生的男女。我们使用Cox比例风险模型分析了社会阶层(在成年期测量)与60岁及以上死亡率之间的关系。研究结果并没有显示出死亡率的明显的社会梯度。社会阶层之间的差异在影响的程度和方向上各不相同,这取决于性别和居住地。对于女性来说,社会阶层和死亡率之间的联系总体上较弱。与低技能和非技术工人相比,只有农业与死亡率风险降低显著相关。男性之间的差异更为明显,城镇非体力劳动者的死亡率较高,而农村地区熟练工人和农民的死亡率较低。对农民来说,结合体力或非体力工作,这种优势被放大了。
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引用次数: 0
Longer, broader, deeper, and more personal – the renewal of labour history in the Nordic countries 更长、更广、更深、更个人化——北欧国家劳动史的更新
IF 0.6 Q4 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2023-04-20 DOI: 10.1080/03585522.2023.2193193
Nina Trige Andersen, Ragnheiður Kristjánsdóttir, Silke Neunsinger, Pete Pesonen, Vilhelm Vilhelmsson, Hanne Østhus
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引用次数: 1
Taxation and inequality: A revisionary study of changing income inequality in Finland, 1961–2005 税收与不平等:芬兰1961-2005年收入不平等变化的修正研究
IF 0.6 Q4 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2023-03-13 DOI: 10.1080/03585522.2023.2170459
Saska Heino
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引用次数: 0
Kylmästi laskeva mies: Talousvaikuttaja Risto Rytin elämä [Coldly counting man: the life of economic policymaker Risto Ryti] 冷酷计数的人:经济政策制定者里斯托·雷蒂的一生
IF 0.6 Q4 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2023-03-06 DOI: 10.1080/03585522.2023.2183895
Niklas Jensen-Eriksen
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引用次数: 0
期刊
SCANDINAVIAN ECONOMIC HISTORY REVIEW
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