Enduring Community Value from Mining is an important outcome for mining in regional and remote locations around the world, an initiative lead by the national and global peak mining bodies. This article tracks the connections between mine production, employment and populations in very remote areas of the Northern Territory and South Australia. Mining is an important industry activity in these locations and the results suggest, in the main, these locations are highly dependent on mining for maintaining population levels through employment, not just in mining but in other industrial sectors that indirectly rely on mining. Leigh Creek has recently experienced declining coal production and so its population and workforce, while highly mobile, have been in decline. In contrast, until recently, production at Olympic Dam has been on the increase, with similarly highly mobile population and workforce that has experienced growth. While mining brings jobs during productive times, it can also bring dwindling populations through increased mobile work practices. These remote locations therefore face an uphill battle in ensuring enduring community value from mining. However, a range of policies can help ensure a better transfer of enduring value to remote mine dependent towns including being open to non-mine residents, unrestricted access in land and property markets, an ability of residents to have locally responsible and accountable local governments, and early and shared strategic planning by government, mining companies, and communities around how to manage the peaks and troughs of the various avenues for returns to community. Finally, while each case location is different in its own way, the most different is Yuendumu and it therefore requires careful consideration of how to deliver lasting benefit. Introduction Resource abundance is often proposed as the beacon of hope for improving the conditions of less well-off communities (Dietsche, Stevens, Emsley, & Östensson, 2009; Daniels, 2012; Otto et al., 2006), however the evidence that it reaps benefits is less than favourable. (Freudenburg & Wilson, 2002; Humphreys, Sachs, & Stiglitz, 2007; Sachs & Warner, 2001; van der Ploeg & Venables, 2012). For developing economies the general evidence is mining has not helped communities. However, there are counter arguments which show ‘rich countries’ such as Canada, Norway and Germany have benefited from natural resource wealth due to welldesigned public policy and strong institutions and institutional frameworks (Brunnschweiler, 2008; Brunnschweiler & Bulte, 2008; Davis & Tilton, 2005; Larsen, 2005). Although public policy analysts and prominent economists (Deloitte, 2010; Edwards, 2011; Taylor, Bradley, Dobbs, Thompson, & Clifton, 2012) argue that Australia has not been a victim of Dutch Disease or the Learning Communities | Special Issue: Synthesis & Integration | Number 19 – April 2016
{"title":"Enduring value for remote communities from mining: Synthesising production, employment, populations, and reform opportunities","authors":"B. Blackwell, Stuart Robertson","doi":"10.18793/LCJ2016.19.08","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18793/LCJ2016.19.08","url":null,"abstract":"Enduring Community Value from Mining is an important outcome for mining in regional and remote locations around the world, an initiative lead by the national and global peak mining bodies. This article tracks the connections between mine production, employment and populations in very remote areas of the Northern Territory and South Australia. Mining is an important industry activity in these locations and the results suggest, in the main, these locations are highly dependent on mining for maintaining population levels through employment, not just in mining but in other industrial sectors that indirectly rely on mining. Leigh Creek has recently experienced declining coal production and so its population and workforce, while highly mobile, have been in decline. In contrast, until recently, production at Olympic Dam has been on the increase, with similarly highly mobile population and workforce that has experienced growth. While mining brings jobs during productive times, it can also bring dwindling populations through increased mobile work practices. These remote locations therefore face an uphill battle in ensuring enduring community value from mining. However, a range of policies can help ensure a better transfer of enduring value to remote mine dependent towns including being open to non-mine residents, unrestricted access in land and property markets, an ability of residents to have locally responsible and accountable local governments, and early and shared strategic planning by government, mining companies, and communities around how to manage the peaks and troughs of the various avenues for returns to community. Finally, while each case location is different in its own way, the most different is Yuendumu and it therefore requires careful consideration of how to deliver lasting benefit. Introduction Resource abundance is often proposed as the beacon of hope for improving the conditions of less well-off communities (Dietsche, Stevens, Emsley, & Östensson, 2009; Daniels, 2012; Otto et al., 2006), however the evidence that it reaps benefits is less than favourable. (Freudenburg & Wilson, 2002; Humphreys, Sachs, & Stiglitz, 2007; Sachs & Warner, 2001; van der Ploeg & Venables, 2012). For developing economies the general evidence is mining has not helped communities. However, there are counter arguments which show ‘rich countries’ such as Canada, Norway and Germany have benefited from natural resource wealth due to welldesigned public policy and strong institutions and institutional frameworks (Brunnschweiler, 2008; Brunnschweiler & Bulte, 2008; Davis & Tilton, 2005; Larsen, 2005). Although public policy analysts and prominent economists (Deloitte, 2010; Edwards, 2011; Taylor, Bradley, Dobbs, Thompson, & Clifton, 2012) argue that Australia has not been a victim of Dutch Disease or the Learning Communities | Special Issue: Synthesis & Integration | Number 19 – April 2016","PeriodicalId":43860,"journal":{"name":"Learning Communities-International Journal of Learning in Social Contexts","volume":"4 1","pages":"118-149"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2016-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82516583","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Climate projections indicate an average rise in temperature in the range of 3-7oC for central Australia by 2100 and a decline in thermal comfort. There is uncertainty in the future spatial and temporal occurrences of extreme events such as floods and droughts, though heat stress is predicted to become more frequent in central Australia. To a large extent, sustainable development in this region aims to create self-sufficient and vibrant remote desert-based communities. In this paper, we examine the prospects for sustaining native bush food production in central Australia under a changing climate. Harvesting of native plants for bush food has strong relevance in a central Australian context, where many bush foods have cultural significance to Aboriginal peoples. The native bush food industry is also important in central Australia as it provides employment for local people and sustains the knowledge and practice associated with culturally significant plants. However, the projections of climate change in the region suggest an increasing risk – to plant production, workers’ safety, and getting product to markets. A pathway of the potential steps needed for adaptation (i.e. adaptive pathway) is conceptualised in this paper as to how native bush food production can become a climateready and enduring industry in central Australia. Introduction More than 41,000 small to medium sized enterprises operate across Australia’s arid or desert region, of which 500 are Aboriginal-owned and around 100 are community controlled art centres (Race, 2015). The bush food industry is also one such emerging business activity which also involves Aboriginal people. Arid Australia is also home to numerous Aboriginal communities involved in the customary harvest of bush food resources and who have extensive knowledge regarding the harvesting and use of bush foods. The Australian bush food market system thus includes harvesting by Aboriginal communities within a customary law system that negotiates specific rights and responsibilities, and also harvesting by non-Aboriginal bush food enterprises working within the framework of Western laws and aim to maximise financial returns (see Merne Altyerre-ipenhe Reference Group, Douglas & Walsh, 2011). Learning Communities | Special Issue: Synthesis & Integration | Number 19 – April 2016 99 The Australian bush food industry is small compared to other agricultural pursuits, but it makes a valuable contribution, both financially and culturally, to people living in arid parts of Australia (see Figure 1 for arid and semiarid regions in Australia). There are no reliable estimates for the total value of the bush food industry in this part of the continent; however it would represent a considerable part of the $18.5M industry that employs 500-1,000 people. Moreover, this value is increased five-fold following processing, which most raw bush food products undergo (Clarke, 2012) before they reach their largely metropolitan markets. The bush food
{"title":"Conceptualising climate change adaption for native bush food production in arid Australia","authors":"Supriya Mathew, Ls Lee, D. Race","doi":"10.18793/LCJ2016.19.07","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18793/LCJ2016.19.07","url":null,"abstract":"Climate projections indicate an average rise in temperature in the range of 3-7oC for central Australia by 2100 and a decline in thermal comfort. There is uncertainty in the future spatial and temporal occurrences of extreme events such as floods and droughts, though heat stress is predicted to become more frequent in central Australia. To a large extent, sustainable development in this region aims to create self-sufficient and vibrant remote desert-based communities. In this paper, we examine the prospects for sustaining native bush food production in central Australia under a changing climate. Harvesting of native plants for bush food has strong relevance in a central Australian context, where many bush foods have cultural significance to Aboriginal peoples. The native bush food industry is also important in central Australia as it provides employment for local people and sustains the knowledge and practice associated with culturally significant plants. However, the projections of climate change in the region suggest an increasing risk – to plant production, workers’ safety, and getting product to markets. A pathway of the potential steps needed for adaptation (i.e. adaptive pathway) is conceptualised in this paper as to how native bush food production can become a climateready and enduring industry in central Australia. Introduction More than 41,000 small to medium sized enterprises operate across Australia’s arid or desert region, of which 500 are Aboriginal-owned and around 100 are community controlled art centres (Race, 2015). The bush food industry is also one such emerging business activity which also involves Aboriginal people. Arid Australia is also home to numerous Aboriginal communities involved in the customary harvest of bush food resources and who have extensive knowledge regarding the harvesting and use of bush foods. The Australian bush food market system thus includes harvesting by Aboriginal communities within a customary law system that negotiates specific rights and responsibilities, and also harvesting by non-Aboriginal bush food enterprises working within the framework of Western laws and aim to maximise financial returns (see Merne Altyerre-ipenhe Reference Group, Douglas & Walsh, 2011). Learning Communities | Special Issue: Synthesis & Integration | Number 19 – April 2016 99 The Australian bush food industry is small compared to other agricultural pursuits, but it makes a valuable contribution, both financially and culturally, to people living in arid parts of Australia (see Figure 1 for arid and semiarid regions in Australia). There are no reliable estimates for the total value of the bush food industry in this part of the continent; however it would represent a considerable part of the $18.5M industry that employs 500-1,000 people. Moreover, this value is increased five-fold following processing, which most raw bush food products undergo (Clarke, 2012) before they reach their largely metropolitan markets. The bush food ","PeriodicalId":43860,"journal":{"name":"Learning Communities-International Journal of Learning in Social Contexts","volume":"100 1","pages":"98-115"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2016-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79495037","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Learning Communities: International Journal of Learning in Social Contexts by https://www.cdu.edu.au/northern-institute/lcj is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 International License.
{"title":"Switching on the remote: a new perspective on accessibility in remote Australia","authors":"Apolline Kohen, Bruno Spanodine","doi":"10.18793/LCJ2016.19.06","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18793/LCJ2016.19.06","url":null,"abstract":"Learning Communities: International Journal of Learning in Social Contexts by https://www.cdu.edu.au/northern-institute/lcj is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 International License.","PeriodicalId":43860,"journal":{"name":"Learning Communities-International Journal of Learning in Social Contexts","volume":"19 1","pages":"78-99"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2016-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80813823","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Policies in relation to remote Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities tend to adopt a logic of intervention, where current policy discourse has been narrowed to measures of school attendance, workforce participation and community safety (see Gordon, 2015). In this context, culture is sometimes viewed as unimportant, or even a problem to be overcome within efforts to ‘Close the Gap’ (Abbott, 2015) between Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders and other Australians. This paper draws on the work of Arjun Appadurai, who argues that strengthening cultural capacity, more specifically, the ‘capacity to aspire’ and ‘voice’ (Appadurai, 2004, p. 66) generates future-oriented thinking, foundational to notions of development. Two case studies are shared as examples of remote community research methodology in practice and where the logic of strengthening cultural capacity has been applied. In each case, this approach has required flexibility, working across research disciplines, and complex negotiations across points of significant epistemological difference as local voices and aspirations are privileged. Methodological adjustments are required and negotiated for strengthening local voices, language and conceptual development in each case, and the emergence of a language of aspiration and future thinking informs the analysis. Finally, in arguing for institutional structures that might assist in strengthening cultural capacity in remote communities, the concept of a tristate hub is proposed. Such a model offers potential for ‘decolonial knowledge-making’ (Nakata et al., 2012) and pursuing research-informed social and economic justice in remote Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities.
与偏远原住民和托雷斯海峡岛民社区有关的政策倾向于采用干预逻辑，目前的政策话语已缩小到学校出勤率，劳动力参与和社区安全的措施(见Gordon, 2015)。在这种情况下，文化有时被视为不重要的，甚至是在土著和托雷斯海峡岛民与其他澳大利亚人之间“缩小差距”(雅培，2015)的努力中需要克服的问题。本文借鉴了Arjun Appadurai的工作，他认为加强文化能力，更具体地说，“渴望的能力”和“声音”(Appadurai, 2004，第66页)产生面向未来的思维，这是发展概念的基础。分享了两个案例研究，作为实践中偏远社区研究方法的例子，并在其中应用了加强文化能力的逻辑。在每种情况下，这种方法都需要灵活性，跨研究学科的工作，以及跨越重要认识论差异点的复杂谈判，因为当地的声音和愿望是特权。需要进行方法上的调整和谈判，以加强每一种情况下当地的声音、语言和概念的发展，一种愿望和未来思维的语言的出现为分析提供了依据。最后，在论证可能有助于加强偏远社区文化能力的制度结构时，提出了三州中心的概念。这种模式为“去殖民知识制造”(Nakata et al.， 2012)提供了潜力，并在偏远的土著和托雷斯海峡岛民社区追求基于研究的社会和经济正义。
{"title":"Cultural Capacity and Development; the case for flexible, interdisciplinary research in remote Aboriginal and Torres Strait Island communities","authors":"Sam Osborne","doi":"10.18793/LCJ2016.19.04","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18793/LCJ2016.19.04","url":null,"abstract":"Policies in relation to remote Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities tend to adopt a logic of intervention, where current policy discourse has been narrowed to measures of school attendance, workforce participation and community safety (see Gordon, 2015). In this context, culture is sometimes viewed as unimportant, or even a problem to be overcome within efforts to ‘Close the Gap’ (Abbott, 2015) between Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders and other Australians. This paper draws on the work of Arjun Appadurai, who argues that strengthening cultural capacity, more specifically, the ‘capacity to aspire’ and ‘voice’ (Appadurai, 2004, p. 66) generates future-oriented thinking, foundational to notions of development. Two case studies are shared as examples of remote community research methodology in practice and where the logic of strengthening cultural capacity has been applied. In each case, this approach has required flexibility, working across research disciplines, and complex negotiations across points of significant epistemological difference as local voices and aspirations are privileged. Methodological adjustments are required and negotiated for strengthening local voices, language and conceptual development in each case, and the emergence of a language of aspiration and future thinking informs the analysis. Finally, in arguing for institutional structures that might assist in strengthening cultural capacity in remote communities, the concept of a tristate hub is proposed. Such a model offers potential for ‘decolonial knowledge-making’ (Nakata et al., 2012) and pursuing research-informed social and economic justice in remote Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities.","PeriodicalId":43860,"journal":{"name":"Learning Communities-International Journal of Learning in Social Contexts","volume":"54 1","pages":"48-65"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2016-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82714998","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Synthesis and Integration, CRC for Remote Economic Participation, Ninti One; and Northern Institute, Charles Darwin University","authors":"J. Lovell","doi":"10.18793/LCJ2016.19.01","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18793/LCJ2016.19.01","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":43860,"journal":{"name":"Learning Communities-International Journal of Learning in Social Contexts","volume":"45 1","pages":"2-5"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2016-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82512016","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In Western Australia, and around the world, rowing is a sport that is often associated with elite private schools and tertiary institutions (Cambridge University Boat Club, 2013; Yale Athletics, 2010; Oxford University Boat Club, 2015; Melbourne University Boat Club, 2015). Events like the Boat Race, an annual rowing event for the top Oxford and Cambridge University crews, and the Henley Royal Regatta, held on the Thames River since 1839, serve to reinforce the elitist history of the sport. In a more local context, rowing in Western Australia is predominantly facilitated by a number of high-fee-paying secondary schools running their own competitions for male and female students throughout the year.
在西澳大利亚州和世界各地，赛艇是一项经常与精英私立学校和高等院校联系在一起的运动(剑桥大学赛艇俱乐部，2013;耶鲁体育，2010;牛津大学赛艇俱乐部，2015年;墨尔本大学赛艇俱乐部，2015)。赛艇比赛是牛津大学和剑桥大学顶级赛艇队的年度赛事，而亨利皇家帆船赛(Henley Royal Regatta)自1839年以来一直在泰晤士河举行，这些活动都巩固了这项运动的精英历史。在更本地的情况下，西澳大利亚的赛艇主要是由一些收费高的中学提供的，这些中学全年为男女学生举办自己的比赛。
{"title":"Clontarf to Curtin: Row AHEAD and Tertiary Affinity","authors":"C. Thorn, Carl R. Flodin","doi":"10.18793/lcj2015.17.06","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18793/lcj2015.17.06","url":null,"abstract":"In Western Australia, and around the world, rowing is a sport that is often associated with elite private schools and tertiary institutions (Cambridge University Boat Club, 2013; Yale Athletics, 2010; Oxford University Boat Club, 2015; Melbourne University Boat Club, 2015). Events like the Boat Race, an annual rowing event for the top Oxford and Cambridge University crews, and the Henley Royal Regatta, held on the Thames River since 1839, serve to reinforce the elitist history of the sport. In a more local context, rowing in Western Australia is predominantly facilitated by a number of high-fee-paying secondary schools running their own competitions for male and female students throughout the year.","PeriodicalId":43860,"journal":{"name":"Learning Communities-International Journal of Learning in Social Contexts","volume":"106 1","pages":"64-73"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2015-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86037998","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In Central Australia, sign languages are used alongside speech, gesture and other semiotic systems such as sand drawing. These sign languages have been described as ‘alternate’, as they are not generally the primary mode of communication in these communities but rather % % # Z ¢ ~} = 1988 [2013]). In this paper we discuss a sign language documentation and online resource development project for Indigenous sign languages from Central Australia. In particular we track > # % $ % sign in an online sign language dictionary (www.iltyemiltyem.com). This project represents the #% #% # < region since Kendon’s research in the 1980s, and his in-depth analysis of the sign languages found in some Central Australian communities provides a foundation for the current research (Kendon, 1988 [2013]).
{"title":"Making an online dictionary for Central Australian sign languages","authors":"Margaret Carew, Jennifer M. Green","doi":"10.18793/lcj2015.16.04","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18793/lcj2015.16.04","url":null,"abstract":"In Central Australia, sign languages are used alongside speech, gesture and other semiotic systems such as sand drawing. These sign languages have been described as ‘alternate’, as they are not generally the primary mode of communication in these communities but rather % % # Z ¢ ~} = 1988 [2013]). In this paper we discuss a sign language documentation and online resource development project for Indigenous sign languages from Central Australia. In particular we track > # % $ % sign in an online sign language dictionary (www.iltyemiltyem.com). This project represents the #% #% # < region since Kendon’s research in the 1980s, and his in-depth analysis of the sign languages found in some Central Australian communities provides a foundation for the current research (Kendon, 1988 [2013]).","PeriodicalId":43860,"journal":{"name":"Learning Communities-International Journal of Learning in Social Contexts","volume":"43 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2015-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77411209","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In 2013 a perplexity we had been experiencing for some time around the apparently unstoppable proliferation of contexts in which “the public problem” of Indigenous governance emerged came to a head. As members of an informal consultancy team established within the Contemporary Indigenous Knowledge and Governance Group in the policy research institute where, near the ends of our careers, we find ourselves based, we were asked by a group of concerned government officers – both Federal and Territory, to intervene in ‘governance training’ in five Aboriginal communities. Top-down delivery of Government funded training services on a fly-in-fly-out basis has become a huge industry in Aboriginal Australia, yet a bad smell of failure persistently hangs around these programs. The amount of funding we were offered for our work was significant, but still the size of a ‘rounding error’ in government budgets for governance and leadership training in Australian Aboriginal communities. And like much useful research funding, it was offered to us at short notice, at the end of a financial year. Our very different research-informed approach to services delivery was seen as an alternative to what was not working, and we were approached by people in government with whom we had established relations of confidence and trust. Contracts were duly signed and we found ourselves deeply involved with a group of younger scholars in delivering the ‘Indigenous Governance Development and Leadership Project’ (IGDLP). This in part is the origins of our writers ‘workshop on objects of governance, and this volume.
{"title":"Final Comments: Objects of Governance as Simultaneously Governed and Governing","authors":"Helen Verran, M. Christie","doi":"10.18793/LCJ2015.15.10","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18793/LCJ2015.15.10","url":null,"abstract":"In 2013 a perplexity we had been experiencing for some time around the apparently unstoppable proliferation of contexts in which “the public problem” of Indigenous governance emerged came to a head. As members of an informal consultancy team established within the Contemporary Indigenous Knowledge and Governance Group in the policy research institute where, near the ends of our careers, we find ourselves based, we were asked by a group of concerned government officers – both Federal and Territory, to intervene in ‘governance training’ in five Aboriginal communities. Top-down delivery of Government funded training services on a fly-in-fly-out basis has become a huge industry in Aboriginal Australia, yet a bad smell of failure persistently hangs around these programs. The amount of funding we were offered for our work was significant, but still the size of a ‘rounding error’ in government budgets for governance and leadership training in Australian Aboriginal communities. And like much useful research funding, it was offered to us at short notice, at the end of a financial year. Our very different research-informed approach to services delivery was seen as an alternative to what was not working, and we were approached by people in government with whom we had established relations of confidence and trust. Contracts were duly signed and we found ourselves deeply involved with a group of younger scholars in delivering the ‘Indigenous Governance Development and Leadership Project’ (IGDLP). This in part is the origins of our writers ‘workshop on objects of governance, and this volume.","PeriodicalId":43860,"journal":{"name":"Learning Communities-International Journal of Learning in Social Contexts","volume":"15 1","pages":"60-65"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2015-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90919354","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Initial Teacher Education (ITE) occurs in a predominantly analytic space, in common with most higher education provision. Creating and legitimising narrative learning community spaces would result in the foregrounding of professional identity formation across the ITE curriculum. The resulting systematic attention to the impact of teacher identity on professional practice will develop teachers who are more resilient and better able to negotiate the theory-to-practice shifts required of classroom-ready teachers (Johnson, Down, Le Cornu, Peters, Sullivan, Pearce & Hunter, 2010; Hooley, 2007). I present this case for narrative pedagogies by offering two stories from my own journey of increasing commitment to narrative pedagogies. Each story is paired with a preservice teacher narrative from a significant stage in their identity development. And each pair is followed by an analytic interlude that frames the accounts in the literature on narrative ways of knowing and professional identity development. I contend that three things need to occur to establish effective and sustainable narrative learning community spaces. First, teacher educators need to embrace the use of narrative ways of knowing in our pedagogical practice. Second, we need to recognise the embodied complexity of the teaching context, and how narrative can be used to develop preservice teachers’ capacity to navigate these ‘swampy lowlands’ of practice (Schon, 1983, p. 42). Third, we need to teach the skills of narrative writing and interpretation across the ITE curriculum to equip preservice teachers to negotiate their teacher identity and become resilient and creative practitioners. In presenting this series of vignettes about storying in teacher learning, I intend to offer new insights and raise new questions about how narrative can respond to the current needs of initial teacher education (Teacher Education Ministerial Advisory Group, 2014; Sellars, 2014).
{"title":"Becoming Stories : Creating narrative spaces in initial teacher education","authors":"Al Strangeways","doi":"10.18793/LCJ2015.18.07","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18793/LCJ2015.18.07","url":null,"abstract":"Initial Teacher Education (ITE) occurs in a predominantly analytic space, in common with most higher education provision. Creating and legitimising narrative learning community spaces would result in the foregrounding of professional identity formation across the ITE curriculum. The resulting systematic attention to the impact of teacher identity on professional practice will develop teachers who are more resilient and better able to negotiate the theory-to-practice shifts required of classroom-ready teachers (Johnson, Down, Le Cornu, Peters, Sullivan, Pearce & Hunter, 2010; Hooley, 2007). I present this case for narrative pedagogies by offering two stories from my own journey of increasing commitment to narrative pedagogies. Each story is paired with a preservice teacher narrative from a significant stage in their identity development. And each pair is followed by an analytic interlude that frames the accounts in the literature on narrative ways of knowing and professional identity development. I contend that three things need to occur to establish effective and sustainable narrative learning community spaces. First, teacher educators need to embrace the use of narrative ways of knowing in our pedagogical practice. Second, we need to recognise the embodied complexity of the teaching context, and how narrative can be used to develop preservice teachers’ capacity to navigate these ‘swampy lowlands’ of practice (Schon, 1983, p. 42). Third, we need to teach the skills of narrative writing and interpretation across the ITE curriculum to equip preservice teachers to negotiate their teacher identity and become resilient and creative practitioners. In presenting this series of vignettes about storying in teacher learning, I intend to offer new insights and raise new questions about how narrative can respond to the current needs of initial teacher education (Teacher Education Ministerial Advisory Group, 2014; Sellars, 2014).","PeriodicalId":43860,"journal":{"name":"Learning Communities-International Journal of Learning in Social Contexts","volume":"1 1","pages":"66-78"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2015-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89727870","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
I had been told a couple of times that I had to clear out from the university server, a great mass of computer files from previous research projects – gigabytes of notes, videos, spreadsheets, ethics applications, reports, notes and reflections - associated with different projects over the years, all rather badly organised. Working in a relatively new, relatively remote Australian university, I enjoy being relatively unencumbered by academic traditions, but am suddenly constrained by the limits of our technology and my ability to use it. I must put all the files on a ‘USB Pen Drive’ and take them to ‘Records and Archives’ for storage. Then I must wipe the V: drive. If I want any archived file, I can walk down to ‘Records & Archives’ with a memory stick and request a copy. It is a strange feeling looking through all those files. They contain traces of so much interesting work undertaken since the computer server was introduced to store the objects of our work. There was a tinge of pride in all the complex collaborative work I had undertaken with Yolŋu Aboriginal people, and with colleagues and government workers, but that pride was spoilt by the feeling that so much of the material has remained unexamined, and never retold or reworked, and worse, that so many of the papers and reports – mostly to governments but also to industry and NGOs – really didn’t lead to much change on the ground. We seem to have been given more and more work over the past twenty years, with those who fund the research paying less and less attention to what we produce. In my cleaning work, I spotted a folder called ‘Financial Literacy Evaluation 2008’. Our cross-cultural consultancy group, which we called the Yolŋu Aboriginal Consultancy Initiative, had been asked to evaluate a program of Financial Literacy training for a small credit union based in the Northern Territory (which I’ll call ‘Small Bank’), dedicated to serving the financial needs of remote Aboriginal communities. The evaluation was being funded by a major national financial institution (which I’ll call ‘Big Bank’) as part of its commitment to ‘reconciliation’1. I began to piece back together in my mind why and how we had been invited to undertake this consultancy as I, pretty much randomly, opened up the most interesting-sounding files in what turned out to be a large trove of documents.
{"title":"Making Money: Financial Literacy as an Object of Governance","authors":"M. Christie","doi":"10.18793/LCJ2015.15.07","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18793/LCJ2015.15.07","url":null,"abstract":"I had been told a couple of times that I had to clear out from the university server, a great mass of computer files from previous research projects – gigabytes of notes, videos, spreadsheets, ethics applications, reports, notes and reflections - associated with different projects over the years, all rather badly organised. Working in a relatively new, relatively remote Australian university, I enjoy being relatively unencumbered by academic traditions, but am suddenly constrained by the limits of our technology and my ability to use it. I must put all the files on a ‘USB Pen Drive’ and take them to ‘Records and Archives’ for storage. Then I must wipe the V: drive. If I want any archived file, I can walk down to ‘Records & Archives’ with a memory stick and request a copy. It is a strange feeling looking through all those files. They contain traces of so much interesting work undertaken since the computer server was introduced to store the objects of our work. There was a tinge of pride in all the complex collaborative work I had undertaken with Yolŋu Aboriginal people, and with colleagues and government workers, but that pride was spoilt by the feeling that so much of the material has remained unexamined, and never retold or reworked, and worse, that so many of the papers and reports – mostly to governments but also to industry and NGOs – really didn’t lead to much change on the ground. We seem to have been given more and more work over the past twenty years, with those who fund the research paying less and less attention to what we produce. In my cleaning work, I spotted a folder called ‘Financial Literacy Evaluation 2008’. Our cross-cultural consultancy group, which we called the Yolŋu Aboriginal Consultancy Initiative, had been asked to evaluate a program of Financial Literacy training for a small credit union based in the Northern Territory (which I’ll call ‘Small Bank’), dedicated to serving the financial needs of remote Aboriginal communities. The evaluation was being funded by a major national financial institution (which I’ll call ‘Big Bank’) as part of its commitment to ‘reconciliation’1. I began to piece back together in my mind why and how we had been invited to undertake this consultancy as I, pretty much randomly, opened up the most interesting-sounding files in what turned out to be a large trove of documents.","PeriodicalId":43860,"journal":{"name":"Learning Communities-International Journal of Learning in Social Contexts","volume":"14 1","pages":"40-45"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2015-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75380641","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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