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Reconciling the Three Teachings: Tu Long's (1543–1605) Self-Cultivation and Playwriting 调和三教:屠龙(1543-1605)的修身与创作
IF 0.4 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-06-09 DOI: 10.1353/late.2020.0004
Mengxiao Wang
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引用次数: 1
The Soul in Eighteenth-Century China: Depei's Confucian Christianity 十八世纪中国的灵魂:德培的儒家基督教
IF 0.4 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-06-09 DOI: 10.1353/late.2020.0000
W. Rowe
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引用次数: 0
Editing Pipa Ji for the Late Ming Popular Theater: The Identity of the "Singing Hermit" and His Editorial Work 晚明通俗剧场琵琶记的编辑:“歌仙”的身份及其编辑工作
IF 0.4 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-06-09 DOI: 10.1353/late.2020.0003
Peng Xu
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引用次数: 0
Mushroom Cloud Over the Northern Capital: Writing the Tianqi Explosion in the Seventeenth Century 北都蘑菇云——写十七世纪天启大爆炸
IF 0.4 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-06-09 DOI: 10.1353/late.2020.0001
Naixi Feng
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引用次数: 2
Exiled Gods: Territory, History, Empire, and a Hunanese Deity in Xinjiang 流亡的众神:新疆的领土、历史、帝国和一个匈奴神
IF 0.4 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-06-09 DOI: 10.1353/late.2020.0002
E. Schluessel
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引用次数: 2
More Haste, Less Speed: Sources of Friction in the Ming Postal System* 急功近利:明代邮政摩擦的根源*
IF 0.4 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2019-12-20 DOI: 10.1353/late.2019.0008
Chelsea Zi Wang
Abstract:This article examines the ideal and reality of the Ming postal system. As revealed in early-Ming regulations, the Ming founder and his advisors sought to create a postal system that delivered mail quickly, securely, and at low costs. Yet sources from the mid- and late Ming suggest that few postmen met the speed requirement set out in official regulations. Although some Ming officials blamed such failures on the perceived laxity of postmen and their supervisors, a closer analysis of the evidence indicates that the problem stemmed rather from the state's inability to create appropriate risk-reward incentives for these underpaid postmen. By examining the discrepancy between how the Ming state sought to incentivize postmen and how postmen behaved in practice, this study shows that the effectiveness of Ming bureaucratic management depended not only on the familiar strategies of vertical supervision, but also on certain less-studied dynamics of lateral cooperation.
摘要:本文考察了明代邮政制度的理想与现实。正如明初的规定所揭示的那样,明朝创始人和他的顾问们试图建立一个快速、安全、低成本的邮政系统。然而,明朝中后期的消息来源表明,很少有邮差能达到官方规定的速度要求。尽管一些明朝官员将这种失败归咎于邮差及其上司的松懈,但对证据的仔细分析表明,问题的根源在于国家无法为这些薪酬过低的邮差创造适当的风险奖励激励。通过考察明朝如何激励邮差和邮差在实践中的行为之间的差异,本研究表明,明朝官僚管理的有效性不仅取决于人们熟悉的纵向监督策略,还取决于某些研究较少的横向合作动态。
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引用次数: 1
The Negotiated Geography of the Treaty of Nerchinsk (1689) and the Role of the Jesuits 《内钦斯克条约》(1689)的谈判地理与耶稣会士的作用
IF 0.4 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2019-12-20 DOI: 10.1353/late.2019.0007
Helena Jaskov
Abstract:The 1689 peace negotiations in Nerchinsk between Muscovite Russia and Qing China resulted in the first bilateral settlement of the territorial disputes between the two empires and led to extensive surveys in the frontier region. More importantly, the surviving textual and material evidence qualifies this encounter as a site of knowledge exchange that provides exemplary insights into the Jesuits' activities as knowledge brokers in late imperial China. By using Jesuit, Russian, and Qing sources, this article reconstructs the exchange of geographic information in Nerchinsk and traces the knowledge fragments that made up the Jesuits' new spatial imagination of these lands. In arguing that their European cartographic training ultimately prevented them from successfully integrating the fragments of local geographic knowledge that were exchanged at the negotiations, it presents the Jesuits as highly problematic go-betweens and their allegedly "superior" knowledge as essentially refracted.Despite these deficiencies, the Jesuits were nonetheless successful in devaluing local practices of knowledge production while at the same time diffusing and consolidating their self-purported image as experts in geography and cartography through their connections to the European Republic of Letters. By matching the Jesuits' accounts with contemporary maps, travelogues, and geographic descriptions produced by Muscovites, Manchus, and the native peoples of Northeast Asia, this study rehabilitates the supposedly inferior knowledge of these local actors and traces the distorted picture of the Northeast Asian coast found in many historical European atlases to the Jesuits' failed knowledge brokerage.
摘要:1689年,俄罗斯和中国清政府在涅尔钦斯克进行了和平谈判,首次通过双边方式解决了两个帝国之间的领土争端,并在边疆地区进行了广泛的调查。更重要的是,现存的文本和物证证明,这次会面是一个知识交流的场所,为耶稣会士作为知识经纪人在帝国晚期的中国活动提供了典型的见解。本文利用耶稣会、俄罗斯和清朝的资料,重建了内钦斯克的地理信息交流,并追溯了构成耶稣会士对这些土地新的空间想象的知识片段。它认为,他们的欧洲制图培训最终使他们无法成功整合谈判中交流的当地地理知识片段,这将耶稣会士描述为一个非常有问题的中间人,他们所谓的“卓越”知识基本上被折射了。尽管存在这些不足,耶稣会士还是成功地贬低了当地的知识生产实践,同时通过与欧洲文字共和国的联系传播和巩固了他们自称的地理和制图专家的形象。通过将耶稣会士的记述与莫斯科人、满族人和东北亚原住民制作的当代地图、游记和地理描述相匹配,这项研究恢复了这些当地演员所谓的低劣知识,并将许多欧洲历史地图集中发现的东北亚海岸的扭曲画面追溯到耶稣会士失败的知识经纪。
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引用次数: 5
Bannermen As Translators: Manchu Language Education in the Hanjun Banners 旗人翻译:汉军旗的满语教育
IF 0.4 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2019-12-20 DOI: 10.1353/late.2019.0006
David C. Porter
Abstract:This article argues for rethinking the significance of state-run Manchu language education in the Qing, suggesting that Manchu schools were designed not to maintain Manchu ethnic identity, but to produce a cohort of competent translators from all three of the major ethnic constituencies of the Eight Banners. Official efforts to improve Manchu knowledge in the banners, which took off in the Yongzheng period, were initially directed primarily at Hanjun. Han bannermen would continue to study Manchu, achieving their fair share of success in translation examinations, through the end of the dynasty. In addition, the article argues that Manchu was only one of several languages, albeit the most important, in which bannermen were intended to provide expertise. The official schools for foreign languages that opened in the second half of the nineteenth century, particularly the Guangzhou Tongwen Guan, were not new innovations. Rather, they were directly based on the model of Manchu language schools, and most of the students enrolled in them were bannermen. The article concludes that translation work, not just military service, was one of the core functions of bannermen, and that language learning, even of Manchu, was thus tied far more to banner status than to ethnic background.
摘要:本文主张重新思考清代官办满语教育的意义,认为满语学校的设计不是为了维护满族的民族认同,而是为了培养一批来自八旗三大民族的优秀翻译家。雍正年间,官方开始努力提高旗内的满族知识,最初主要针对汉军。直到王朝结束,汉族班农们将继续学习满语,在翻译考试中取得了相当大的成功。此外,文章认为满语只是几个语言中的一种,尽管是最重要的,bannermen旨在提供专业知识。十九世纪下半叶开办的官方外语学校,尤其是广州通文馆,并不是什么新鲜事。相反,他们直接以满语学校的模式为基础,招收的学生大多是班农。文章认为,翻译工作,而不仅仅是服兵役,是旗人的核心职能之一,因此,语言学习,甚至是满族的语言学习,更多地与旗人的地位联系在一起,而不是与民族背景联系在一起。
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引用次数: 0
Stitching Words to Suture Wounds: A Manuscript Diary from the Taiping-Qing Civil War (1851–64) 缝合伤口的文字:太平天国内战时期的手稿日记(1851–64)
IF 0.4 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2019-12-20 DOI: 10.1353/late.2019.0009
Huan Jin
Abstract:Detailing the traumatic experiences an individual, a family, and a local community in Jiangnan area underwent amidst the Taiping-Qing civil war (18511864), Shen Zi's Bikou riji raises questions about the diary as a literary, cultural, and historical phenomenon during catastrophic times. Written on used slips of paper of various sizes and pasted on the back of old account books, the manuscript registers numerous temporal dimensions for which the war serves as a reference point. Exploring this collage-like, patchwork manuscript as an archeological site reveals two essential aspects of diaries: the references to the self and the temporal structure with implied narrativity. Ultimately, Shen Zi's heavily edited, patchwork manuscript diary showcases how a diary synthesizes the experiences from the realms of both the personal and the historical within the temporal structure of the everyday in catastrophic times.
摘要:沈的《碧口日记》详细叙述了太平清内战(18511864)期间江南地区一个个体、一个家庭和一个地方社区所经历的创伤经历,提出了对日记作为一种灾难时期的文学、文化和历史现象的质疑。手稿写在各种大小的旧纸条上,贴在旧账簿的背面,记录了战争作为参考点的许多时间维度。将这幅拼贴式的拼凑手稿作为考古遗址进行探索,揭示了日记的两个重要方面:对自我的提及和具有隐含叙事性的时间结构。最终,沈子的大量编辑、拼凑的手稿日记展示了日记如何在灾难时期的日常时间结构中综合个人和历史领域的经历。
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引用次数: 1
Re-Collecting the Glorious Age: Yang Fuji and the Disciplining of Zhaodai Congshu, 1772–1844 重拾辉煌年代:杨福记与赵从书的训诫,1772—1844
IF 0.4 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2019-06-25 DOI: 10.1353/LATE.2019.0001
H. Bian
Generations of sinologists worldwide have relied on congshu — texts published in print as collections — for their training and research, yet the term has resisted straightforward translation.1 Arthur W. Hummel Sr. (1884–1975) in 1931 endorsed the Latinate term collectanea, defining it as “a collection of reprints on several subjects by several authors.” Hummel also noted the continued popularity of these “miniature libraries” in modern times, including their instrumental role in building the great sinological collections in the United States.2 In our present age of electronic catalogs and full-text databases, a few clicks allow the scholar access to individual titles without going through the intermediate steps of locating the congshu in which the text was printed. Libraries have begun to pull the great boxes of congshu off the shelves. Ironically, the
世界各地的几代汉学家都依赖于以合集形式出版的《丛书》来进行训练和研究,但这个词一直拒绝直接翻译。1老亚瑟·W·胡默尔(1884-1975)在1931年认可了拉丁语术语“丛书”,将其定义为“几个作者对几个主题的重印集”。Hummel还注意到这些“微型图书馆”在现代继续流行,包括它们在建立美国伟大汉学收藏中的重要作用。2在我们这个电子目录和全文数据库的时代,点击几下,学者就可以访问各个标题,而无需经过定位印刷文本的《丛书》的中间步骤。图书馆已经开始从书架上撤下那些大箱子的丛书。具有讽刺意味的是
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