The mining sector, over a number of centuries, has become a strong cultural attribute of Minas Gerais. Due to its mining reserves, the state has the biggest concentration of tailings dams built to retain mining waste. This led to large-scale accidents in the last decade – in Mariana (in October 2015) and in Brumadinho (in January 2019). These accidents have shifted the debate about mining in the region, and more widely changed the leading forces among society, bringing a new equilibrium to social relationships. The objective of this paper, as part of a monitoring effort, is to assess the impacts of these accidents on crime and violence as a new face of extractivism. The results can be used to design better responses in terms of welfare programs or compensation efforts, leading to a better and more responsible extractivism.
{"title":"Impact of Dam Collapses on Violence in Minas Gerais, Brazil","authors":"Rafael Mazoni Andrade","doi":"10.5130/ccs.v15.i1.8297","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v15.i1.8297","url":null,"abstract":"The mining sector, over a number of centuries, has become a strong cultural attribute of Minas Gerais. Due to its mining reserves, the state has the biggest concentration of tailings dams built to retain mining waste. This led to large-scale accidents in the last decade – in Mariana (in October 2015) and in Brumadinho (in January 2019). These accidents have shifted the debate about mining in the region, and more widely changed the leading forces among society, bringing a new equilibrium to social relationships. The objective of this paper, as part of a monitoring effort, is to assess the impacts of these accidents on crime and violence as a new face of extractivism. The results can be used to design better responses in terms of welfare programs or compensation efforts, leading to a better and more responsible extractivism.","PeriodicalId":43957,"journal":{"name":"Cosmopolitan Civil Societies-An Interdisciplinary Journal","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-03-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45907704","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Since commercial production of oil and gas started in Ghana over a decade ago, the salt sector which has historically been dominated by artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM) has seen renewed corporate interest. Aided by the state’s preference for large-scale mining (LSM) over ASM since the days of the Economic Reform Program, several tens of thousands of acres of areas previously operated by artisanal and small-scale miners for salt mining have been leased to large-scale salt mining companies. Situated in political settlement and infrapolitics theoretical frameworks, with a focus on two key salt producing sites (Songor and Keta lagoons) and using qualitative research methods through ethnographic engagement with affected regions, the study explores the consequences of this new extractivism in the salt sector to assess the long-term consequences of forced evictions, as well as role of civil society in the retention or otherwise of the now dominant LSM in the salt sector.
{"title":"New Extractivism in Ghana’s Salt Sector","authors":"A. Atta-Quayson","doi":"10.5130/ccs.v15.i1.8437","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v15.i1.8437","url":null,"abstract":"Since commercial production of oil and gas started in Ghana over a decade ago, the salt sector which has historically been dominated by artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM) has seen renewed corporate interest. Aided by the state’s preference for large-scale mining (LSM) over ASM since the days of the Economic Reform Program, several tens of thousands of acres of areas previously operated by artisanal and small-scale miners for salt mining have been leased to large-scale salt mining companies. Situated in political settlement and infrapolitics theoretical frameworks, with a focus on two key salt producing sites (Songor and Keta lagoons) and using qualitative research methods through ethnographic engagement with affected regions, the study explores the consequences of this new extractivism in the salt sector to assess the long-term consequences of forced evictions, as well as role of civil society in the retention or otherwise of the now dominant LSM in the salt sector.","PeriodicalId":43957,"journal":{"name":"Cosmopolitan Civil Societies-An Interdisciplinary Journal","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-03-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43495284","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Ricardo Carneiro, Flávia De Paula Duque Brasil, Bruno Dias Magalhães, Clara De Oliveira Lazzarotti Diniz
The Serra do Curral is a mountain range that extends to the municipalities of Belo Horizonte, Sabará and Nova Lima, in Minas Gerais state, Brazil. It is already deteriorated by a long history of mineral extraction not followed by any environmental restoration. Since the 1960’s, Serra do Curral has been an object of many civil society collective actions calling for its preservation. In 2022, the authorization of new mining operation provoked a strong civil society reaction. A coalition of environmental and social activists, alongside new political actors convened in defence of Serra do Curral now demand the immediate revocation of the licence. The present article analyses the current conflict, identifying the main actors, their collective action repertoires, and how those actions play out as the conflict unfolds. The research is conducted through documental inquiry, media coverage analysis and on-site direct observation. Looking into the political struggle around new-extractivism conflicts, we argue, can provide important data and insights about resistance and the developing of alternatives.
Serra do Curral是一座山脉，延伸至巴西米纳斯吉拉斯州的贝洛奥里藏特市、萨巴拉市和新利马市。由于长期的矿物开采历史而没有进行任何环境恢复，它已经恶化了。自20世纪60年代以来，Serra do Curral一直是许多民间社会集体行动的对象，呼吁保护它。2022年，新采矿作业的授权引发了民间社会的强烈反应。一个由环境和社会活动家组成的联盟，以及为保卫Serra do Curral而召集的新的政治行动者，现在要求立即吊销许可证。本文分析了当前的冲突，确定了主要参与者，他们的集体行动曲目，以及随着冲突的展开，这些行动是如何进行的。研究采用文献调查、媒体报道分析和现场直接观察相结合的方法。我们认为，研究围绕新的采掘主义冲突的政治斗争，可以提供关于抵抗和发展替代方案的重要数据和见解。
{"title":"Struggling over Serra do Curral","authors":"Ricardo Carneiro, Flávia De Paula Duque Brasil, Bruno Dias Magalhães, Clara De Oliveira Lazzarotti Diniz","doi":"10.5130/ccs.v15.i1.8296","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v15.i1.8296","url":null,"abstract":"The Serra do Curral is a mountain range that extends to the municipalities of Belo Horizonte, Sabará and Nova Lima, in Minas Gerais state, Brazil. It is already deteriorated by a long history of mineral extraction not followed by any environmental restoration. Since the 1960’s, Serra do Curral has been an object of many civil society collective actions calling for its preservation. In 2022, the authorization of new mining operation provoked a strong civil society reaction. A coalition of environmental and social activists, alongside new political actors convened in defence of Serra do Curral now demand the immediate revocation of the licence. The present article analyses the current conflict, identifying the main actors, their collective action repertoires, and how those actions play out as the conflict unfolds. The research is conducted through documental inquiry, media coverage analysis and on-site direct observation. Looking into the political struggle around new-extractivism conflicts, we argue, can provide important data and insights about resistance and the developing of alternatives.","PeriodicalId":43957,"journal":{"name":"Cosmopolitan Civil Societies-An Interdisciplinary Journal","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-03-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42031068","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this intervention article, we cultivate an anti-colonial critique of the ideational genealogy and conceptual materialisation of the social licence to operate (SLO) in the extractive industries in order to open a conversation about the racialised and colonial logics underlying its enactment and discursive practices. SLO functions to restrict the emergence of imaginary political potentials within communities impacted by extractive projects. We focus on the role of academics and social science researchers within and beyond the space of the university in engineering, shaping, and promoting dominant SLO frameworks, and endorsing the power and mythology of SLO. We do so in conversation with decolonial orientations that simultaneously analyse the colonial logics within corporate practice and galvanise epistemic justice beyond colonial and epistemic extractivism. The university, as a site for the refinement and promotion of hegemonic concepts like SLO, is an important space for post-extractive struggles.
{"title":"Social Licence to Operate","authors":"A. Murrey, Nicholas Jackson, Matías Volonterio","doi":"10.5130/ccs.v15.i1.8334","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v15.i1.8334","url":null,"abstract":"In this intervention article, we cultivate an anti-colonial critique of the ideational genealogy and conceptual materialisation of the social licence to operate (SLO) in the extractive industries in order to open a conversation about the racialised and colonial logics underlying its enactment and discursive practices. SLO functions to restrict the emergence of imaginary political potentials within communities impacted by extractive projects. We focus on the role of academics and social science researchers within and beyond the space of the university in engineering, shaping, and promoting dominant SLO frameworks, and endorsing the power and mythology of SLO. We do so in conversation with decolonial orientations that simultaneously analyse the colonial logics within corporate practice and galvanise epistemic justice beyond colonial and epistemic extractivism. The university, as a site for the refinement and promotion of hegemonic concepts like SLO, is an important space for post-extractive struggles.","PeriodicalId":43957,"journal":{"name":"Cosmopolitan Civil Societies-An Interdisciplinary Journal","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-03-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42804810","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper explores the repatterning of civil society, the social technologies of persuasion and information, and the role of socio-political contexts in Narrabri (an Australian country town, in Western New South Wales), and its surrounding region between 2018 and 2020. In Narrabri the consequences of Carbon Oligarchy are observed, as the oligarchy promoted new gas fields and expansions of a coal mine in the region. This expansion is justified by supposedly offering a solution to Narrabri’s apparent economic, agricultural and population decline problems, but for many local people, it worsens those problems. Conflict has been generated as a result, and the town has suffered painful fractures making the problems seem harder to solve because of the resulting disunity. The paper explores how the contest to justify the extraction also reduces the legitimacy of that extraction.
{"title":"Disputes over Coal Mining and Gas Drilling in an Australian Country Town","authors":"J. Marshall","doi":"10.5130/ccs.v15.i1.8425","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v15.i1.8425","url":null,"abstract":"This paper explores the repatterning of civil society, the social technologies of persuasion and information, and the role of socio-political contexts in Narrabri (an Australian country town, in Western New South Wales), and its surrounding region between 2018 and 2020. In Narrabri the consequences of Carbon Oligarchy are observed, as the oligarchy promoted new gas fields and expansions of a coal mine in the region. This expansion is justified by supposedly offering a solution to Narrabri’s apparent economic, agricultural and population decline problems, but for many local people, it worsens those problems. Conflict has been generated as a result, and the town has suffered painful fractures making the problems seem harder to solve because of the resulting disunity. The paper explores how the contest to justify the extraction also reduces the legitimacy of that extraction.","PeriodicalId":43957,"journal":{"name":"Cosmopolitan Civil Societies-An Interdisciplinary Journal","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-03-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43252081","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The significance of Islamic marketing for Ukrainians is determined by its influence on consumers of informational and industrial products in a non-Muslim country. The objects of our research are semantic components of the Islamic narrative in Ukraine. The subject of the study is Islamic marketing of communications. The research objective is to analyze the communicative dynamics of Islamic narrative found in the popular Ukrainian media. The research methodology is based on the current scholarly approaches to religion narratives. The results show that the Islamic narrative has consisted of two different narratives, the first related to Ukrainian Muslims, and the second related to Muslims of other countries. The analysis of the narratives revealed that since the beginning of the military confrontation with Russia. a battle of ideologies has emerged in which the successful business narrative was first rooted in soft power strategy, then turned into a strategic narrative, and has eventually become a weaponized narrative.
{"title":"Islamic Narratives in Ukraine: Analyzing Communicative Dynamics","authors":"O. Klymentova","doi":"10.5130/ccs.v14.i3.8227","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v14.i3.8227","url":null,"abstract":"The significance of Islamic marketing for Ukrainians is determined by its influence on consumers of informational and industrial products in a non-Muslim country. The objects of our research are semantic components of the Islamic narrative in Ukraine. The subject of the study is Islamic marketing of communications. The research objective is to analyze the communicative dynamics of Islamic narrative found in the popular Ukrainian media. The research methodology is based on the current scholarly approaches to religion narratives. The results show that the Islamic narrative has consisted of two different narratives, the first related to Ukrainian Muslims, and the second related to Muslims of other countries. The analysis of the narratives revealed that since the beginning of the military confrontation with Russia. a battle of ideologies has emerged in which the successful business narrative was first rooted in soft power strategy, then turned into a strategic narrative, and has eventually become a weaponized narrative.","PeriodicalId":43957,"journal":{"name":"Cosmopolitan Civil Societies-An Interdisciplinary Journal","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-01-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48451602","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Conflicts occur when people believe that they are different from others and conflict in religion is no different. Religious conflicts in Poso and conflicts between Sunnis and Shiites in East Java have the effects of conflict, including protracted social friction, which prevents the development of a cohesive community. This research uses a socio-legal approach, where the study of law combines the approach of legal and social sciences. Establishing a way to settle religious conflicts is done by drawing up a legal basis for a settlement that accommodates human rights and democracy, emphasizing horizontal relations between religious communities. The existence of a legal culture becomes a meeting point for religious views, namely, prioritizing human rights. So, in the future, resolving conflicts based on legal culture in a cosmopolitan society is recommended.
{"title":"Religion and Cosmopolitan Society: Religious Conflict Settlement based on Legal Culture","authors":"Teddy Asmara, M. D. H. Noho","doi":"10.5130/ccs.v14.i3.8166","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v14.i3.8166","url":null,"abstract":"Conflicts occur when people believe that they are different from others and conflict in religion is no different. Religious conflicts in Poso and conflicts between Sunnis and Shiites in East Java have the effects of conflict, including protracted social friction, which prevents the development of a cohesive community. This research uses a socio-legal approach, where the study of law combines the approach of legal and social sciences. Establishing a way to settle religious conflicts is done by drawing up a legal basis for a settlement that accommodates human rights and democracy, emphasizing horizontal relations between religious communities. The existence of a legal culture becomes a meeting point for religious views, namely, prioritizing human rights. So, in the future, resolving conflicts based on legal culture in a cosmopolitan society is recommended.","PeriodicalId":43957,"journal":{"name":"Cosmopolitan Civil Societies-An Interdisciplinary Journal","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-12-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43536563","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The transfer of rights or transactions does not exist in customary land tenure because it is a common property; thus, it can never be transferred to another party. On the other hand, in the Minangkabau indigenous community, West Sumatra, there is a shift in the concept of ulayat land tenure that occurs through two forms of change with six values: religious-magical, self-existence, socio-kinship, cultures and customs, structural and socio-economic asset values. This research will present the concept of the customary land tenure, which is based on these values. The study uses the socio-legal method with sociological approaches, including historical and case approaches. This research shows that there has been a change in land tenure values, moving from communal ownership to individual ownership. There has been an interaction between the laws, the incorporation interaction. It becomes the right concept for the customary land tenure in the future.
{"title":"Customary Land Tenure Values in Nagari Kayu Tanam, West Sumatra","authors":"Gamal Abdul Nasir, A. Saptomo","doi":"10.5130/ccs.v14.i3.8099","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v14.i3.8099","url":null,"abstract":"The transfer of rights or transactions does not exist in customary land tenure because it is a common property; thus, it can never be transferred to another party. On the other hand, in the Minangkabau indigenous community, West Sumatra, there is a shift in the concept of ulayat land tenure that occurs through two forms of change with six values: religious-magical, self-existence, socio-kinship, cultures and customs, structural and socio-economic asset values. This research will present the concept of the customary land tenure, which is based on these values. The study uses the socio-legal method with sociological approaches, including historical and case approaches. This research shows that there has been a change in land tenure values, moving from communal ownership to individual ownership. There has been an interaction between the laws, the incorporation interaction. It becomes the right concept for the customary land tenure in the future. ","PeriodicalId":43957,"journal":{"name":"Cosmopolitan Civil Societies-An Interdisciplinary Journal","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-12-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45880990","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Although the dawn of democracy promised a new beginning in South Africa, lingering effects of Apartheid remained, including the struggle to address gang violence and gender-based violence amidst the backdrop of widespread organised crime and corruption, social inequality, a sluggish economy, and poor service delivery. The last policy - National Anti-Gangsterism Strategy (2017) - required implementation at provincial level. This study examines the Western Cape policy content and deconstructs the concept of gangsterism. The paper shows that sustained anti-gang strategies and interventions demand structural obstacles and inequality are addressed in the context of the spill-over from the Apartheid era. Notably, it will be concluded that there are long-term benefits of reframing the problem of gangsterism in the Western Cape as ‘a youth-at-risk-crisis’ with specific attention gender-sensitivity to contribute to local peacebuilding by focusing on youth to exert agency and become empowered in pursuit of individual and community resilience and active citizenry.
{"title":"Deconstructing Gangsterism in South Africa: Uncovering the Need for Gender-Sensitive Policies","authors":"C. Viltoft","doi":"10.5130/ccs.v14.i3.7985","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v14.i3.7985","url":null,"abstract":"Although the dawn of democracy promised a new beginning in South Africa, lingering effects of Apartheid remained, including the struggle to address gang violence and gender-based violence amidst the backdrop of widespread organised crime and corruption, social inequality, a sluggish economy, and poor service delivery. The last policy - National Anti-Gangsterism Strategy (2017) - required implementation at provincial level. This study examines the Western Cape policy content and deconstructs the concept of gangsterism. The paper shows that sustained anti-gang strategies and interventions demand structural obstacles and inequality are addressed in the context of the spill-over from the Apartheid era. Notably, it will be concluded that there are long-term benefits of reframing the problem of gangsterism in the Western Cape as ‘a youth-at-risk-crisis’ with specific attention gender-sensitivity to contribute to local peacebuilding by focusing on youth to exert agency and become empowered in pursuit of individual and community resilience and active citizenry.","PeriodicalId":43957,"journal":{"name":"Cosmopolitan Civil Societies-An Interdisciplinary Journal","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-12-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49524634","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Israel comprises diverse groups (mostly Jewish), between whom the differences are sometimes greater than the similarities. This frequently leads to social exclusion and discrimination that damages the very basic sense of human security. Scholars agree that cultural misrecognition or exclusion has a deeply negative impact on a person’s mental well-being and sense of security. In this paper, we show how the case of the Ethiopian community in Israel reinforces the understanding that a cultural group’s experiences of exclusion and non-belonging undermine its members’ sense of personal security and has detrimental effects on their well-being. Groups however can sometimes change the course of development. We show that 40 years after the first wave of immigration (Operation Moshe), the Ethiopian community in Israel has chosen a track of change, in which it slowly moves from exclusion to leadership. This idea calls for further study.
{"title":"From Exclusion to Leadership","authors":"Simcha Getahun, Irit Keynan","doi":"10.5130/ccs.v14.i3.8055","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v14.i3.8055","url":null,"abstract":"Israel comprises diverse groups (mostly Jewish), between whom the differences are sometimes greater than the similarities. This frequently leads to social exclusion and discrimination that damages the very basic sense of human security. Scholars agree that cultural misrecognition or exclusion has a deeply negative impact on a person’s mental well-being and sense of security. In this paper, we show how the case of the Ethiopian community in Israel reinforces the understanding that a cultural group’s experiences of exclusion and non-belonging undermine its members’ sense of personal security and has detrimental effects on their well-being. Groups however can sometimes change the course of development. We show that 40 years after the first wave of immigration (Operation Moshe), the Ethiopian community in Israel has chosen a track of change, in which it slowly moves from exclusion to leadership. This idea calls for further study.","PeriodicalId":43957,"journal":{"name":"Cosmopolitan Civil Societies-An Interdisciplinary Journal","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-12-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41970746","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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