Australians will soon vote in a referendum to recognise Indigenous Australia in its 1901 Constitution and establish a First Nations Voice to Parliament. A year ago, polling suggested the referendum proposal of the 2017 National Constitutional Convention and its Uluru Statement from the Heart enjoyed 60% support. Since lead anti-Voice campaign organisation Advance Australia began its media offensive, the Yes vote has declined to 40%. This article argues the No campaign is being conducted on behalf of fossil-fuel corporations and their allies, whose efforts to mislead the public on life-and-death matters reach back over half a century. Coordinated across the Australian branches of the little-known Atlas Network, a global infrastructure of 500+ ‘think-tanks’ including the Centre for Independent Studies, the Institute of Public Affairs and LibertyWorks, I demonstrate that the No campaign shares the aims and methods of the longstanding Atlas disinformation campaign against climate policy. Opposition to long-overdue constitutional recognition for Indigenous Australians can be traced to fears the Voice might strengthen the capacity of Indigenous communities and Australia’s parliamentary democracy to rein in the polluting industries driving us toward climate and ecological collapse.
{"title":"Silencing the Voice: the fossil-fuelled Atlas Network’s Campaign against Constitutional Recognition of Indigenous Australia","authors":"Jeremy Walker","doi":"10.5130/ccs.v15.i2.8813","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v15.i2.8813","url":null,"abstract":"Australians will soon vote in a referendum to recognise Indigenous Australia in its 1901 Constitution and establish a First Nations Voice to Parliament. A year ago, polling suggested the referendum proposal of the 2017 National Constitutional Convention and its Uluru Statement from the Heart enjoyed 60% support. Since lead anti-Voice campaign organisation Advance Australia began its media offensive, the Yes vote has declined to 40%. This article argues the No campaign is being conducted on behalf of fossil-fuel corporations and their allies, whose efforts to mislead the public on life-and-death matters reach back over half a century. Coordinated across the Australian branches of the little-known Atlas Network, a global infrastructure of 500+ ‘think-tanks’ including the Centre for Independent Studies, the Institute of Public Affairs and LibertyWorks, I demonstrate that the No campaign shares the aims and methods of the longstanding Atlas disinformation campaign against climate policy. Opposition to long-overdue constitutional recognition for Indigenous Australians can be traced to fears the Voice might strengthen the capacity of Indigenous communities and Australia’s parliamentary democracy to rein in the polluting industries driving us toward climate and ecological collapse.","PeriodicalId":43957,"journal":{"name":"Cosmopolitan Civil Societies-An Interdisciplinary Journal","volume":"30 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136345301","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The anti-corruption component of Kazakhstan's state development has been elevated to the rank of state policy. Despite the comprehensive fight against corruption, Kazakhstan, having achieved progressive and radical changes in legislation during the years of independence, has not yet managed to achieve significant results in the fight against corruption. The current increase in the number of corruption-related criminal offences, including those committed by high-ranking officials and directors of a number of Kazakh companies, is due to a stronger political will on the part of the head of state to decisively confront corruption. This intention allows attention to be given to criminal law measures, which occupy an important place in the complex of measures to combat the systemic vice of the state, which threatens national security. This study focuses on assessing possible adjustments to Kazakhstan's criminal law to strengthen the fight against corruption through criminal law measures. The potential of criminal law in anti-corruption policy has not been exhausted. In the author's opinion, the proposed changes allow us to hope that they will ultimately serve the useful purpose of Kazakhstan's anti-corruption policy as well as open the ground for an informed discussion on the further fight against corruption.
{"title":"Fighting Corruption in Kazakhstan by Force of Criminal Law","authors":"E. Mitskaya","doi":"10.5130/ccs.v15.i2.8346","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v15.i2.8346","url":null,"abstract":"The anti-corruption component of Kazakhstan's state development has been elevated to the rank of state policy. Despite the comprehensive fight against corruption, Kazakhstan, having achieved progressive and radical changes in legislation during the years of independence, has not yet managed to achieve significant results in the fight against corruption. The current increase in the number of corruption-related criminal offences, including those committed by high-ranking officials and directors of a number of Kazakh companies, is due to a stronger political will on the part of the head of state to decisively confront corruption. This intention allows attention to be given to criminal law measures, which occupy an important place in the complex of measures to combat the systemic vice of the state, which threatens national security. This study focuses on assessing possible adjustments to Kazakhstan's criminal law to strengthen the fight against corruption through criminal law measures. The potential of criminal law in anti-corruption policy has not been exhausted. In the author's opinion, the proposed changes allow us to hope that they will ultimately serve the useful purpose of Kazakhstan's anti-corruption policy as well as open the ground for an informed discussion on the further fight against corruption.","PeriodicalId":43957,"journal":{"name":"Cosmopolitan Civil Societies-An Interdisciplinary Journal","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-07-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41317843","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This qualitative study uses Oberschall's Theory of Resource Mobilization (RMT) and Allport's theory of social prejudice, to describe the situation of the Kokoda people in Sorong. The data come from oral sources, interviews, observation and documents. The findings show that the mobilization of the Kokoda people in land of Tarof in Sorong, Southwest Papua was not merely a matter of becoming workers but was rather a political interest ahead of the 1969 PEPERA, Act of Free Choice, as a form of integration of Papua into the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia. However, this study also shows that the work carried out by most of the Kokoda people in Sorong, as rock diggers and sellers of mangi-mangi (mangrove) wood and peat, has marginalized them. This ‘entity economy’ has led to racism against the already marginalized Kokoda clan because the community views that they destroy nature by cutting down mangrove forests and digging rocks from now-dead coral reef.
{"title":"Kokoda People: Mobilization, Marginalization and Their Economic Lives in Sorong, Southwest Papua","authors":"Bustamin Wahid","doi":"10.5130/ccs.v15.i2.8211","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v15.i2.8211","url":null,"abstract":"This qualitative study uses Oberschall's Theory of Resource Mobilization (RMT) and Allport's theory of social prejudice, to describe the situation of the Kokoda people in Sorong. The data come from oral sources, interviews, observation and documents. The findings show that the mobilization of the Kokoda people in land of Tarof in Sorong, Southwest Papua was not merely a matter of becoming workers but was rather a political interest ahead of the 1969 PEPERA, Act of Free Choice, as a form of integration of Papua into the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia. However, this study also shows that the work carried out by most of the Kokoda people in Sorong, as rock diggers and sellers of mangi-mangi (mangrove) wood and peat, has marginalized them. This ‘entity economy’ has led to racism against the already marginalized Kokoda clan because the community views that they destroy nature by cutting down mangrove forests and digging rocks from now-dead coral reef.","PeriodicalId":43957,"journal":{"name":"Cosmopolitan Civil Societies-An Interdisciplinary Journal","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-07-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42466719","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Alanna Kamp, K. Dunn, R. Sharples, N. Denson, T. Diallo
In 2019, an online survey of 2,015 Australian residents examined the extent of trust of various groups and institutions. A Latent Class Analysis (LCA) of the results generated a typology of trust in Australia. The LCA uncovered four classes based on levels of trust as well as associated demographic profiles and attitudes. The four groups were: those that are very distrusting (15%); those that are largely unsure about how much they can trust various groups and institutions (17%); those that are somewhat trusting (42%); and those that are largely trusting (26%). The largely trusting group was differentiated by their holistic trust in institutions and trust in other Australians (no matter their background). Discomfort with cultural difference was a defining characteristic of the very distrusting class. Examination of these four groups helps understand concerns of Australians and enable the development of strategies to address institutional and interpersonal distrust.
{"title":"Understanding Trust in Contemporary Australia Using Latent Class Analysis","authors":"Alanna Kamp, K. Dunn, R. Sharples, N. Denson, T. Diallo","doi":"10.5130/ccs.v15.i2.8595","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v15.i2.8595","url":null,"abstract":"In 2019, an online survey of 2,015 Australian residents examined the extent of trust of various groups and institutions. A Latent Class Analysis (LCA) of the results generated a typology of trust in Australia. The LCA uncovered four classes based on levels of trust as well as associated demographic profiles and attitudes. The four groups were: those that are very distrusting (15%); those that are largely unsure about how much they can trust various groups and institutions (17%); those that are somewhat trusting (42%); and those that are largely trusting (26%). The largely trusting group was differentiated by their holistic trust in institutions and trust in other Australians (no matter their background). Discomfort with cultural difference was a defining characteristic of the very distrusting class. Examination of these four groups helps understand concerns of Australians and enable the development of strategies to address institutional and interpersonal distrust.","PeriodicalId":43957,"journal":{"name":"Cosmopolitan Civil Societies-An Interdisciplinary Journal","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-07-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42962853","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Monique Cardoso, Gustavo Andrey Almeida Lopes Fernandes, Marco Antonio Teixeira
This paper investigates the relationship between environmental, social, and governance (ESG) performance and gender equity in companies operating in the Global South. Using data from an ESG rating encompassing approximately 100 companies in one of the largest economies in the Global South, we explore whether higher ESG scores are associated with greater gender equity. The findings reveal that organizations with higher ESG scores demonstrate more robust performance in gender indicators and exhibit greater transparency. This relationship is particularly pronounced for companies excelling in the social aspects of ESG evaluation. However, despite their reputation for sustainability, women still face challenges related to low representation and lower salaries within these companies.
{"title":"Women Leaders and ESG Performance: Exploring Gender Equality in Global South Companies","authors":"Monique Cardoso, Gustavo Andrey Almeida Lopes Fernandes, Marco Antonio Teixeira","doi":"10.5130/ccs.v15.i2.8615","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v15.i2.8615","url":null,"abstract":"This paper investigates the relationship between environmental, social, and governance (ESG) performance and gender equity in companies operating in the Global South. Using data from an ESG rating encompassing approximately 100 companies in one of the largest economies in the Global South, we explore whether higher ESG scores are associated with greater gender equity. The findings reveal that organizations with higher ESG scores demonstrate more robust performance in gender indicators and exhibit greater transparency. This relationship is particularly pronounced for companies excelling in the social aspects of ESG evaluation. However, despite their reputation for sustainability, women still face challenges related to low representation and lower salaries within these companies.","PeriodicalId":43957,"journal":{"name":"Cosmopolitan Civil Societies-An Interdisciplinary Journal","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-07-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44194623","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
S. Chan, Woon-Taek Lim, Gyun-Ho Lee, Ngai-Chiu Wong
The territory-wide protest in Hong Kong in 2019, originated from a proposed amendment bill on the extradition of fugitives to China which triggered massive protests. In an incident, the police shot a female medic in the eye which outraged the public. A Korean celebrity initiated an online movement by uploading a selfie covering his right eye to Twitter showing solidarity with the victim. The eye-covered image signifies the girl who lost her eye as a political victim, gaining wide sympathy. The sub-campaign constructed an image of resistance against police brutality which strengthened the wider movement in Hong Kong and helped to win support in other parts of the world. The campaign also linked the emotions of the two places by recalling Koreans’ memory of their historical struggle for democracy. The sub-campaign generated symbolic resources accumulating through the production and reproduction process online and subsequently benefited the wider social movement for political change.
{"title":"The Eye4HK Meme and the Construction of an Injustice Frame","authors":"S. Chan, Woon-Taek Lim, Gyun-Ho Lee, Ngai-Chiu Wong","doi":"10.5130/ccs.v15.i2.8556","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v15.i2.8556","url":null,"abstract":"The territory-wide protest in Hong Kong in 2019, originated from a proposed amendment bill on the extradition of fugitives to China which triggered massive protests. In an incident, the police shot a female medic in the eye which outraged the public. A Korean celebrity initiated an online movement by uploading a selfie covering his right eye to Twitter showing solidarity with the victim. The eye-covered image signifies the girl who lost her eye as a political victim, gaining wide sympathy. The sub-campaign constructed an image of resistance against police brutality which strengthened the wider movement in Hong Kong and helped to win support in other parts of the world. The campaign also linked the emotions of the two places by recalling Koreans’ memory of their historical struggle for democracy. The sub-campaign generated symbolic resources accumulating through the production and reproduction process online and subsequently benefited the wider social movement for political change.","PeriodicalId":43957,"journal":{"name":"Cosmopolitan Civil Societies-An Interdisciplinary Journal","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-07-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44006679","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Using a Socio-Legal Studies approach, this article analyses the primacy of the universal values of Pancasila, a decolonizing ideology, in tackling crimes of terrorism in Indonesia. In Indonesia's last two decades, radical movements have become more widespread, and the public easily follows their developments. Intolerance is the seed for radicalism, and terrorism is the forerunner of the emergence of acts of terrorism. In tackling crimes of terrorism, it is important to apply Pancasila as a way of life; ideals and nationalism have an important role in every aspect of the life of the nation and state. The policies for inculcating Pancasila values must be carried out in a synergistic and coordinated manner by involving various existing sectors, and the material content of programs of deradicalization must be comprehensive, integral and sustainable by taking into account the condition of the target participants, educational background, experience and age with a dialogical, democratic, and participatory approach.
{"title":"Universal Values of Pancasila in Managing the Crime of Terrorism","authors":"Joko Setiyono, Aga Natalis","doi":"10.5130/ccs.v15.i2.8084","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v15.i2.8084","url":null,"abstract":"Using a Socio-Legal Studies approach, this article analyses the primacy of the universal values of Pancasila, a decolonizing ideology, in tackling crimes of terrorism in Indonesia. In Indonesia's last two decades, radical movements have become more widespread, and the public easily follows their developments. Intolerance is the seed for radicalism, and terrorism is the forerunner of the emergence of acts of terrorism. In tackling crimes of terrorism, it is important to apply Pancasila as a way of life; ideals and nationalism have an important role in every aspect of the life of the nation and state. The policies for inculcating Pancasila values must be carried out in a synergistic and coordinated manner by involving various existing sectors, and the material content of programs of deradicalization must be comprehensive, integral and sustainable by taking into account the condition of the target participants, educational background, experience and age with a dialogical, democratic, and participatory approach.","PeriodicalId":43957,"journal":{"name":"Cosmopolitan Civil Societies-An Interdisciplinary Journal","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-07-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42526353","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
At the root of much of the deforestation, land rights violations, human rights abuses and ultimately the continuation of unequal, neocolonial North-South relations are the two-fold phenomena of global market pressures for extractivism and mass production of resources and the militarization of response to social conflicts created by these activities. We will investigate the ‘new’ extractivism economic activities from the perspective of the violence perpetrated by assemblages of power against indigenous protest movements in the Peruvian Amazon region. Specifically, we will probe a grassroots’ response to the way Peru’s elites have integrated the country within the global economic system: we focus on Indigenous peoples’ protests in 2008-9 against the new regulation to open the Amazon for development of resources by private companies carried out by Peru’s President Alan García, on the grounds that it represented a threat to their natural resources and livelihood.
{"title":"The Indigenous Struggle against ‘New’ Extractivism in the Peruvian Amazon","authors":"Bernardo Jurema, Maria Cecilia Oliveira","doi":"10.5130/ccs.v15.i1.8543","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v15.i1.8543","url":null,"abstract":"At the root of much of the deforestation, land rights violations, human rights abuses and ultimately the continuation of unequal, neocolonial North-South relations are the two-fold phenomena of global market pressures for extractivism and mass production of resources and the militarization of response to social conflicts created by these activities. We will investigate the ‘new’ extractivism economic activities from the perspective of the violence perpetrated by assemblages of power against indigenous protest movements in the Peruvian Amazon region. Specifically, we will probe a grassroots’ response to the way Peru’s elites have integrated the country within the global economic system: we focus on Indigenous peoples’ protests in 2008-9 against the new regulation to open the Amazon for development of resources by private companies carried out by Peru’s President Alan García, on the grounds that it represented a threat to their natural resources and livelihood.","PeriodicalId":43957,"journal":{"name":"Cosmopolitan Civil Societies-An Interdisciplinary Journal","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-05-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46613607","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
How is the oil extractive industry affecting the livelihoods of women in the Niger Delta? This study explores the nature of the oil extractive industry in Nigeria and its impact on the livelihoods of women. The paper further focuses on the role of civil society in reconciling the interest of the oil industry and local economy of women in the Niger Delta. Relying on primary and secondary data as well as feminist theories, the study examines the case of Ijaw, Ogbia and Ogoni women, who have traditionally relied on fishing and farming as major means of income. The paper argues that women are the most affected by the oil industry through frequent spilling of crude oil in creeks, rivers, swamps and farmlands, where their sources of income is derived from. In addition, the civil society with women as active participants has only achieved little in terms of social justice.
{"title":"The Oil Extractive Industry in The Niger Delta: Impacts on the Livelihoods of Women","authors":"Zainab L. Mai-Bornu","doi":"10.5130/ccs.v15.i1.8354","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v15.i1.8354","url":null,"abstract":"How is the oil extractive industry affecting the livelihoods of women in the Niger Delta? This study explores the nature of the oil extractive industry in Nigeria and its impact on the livelihoods of women. The paper further focuses on the role of civil society in reconciling the interest of the oil industry and local economy of women in the Niger Delta. Relying on primary and secondary data as well as feminist theories, the study examines the case of Ijaw, Ogbia and Ogoni women, who have traditionally relied on fishing and farming as major means of income. The paper argues that women are the most affected by the oil industry through frequent spilling of crude oil in creeks, rivers, swamps and farmlands, where their sources of income is derived from. In addition, the civil society with women as active participants has only achieved little in terms of social justice.","PeriodicalId":43957,"journal":{"name":"Cosmopolitan Civil Societies-An Interdisciplinary Journal","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-03-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46483749","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The discovery of oil in Chad in the 1960s and its subsequent exploitation triggered the idea by international institutions that oil extraction would lead to sustainable development. Furthermore, Chad in tackling the resource curse would use rents to solve social, economic and security challenges on its territory. I argue that the state is the main actor in the resource curse, and its power derives rents from natural resources extraction. The curse emerges under local or international institutional pressures even if political outcomes are contextual and based on local norms. Drawing on theories of rentier state and developmental state, this paper seeks to critically explore local and international pressures that pull the state towards rentier behaviors resulting in poor local development outcomes.
{"title":"Toward a Petro-Developmental State? Merits and demerits of the Chadian rentier state.","authors":"Yorbana Seign-goura","doi":"10.5130/ccs.v15.i1.8424","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v15.i1.8424","url":null,"abstract":"The discovery of oil in Chad in the 1960s and its subsequent exploitation triggered the idea by international institutions that oil extraction would lead to sustainable development. Furthermore, Chad in tackling the resource curse would use rents to solve social, economic and security challenges on its territory. I argue that the state is the main actor in the resource curse, and its power derives rents from natural resources extraction. The curse emerges under local or international institutional pressures even if political outcomes are contextual and based on local norms. Drawing on theories of rentier state and developmental state, this paper seeks to critically explore local and international pressures that pull the state towards rentier behaviors resulting in poor local development outcomes. \u0000 ","PeriodicalId":43957,"journal":{"name":"Cosmopolitan Civil Societies-An Interdisciplinary Journal","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-03-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47990416","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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