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Networked Technopolitics: Immigrant Integration as City Branding 网络技术政治:作为城市品牌的移民融合
IF 0.6 Q4 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2020-07-20 DOI: 10.5130/ccs.v12.i1.6966
C. Teixeira
The article explores the role of network-led policymaking with a focus on immigrant integration. Drawing on the EUROCITIES Integrating Cities Charter, it sheds light on how immigration-related diversity governance plays a part in the city-branding strategies. The relevance of policy advocacy through the lens of cosmopolitan urbanism is instrumental for studying the governance of migration and diversity in the age of integration paradigm. Contemporary local policymaking in immigrant integration shaped by city-to-city cooperation tell us about policy models associated to cities’ image. Therefore, city branding strategies framed on behalf of networked technopolitics represent a challenging way to study the immigrant integration approach. This exploratory study is based on desk research with an emphasis on literature review and documentary analysis.
本文探讨了以移民融合为重点的网络主导政策制定的作用。根据《欧洲城市一体化宪章》,它揭示了与移民相关的多样性治理如何在城市品牌战略中发挥作用。通过国际化城市主义的视角进行政策倡导的相关性有助于研究一体化时代移民和多样性的治理。由城市间合作塑造的移民融合的当代地方政策告诉我们与城市形象相关的政策模式。因此,代表网络技术政治制定的城市品牌战略是研究移民融合方法的一种具有挑战性的方法。这项探索性研究以案头研究为基础,侧重于文献综述和文献分析。
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引用次数: 3
Migration-led Regeneration: 迁移导向的再生:
IF 0.6 Q4 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2020-06-26 DOI: 10.5130/ccs.v12.i1.7297
F. Hillmann, C. Pang
It is timely to reopen the discussion on inequalities in connection with migration-related processes. Our special issue might be a first step in shedding more light on this issue which had all but vanished at the discourse level but that has not ceased to exist. It presents an international and interdisciplinary selection of scholars that are concerned with questions of urban transformation, diversity and inequality.
现在应该重新讨论与移徙有关的进程中的不平等问题。我们的特刊可能是进一步阐明这一问题的第一步,这一问题在讨论一级几乎消失了,但并没有停止存在。它展示了一个国际和跨学科的学者选择,他们关注城市转型,多样性和不平等的问题。
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引用次数: 1
Patterns of social exclusion in mixed neighborhoods: 混合社区的社会排斥模式:
IF 0.6 Q4 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2020-06-25 DOI: 10.5130/ccs.v12.i1.7018
Ceren Kulkul
For a newcomer in a city, the process of getting familiar with urban places does not only refer to memorize the roads but to learn how to live as a local. In this article, I argue that the changing urban structure and discourse of locals may form subtle ways of social exclusion and discrimination which may have an impact on social positionality of the newcomers in a mixed neighborhood. This study reflects on high skilled young newcomers from Turkey to Berlin with the aim of understanding transnational disparities and exclusion on the one hand, social contact and inclusion on the other. I propose to look into both ways because there is not only exclusion in a mixed neighborhood; there is also acceptance and coexistence. By focusing on Kreuzberg and Neukolln in Berlin, I search for dynamics of neighborhood use of migrant youth, (in)visibility, ‘public familiarity’ (Blokland, 2003) and daily interaction to show the connections among urban structure, practice and discourse. The sample of this qualitative research is high skilled young professionals from Turkey with high education degrees, who came to Berlin over the last five years. The data comes from thirty in-depth interviews conducted by me in the period of October 2018 to March 2019 for a different topic but a related research.
对于一个刚到城市的人来说,熟悉城市的过程不仅仅是记住道路,而是要学习如何像当地人一样生活。在这篇文章中,我认为城市结构和当地人话语的变化可能会形成社会排斥和歧视的微妙方式,这可能会对混合社区中新来者的社会地位产生影响。这项研究反映了从土耳其到柏林的高技能年轻移民,目的是一方面理解跨国差异和排斥,另一方面理解社会接触和包容。我建议研究这两种方式,因为在混合社区中不仅存在排斥;也有接受和共存。通过关注柏林的Kreuzberg和Neukolln,我寻找流动青年的社区使用动态,能见度,“公众熟悉度”(Blokland, 2003)和日常互动,以显示城市结构,实践和话语之间的联系。这项定性研究的样本是来自土耳其的高技能年轻专业人士,他们拥有高等教育学位,在过去五年中来到柏林。数据来自我在2018年10月至2019年3月期间进行的30次深度访谈,这是一个不同的主题,但却是一个相关的研究。
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引用次数: 0
Urban inequalities and the identity-to-politics link in the Netherlands and Nigeria 荷兰和尼日利亚的城市不平等和身份与政治的联系
IF 0.6 Q4 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2020-06-25 DOI: 10.5130/ccs.v12.i1.7024
Kingsley Madueke, Floris Vermeulen
This article examines the entanglements of diversity, urban inequalities, group politics and conflict in advanced and emergent democracies. Though advanced democracies are considered to be generally more egalitarian than their emergent counterparts, there is need for further understanding of the specific ways in which the dimensions and parameters of diversity and inequalities resemble or contrast in the two contexts. In this article, we explore the repertoires of interactions between diversity, inequalities and local politics in Amsterdam (Netherlands) and Jos (Nigeria). We suggest that whereas in Amsterdam an anti-Muslim discourse, more so than group level inequalities, led to the politicization of immigrant groups, in Jos group politics is driven by a strong overlap between ascribed identities and inequalities. While immigrant groups in Amsterdam articulate and pursue their interests within the confines of a regulated political space dominated by formal institutions, groups in Jos deploy violent strategies in pursuing their interests because of the prevalence of weak institutions. The conclusion reiterates a few key insights derived from this cross-fertilization.
本文考察了发达民主国家和新兴民主国家中多样性、城市不平等、群体政治和冲突的纠缠。尽管人们普遍认为发达民主国家比新兴民主国家更平等,但仍有必要进一步了解在这两种背景下,多样性和不平等的维度和参数相似或对比的具体方式。在本文中,我们探讨了阿姆斯特丹(荷兰)和乔斯(尼日利亚)的多样性、不平等和地方政治之间的相互作用。我们认为,在阿姆斯特丹,反穆斯林话语比群体层面的不平等更多地导致了移民群体的政治化,而在乔斯,群体政治是由归因于身份和不平等之间的强烈重叠所驱动的。阿姆斯特丹的移民群体在一个由正式机构主导的受监管的政治空间范围内表达和追求自己的利益,而乔斯的移民群体则因为普遍存在的弱势机构而采用暴力策略来追求自己的利益。结论重申了从这种交叉受精中得出的一些关键见解。
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引用次数: 0
Migration and Inequality 移民与不平等
IF 0.6 Q4 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2020-06-25 DOI: 10.5130/ccs.v12.i1.7026
R. Hayduk
Migrants are omnipresent in cosmopolitan societies.  Propelled from their homelands by poverty, violence, and environmental disasters—and the promise of better opportunities and security—migrants have found their way into metropolitan regions. At the same time, we see steep increases in economic inequality. These changes, which are intrinsically connected to the rise of neoliberal polices, have pushed immigration to the top of the political agenda for both the political right and left in many nations. The right seeks to erect walls, restrict immigration, and deport the undocumented. The left seeks amnesty, sanctuary policies and other measures to advance human rights in response to the migration crisis. Yet neither approach addresses the underlying causes of migration nor growing inequalities that together animate populist revolts on both the left and right across the globe.  In this paper, I employ a framework that foregrounds capitalist accumulation at the center of these processes. Focusing on urban areas in the US, I highlight the ways economic, social and political structures contribute to growing inequalities between immigrants and the native born -- as well as sharp inequalities within each group -- which, in turn, affect patterns of immigrant incorporation, politics and options for reform.  The paper examines US immigration and immigrant policy, assessing their impacts on inequality and immigrant incorporation processes and outcomes.  I conclude by pointing to contemporary social movements and evolving political alignments, which have the potential to achieve more egalitarian outcomes capable of sustaining social cohesion in metropolitan regions, as well as more stable and robust democratic systems across borders. Given that immigrants and their offspring comprise nearly one in four people in the U.S., addressing such inequalities is theoretically important and a pressing political concern. 
移民在国际化社会中无处不在。由于贫困、暴力和环境灾难,以及更好的机会和安全的承诺,移民们离开了家乡,进入了大都市地区。与此同时,我们看到经济不平等现象急剧加剧。这些变化与新自由主义政策的兴起有着内在的联系,已将移民问题推到许多国家政治右翼和左翼的首要政治议程上。这项权利旨在竖起围墙,限制移民,并驱逐无证人员。左派寻求大赦、庇护政策和其他措施来促进人权,以应对移民危机。然而,这两种方法都没有解决移民的根本原因,也没有解决日益加剧的不平等问题,这些问题共同引发了全球左翼和右翼的民粹主义反抗。在本文中,我采用了一个框架,将资本主义积累置于这些过程的中心。以美国的城市地区为重点,我强调了经济、社会和政治结构如何导致移民和土生土长的人之间日益加剧的不平等,以及每个群体内部的严重不平等,这反过来又影响了移民的融入模式、政治和改革选择。本文考察了美国的移民和移民政策,评估了它们对不平等和移民融合过程和结果的影响。最后,我指出了当代社会运动和不断演变的政治联盟,它们有可能实现更平等的结果,能够维持大都市地区的社会凝聚力,以及更稳定和强大的跨境民主制度。鉴于移民及其后代在美国占近四分之一,解决这种不平等问题在理论上很重要,也是一个紧迫的政治问题。
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引用次数: 0
A Tale of Two Cities: Framing urban diversity as content curation in super-diverse London and Toronto 双城记:将城市多样性视为伦敦和多伦多的内容策展
IF 0.6 Q4 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2020-06-25 DOI: 10.5130/ccs.v12.i1.6835
M. Raco, T. Taşan-Kok
In major cities across the world policy-makers are searching for new ways to represent and govern their increasingly diverse populations.  In this paper we analyse the ways in which authorities in two global cities, London and Toronto, have drawn on corporate, public management, strategies as their principal mode of diversity governance.  In both we see a shift in policy making as a conscious attempt to reframe and re-imagine cities as corporate-like structures that can be conceptualised, represented, and managed through the lens of diversity management. In both cities specific representations of the city and its populations are curated to fulfil wider policy objectives. City governments present both as iconic centres of diversity, super-diversity or hyper-diversity, that embody and represent an era of progressive globalisation and new forms of contemporary cosmopolitan living.  The presence of diversity is celebrated and seen a key component of ‘success agendas’. This paper is based on empirical evidence derived from a policy-oriented research project in both cities.  Policy analysis and critical discourse analysis are conducted in both cities on the basis of review of policy documents at national, local and community scales, and interviews with policy makers. The paper first frames diversity as a technology of description, where we explain how diversity has become a curation strategy in public management within the framework of growing mobility of management frameworks and shifts in framing diversity in urban policies. We will then provide a comparative analysis of London and Toronto.
在世界各大城市,决策者正在寻找新的方式来代表和管理日益多样化的人口。在本文中,我们分析了伦敦和多伦多这两个全球城市的当局将企业、公共管理和战略作为其多元化治理的主要模式的方式。在这两者中,我们都认为政策制定的转变是一种有意识的尝试,将城市重新定义和想象为类似企业的结构,可以通过多样性管理的视角进行概念化、代表化和管理。在这两个城市,都策划了城市及其人口的具体表现,以实现更广泛的政策目标。城市政府既是多样性、超多样性或超多样性的标志性中心,体现并代表了一个渐进的全球化时代和当代国际化生活的新形式。多样性的存在受到赞扬,并被视为“成功议程”的关键组成部分。本文基于这两个城市的一个政策导向研究项目的经验证据。根据对国家、地方和社区政策文件的审查以及对政策制定者的采访,在这两个城市进行了政策分析和批判性话语分析。本文首先将多样性定义为一种描述技术,在这种技术中,我们解释了在管理框架日益流动和城市政策多样性框架转变的框架内,多样性如何成为公共管理中的一种管理策略。然后,我们将对伦敦和多伦多进行比较分析。
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引用次数: 5
„Multi-culti“ vs. ”another cell phone store“ – Changing ethnic, social, and commercial diversities in Berlin-Neukölln. “多元文化”vs“另一家手机商店”——改变Berlin-Neukölln的种族、社会和商业多样性。
IF 0.6 Q4 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2020-06-25 DOI: 10.5130/ccs.v12.i1.6872
A. Steigemann
Based on an extensive ethnography of the economic and social life in Berlin-Neukölln, the paper asks how a changing demographic and social structure affects the social life but also the urban renewal on two iconic but contested streets - “the Arab street” Sonnenallee and adjacent Karl-Marx-Straße. The effects of migration - and particularly of the more recent refugee migration - to Berlin are explored through the reshaping and diversification processes of the physical and social spaces of the two streets and their businesses. In detail, the paper illuminates the changing ordinary everyday interactions and social and spatial practices in and around local shops and gastronomic facilities and argues that it is the interactions in and around certain shops and businesses that contribute to the everyday practice of urban diversity. The paper further reveals that regardless of the place-and community-making of the local store owners and staff therein, the local urban renewal and regeneration actors have a very different understanding of these spaces and their operators and also aim for a different kind of new “diversity”. The paper thus concludes by also showing how these actors frame and depict the increasingly ethnically diverse businesses on the two streets in the course of urban renewal, including a critical discussion of their perceptions and concrete practices as in contrast to the ethnically diverse business peoples’ perceptions and placemaking practices that often also represent homemaking practices.
基于对柏林新柏林经济和社会生活的广泛民族志,本文询问了不断变化的人口和社会结构如何影响社会生活,以及两条标志性但有争议的街道——“阿拉伯街道”Sonnenalee和邻近的Karl Marx Straße上的城市更新。通过对这两条街道及其商业的物理和社会空间的重塑和多样化过程,探讨了移民——尤其是最近的难民移民——对柏林的影响。详细地说,本文阐述了当地商店和美食设施内及其周围不断变化的日常互动以及社会和空间实践,并认为正是某些商店和企业内及其周围的互动促成了城市多样性的日常实践。该论文进一步揭示,无论当地商店老板和员工的地点和社区构成如何,当地城市更新和再生参与者对这些空间及其运营商的理解都非常不同,他们的目标也是实现一种不同的新“多样性”。因此,论文最后还展示了这些参与者如何在城市更新过程中构建和描绘两条街上日益多样化的商业,包括对他们的看法和具体做法的批判性讨论,与种族多样化的商业人士的看法和场所制作做法形成对比,后者通常也代表着家庭制作做法。
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引用次数: 2
Resisting the Far-Right: Indigenous Perspectives, Community Arts and Story-Based Strategy 抵制极右翼:土著视角、社区艺术和基于故事的策略
IF 0.6 Q4 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2020-02-07 DOI: 10.5130/CCS.V11.I2.6765
Chris D. Brown
This article explores how we might resist and confront anti-immigration and anti-refugee politics by addressing the social and historical well-spring from which these discriminatory and damaging politics emerge and take sustenance. In doing this, I draw upon the concept of story-based strategy and the idea that our potential to address this issue relies on our capacity to fundamentally shift the dominant ways in which people understand and engage with it. This discussion occurs with reference to one practical application of story-based strategy – a community-arts project titled Stories of Hope and Migration – which attempted to re-frame the migration and refugee debate in Australia by funnelling it through a localised Indigenous perspective. In so doing, this article challenges the way in which early British migrants and their descendants have continually excised themselves from the rhetoric of migration, and furthermore, suggests that through a more nuanced conversation regarding the migration stories of all non-Aboriginal people, we might better promote a more historically aware, compassionate and inclusive society.
本文探讨了我们如何抵制和对抗反移民和反难民政治,解决这些歧视性和破坏性政治产生并赖以生存的社会和历史源泉。在这样做的过程中,我借鉴了基于故事的战略的概念,以及我们解决这个问题的潜力取决于我们从根本上改变人们理解和参与这个问题的主导方式的能力。这一讨论涉及到基于故事的策略的一个实际应用——一个名为“希望与移民的故事”的社区艺术项目——该项目试图通过本地化的土著视角重新构建澳大利亚的移民和难民辩论。在这样做的过程中,这篇文章挑战了早期英国移民及其后代不断将自己从移民言论中剔除的方式,并进一步表明,通过对所有非原住民的移民故事进行更细致的对话,我们可能会更好地促进一个更具历史意识、同情心和包容性的社会。
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引用次数: 0
Reducing smoking in Australia: how to include Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people 澳大利亚减少吸烟:如何包括土著和托雷斯海峡岛民
IF 0.6 Q4 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2019-11-27 DOI: 10.5130/ccs.v11.i2.6642
Martin Williams, J. Allan
Australia has succeeded in lowering the overall prevalence of tobacco smoking in the last four decades and has enjoyed a worldwide reputation for innovative policy. However, this success has not extended to Indigenous Australians. Using a narrative review and critique of literature from government, public health, health promotion, marketing and communication on smoking cessation in Australia, we first consider the history of government anti-smoking measures including legislation and communication initiatives including advertising and sponsorship bans, health warnings and 'no smoking' rules affecting anti-smoking norms, culminating in the banning of branding and the advent of tobacco plain packaging. We also review the effects of excise increases and smoking cessation aids such as quit lines and nicotine replacement therapy. For each type of intervention, both population-wide and those specifically directed at Indigenous people, we consider the probable reasons for the failure to reach Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people or alter their smoking patterns, and make suggestions for improvements in interventions and their evaluation. We conclude that the history of anti-smoking initiatives in Australia suggests that community-based health initiatives are likely to be more effective in addressing Indigenous people and helping smokers to quit.
澳大利亚在过去四十年中成功地降低了吸烟的总体流行率,并在创新政策方面享有世界声誉。然而,这种成功并没有延伸到澳大利亚土著。通过对澳大利亚政府、公共卫生、健康促进、营销和戒烟传播方面的文献进行叙述性审查和批评,我们首先考虑政府反吸烟措施的历史,包括立法和传播举措,包括广告和赞助禁令、健康警告和影响反吸烟规范的“禁烟”规则,最终禁止品牌和烟草平装的出现。我们还回顾了消费税增加和戒烟辅助如戒烟线和尼古丁替代疗法的影响。对于每一种类型的干预,无论是全民干预还是专门针对土著人民的干预,我们都考虑了未能触及土著和托雷斯海峡岛民或改变其吸烟模式的可能原因,并提出了改进干预措施及其评估的建议。我们的结论是,澳大利亚反吸烟倡议的历史表明,以社区为基础的健康倡议可能更有效地解决土著人民和帮助吸烟者戒烟的问题。
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引用次数: 0
A Qualitative Study of the Interaction between Human Rights Defenders and Society in Russia: Assessing the Impact of the 'Foreign Agents' Law 俄罗斯人权捍卫者与社会互动的定性研究:评估“外国代理人”法的影响
IF 0.6 Q4 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2019-10-14 DOI: 10.5130/ccs.v11.i2.6615
P. Malkova
In various world regions, human rights defenders (HRDs) often become targets for smear campaigns that seek to discredit and marginalise them. Russia’s “foreign agents” law which brands NGOs as “foreign agents” – a phrase that carries Soviet-era connotations of a spy or traitor – is just one example of states’ attempts to cultivate an unfavorable image of rights defenders in society. Yet, despite the global context of such stigmatising campaigns and their potential to put defenders at further risk, there is very little systematic knowledge about the way citizens react to such rhetoric and whether they express more hostility towards HRDs. This paper seeks to address this gap and explores the interaction of rights defenders with the domestic society in Russia. Drawing upon in-depth interviews with representatives of the domestic human rights community, it demonstrates that while the wider public lacks familiarity with actors in the human rights field, certain social segments do interact with them, both in antagonistic and supportive ways. The paper argues that in the adverse conditions created by the “foreign agents” law, there is a need for rights groups to expand and strengthen the links with their constituencies.
在世界各地区,人权捍卫者经常成为抹黑运动的目标,这些运动试图抹黑和边缘化他们。俄罗斯的《外国代理人法》将非政府组织称为“外国代理人”——这个短语带有苏联时代间谍或叛徒的含义——只是各国试图在社会中塑造维权者不利形象的一个例子。然而,尽管这种污名化运动在全球范围内存在,而且有可能使维权者面临进一步的风险,但人们对公民对这种言论的反应以及他们是否对人权捍卫者表达了更多的敌意知之甚少。本文试图解决这一差距,并探讨维权人士与俄罗斯国内社会的互动。根据对国内人权界代表的深入采访,它表明,虽然广大公众对人权领域的行动者不熟悉,但某些社会阶层确实以对抗和支持的方式与他们互动。该文件认为,在“外国代理人”法造成的不利条件下,人权团体有必要扩大和加强与选民的联系。
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引用次数: 0
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Cosmopolitan Civil Societies-An Interdisciplinary Journal
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