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Invoking the Nullity of Non-compete Agreements in Employment Law: A Comparison of Turkish and Belgian Law 雇佣法中竞业禁止协议无效的援引:土耳其与比利时法律之比较
IF 0.8 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.54648/ijcl2022015
Didem Yalçıntaş
Can employers invoke the nullity of non-compete agreements concluded with employees? Noncompetition agreements prohibit employees from competing with their employers after the termination of the employment contract. The parties can conclude a non-compete agreement only if the validity conditions laid down in statutory law are met. If not, the agreement may be deemed invalid. The assertion of invalidity by employers may produce some unexpected and unfair detrimental consequences for employees if the agreement is synallagmatic. For instance, employees who count on the validity of the agreement may find themselves denied their expected compensation after turning down opportunities that would breach the agreement and after finding a new non-competing job. Furthermore, the possibility of invoking invalidity afterwards may encourage employers to conclude invalid non-compete agreements, as it would pressure the employee nevertheless. Considering the power of employers over employees and that it is mostly the employers who draft non-compete agreements and offer to conclude them, their capacity to invoke invalidity must be carefully examined. Traditionally, in Turkish law, invalidity can be invoked by either party. However, considering the flexibilization of this norm, this study concludes that for synallagmatic agreements, only employees should be able to invoke invalidity. In Belgian law, on the other hand, the party with the right to invoke invalidity is already determined by case law. The study confines itself to examining these rules and pointing out the possible detrimental effects on employees.non-compete, Turkish law, Belgian law, comparative, validity, nullity, prohibition of competition, invoke, employment law and non-competition
雇主可否援引与雇员订立的竞业禁止协议为无效协议?竞业禁止协议禁止雇员在雇佣合同终止后与雇主竞争。只有在符合成文法规定的有效条件的情况下,双方才能订立竞业禁止协议。否则,该协议将被视为无效。如果协议是合词的,雇主对无效的断言可能会对雇员产生一些意想不到的和不公平的有害后果。例如,指望协议有效的员工可能会发现,在拒绝了违反协议的机会、找到了一份新的非竞争性工作后,他们无法获得预期的薪酬。此外,事后援引无效的可能性可能鼓励雇主缔结无效的竞业禁止协议,因为这将对雇员施加压力。考虑到雇主对雇员的权力,以及主要是雇主起草竞业禁止协议并提出缔结这些协议,必须仔细审查雇主援引竞业禁止协议无效的能力。传统上,在土耳其法律中,无效可以由任何一方援引。然而,考虑到这一规范的灵活性,本研究得出结论,对于synagmatic协议,只有员工才能调用无效。另一方面,在比利时法律中,有权援引无效的一方已经由判例法确定。这项研究仅限于检查这些规则,并指出这些规则可能对员工造成的不利影响。竞业禁止,土耳其法,比利时法,比较,有效性,无效,禁止竞争,援引,就业法和竞业禁止
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引用次数: 0
Military Unionism from the Perspective of International Law: Between National Security and Freedom of Association 国际法视域下的军事联盟主义:在国家安全与结社自由之间
IF 0.8 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.54648/ijcl2022014
J. Gołaś
This article conducts a critical analysis of the issue of the access of military personnel to the legal guarantees of the freedom to associate in trade unions from the perspective of international legal standards. Despite the consistently freedom-oriented evolution of international standards which have become applicable to union freedoms in recent decades, many states still uphold sweeping statutory bans on the unionization of military personnel. The potential engagement of members of the armed forces in any union activity is a contentious issue suspended between the requirement to protect the very essence of the freedom of association (FoA), the practices and traditions established in many states, and the need to maintain the effective security of the state against external threats. The analysis considers the evolution of perspectives presented by competent international supervisory and interpretative bodies which have substantially revised their views in recent years on the extent of necessary legal guarantees and acceptable restrictions on freedom of association with respect to military personnel. The analysis leads to the conclusion that a complete and absolute statutory ban on the unionization of military personnel may be incompatible with current international standards. The absolute requirement to respect the fundamental essence of freedom of association as an unquestionable and universal standard of human rights means that national legislators should guarantee military personnel at least the minimum level of freedom to associate in trade unions.Military Unionism, Freedom of Association, National Security, International Law, Human Rights, Members Of Armed Forces, Trade Union Freedoms, International law
本文从国际法律标准的角度对军人获得工会结社自由的法律保障问题进行了批判性分析。尽管近几十年来,国际标准一直以自由为导向,适用于工会自由,但许多州仍然坚持全面禁止军事人员加入工会。武装部队成员可能参与任何工会活动,这是一个有争议的问题,介于保护结社自由本质的要求、许多州确立的做法和传统,以及维护国家有效安全免受外部威胁的必要性之间。该分析考虑了主管国际监督和解释机构提出的观点的演变,这些机构近年来对军事人员结社自由的必要法律保障和可接受限制的程度作了重大修改。分析得出的结论是,完全和绝对的法律禁止军事人员加入工会可能不符合现行的国际标准。绝对要求尊重结社自由的基本本质,将其作为一项不容置疑的普遍人权标准,这意味着国家立法者应保障军事人员在工会中至少有最低程度的结社自由。军事统一主义、结社自由、国家安全、国际法、人权、武装部队成员、工会自由、国际法
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引用次数: 0
A Renewed Critical Perspective on Social Law: Disentangling Its Ambivalent Relationship With Productivism 社会法批判视野的更新:与生产主义的矛盾关系
IF 0.8 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.54648/ijcl2022012
E. Dermine, Danielle Dumont
The ecological movement questions the productivist model our societies inherited from the Industrial Revolution. Productivism is based on the belief that the continuous increase in production is possible and desirable. Political ecology and scientists denounce the adverse effects of productivism, in that it produces waste, exhausts natural resources and results in global warming. In this context, this article explores the relationship between social law and productivism. Critical legal scholars classically highlight the function of social law in redistributing the value generated by labour under capitalism. Our aim is to shift the focus and examine the function of social law prior to that, in the definition of what value is, more specifically what kind of labour is considered as creating value and is therefore to be supported. Through the characterization of the forms of work promoted in social law, the article demonstrates the ambivalence of this branch of law towards productivism. It is strongly rooted in the productivist model since it has been constructed around the concept of labour exchanged in the market, considered as the best way to ensure continual growth. However, at the same time, it relativizes productivism by promoting, in some places, economically non-productive but nonetheless (eco) socially useful activities.Productivism, Foundations of Social Law, Ecosocial Welfare, Sustainable Welfare, Right to Work, Decommodification, Post-productivism, Value of Work, Critical Labour Law, Critical Legal Studies
生态运动质疑我们社会从工业革命中继承下来的生产力模式。生产主义是建立在这样一种信念的基础上的,即生产的持续增长是可能的,也是可取的。政治生态学和科学家谴责生产力的不利影响,因为它会产生废物,耗尽自然资源,并导致全球变暖。在此背景下,本文探讨了社会规律与生产力之间的关系。批判性法律学者经典地强调了社会法在重新分配资本主义下劳动产生的价值方面的作用。我们的目标是转移焦点,在此之前,在定义什么是价值时,更具体地说,什么样的劳动被视为创造价值,因此需要支持,从而审查社会法的功能。通过对社会法中提倡的工作形式的描述,本文展示了这一法律分支对生产力的矛盾心理。它深深植根于生产力模式,因为它是围绕市场劳动力交换的概念构建的,被认为是确保持续增长的最佳方式。然而,与此同时,它通过在一些地方促进经济上非生产性但对社会有益的活动,使生产主义相对化。生产主义、社会法基础、生态社会福利、可持续福利、工作权、去殖民化、后生产力、工作价值、批判劳动法、批判法律研究
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引用次数: 1
Implementation of the European Youth Guarantee and the Right to Work: A Comparative Analysis of Traineeship Programmes Under the EU Active Labour Market Policy 欧洲青年保障和工作权利的实施:欧盟积极劳动力市场政策下的实习生计划的比较分析
IF 0.8 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.54648/ijcl2022013
Anja Eleveld, Tania Bazzani, Alexandre De Le Cour, E. Staszewska
This article analyses the consistency between the implementation of the EU Youth Guarantee and the fundamental right to work. Focusing on the use of traineeships as an implementation instrument, it explores various types of national Active Labour Market Policies (ALMP) for young unemployed people in Italy, Spain, the Netherlands and Poland. The case studies show that it remains to be seen whether the traineeships considered in this research comply with the right to work. The authors argue for the need to strengthen the Youth Guarantee to accord with the right to work, so that in addition to the right to a first job, it ensures that work-related instruments include the provision of effective training, as well as the right to equal pay for work of equal value, and decent working conditions. This is particularly important in view of the Coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic, that has had an unprecedented economic impact in the EU and is likely to result in another dramatic upsurge in the number of young unemployed.Youth Guarantee, Right to Work, NEETs, Traineeships, Decent Work, Equal Pay, Active Labour Market Policies
本文分析了欧盟青年保障的实施与基本工作权的一致性。报告以利用实习作为一种执行手段为重点,探讨了意大利、西班牙、荷兰和波兰针对失业青年的各种国家积极劳动力市场政策。案例研究表明,本研究所考虑的实习是否符合工作权还有待观察。作者认为,有必要加强《青年保障法》,使之与工作权利相一致,这样,除了第一份工作的权利外,它还确保与工作有关的文书包括提供有效的培训,以及同工同酬和体面工作条件的权利。鉴于2019年冠状病毒病(COVID-19)的大流行,这一点尤其重要,该疾病在欧盟产生了前所未有的经济影响,并可能导致年轻失业人数再次急剧增加。青年保障、工作权、啃老族、实习、体面工作、同工同酬、积极的劳动力市场政策
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引用次数: 0
Labour, Strategy, and the Constitutional Protection of Work: On the Effectiveness of Legal Strategy 劳动、战略与劳动的宪法保护——兼论法律战略的有效性
IF 0.8 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-06-01 DOI: 10.54648/ijcl2022004
J. Meakin
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引用次数: 0
Reflections on the Role of the Trade Union Lawyer 对工会律师角色的思考
IF 0.8 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-06-01 DOI: 10.54648/ijcl2022005
L. Hendy
The role of the lawyer acting for trade unions is constrained, of course, by his or her function and status. The lawyer may be confined to servicing legal needs largely unrelated to the fact that her client is a trade union. Such matters as property conveyancing, fleet car purchase, insurance claims, disputes over payment for and services bought in, insurance and the like are common to many organizations. On the other hand, the lawyer may have the opportunity of using her legal skills to advance directly the principal functions of a trade union. In so doing, the lawyer is likely to operate in one or more of four spheres of activity:– The lawyer may be an advisor and litigator on behalf of members of the union in the field of workers’ rights vis-à-vis employers (and sometimes in relation to members’ interactions with the police or other State or third parties).– She may be an advisor and litigator on behalf of the union in the field of trade union rights.– She may have a function as an educator of members and officers in relation to the law.– Finally, she may have a role in changing the law.This paper explores some aspects of these activities. I will illustrate some points by reference to cases in which I have appeared. This is not as immodest as it sounds since so many ended in defeat! In mitigation, however, I would, of course, say that the legal battlefield is naturally unfavourable to trade unions and that that characteristic disadvantage is multiplied when pursuing ground-breaking litigation.Trade Union Lawyers, Workers’ Rights, Trade Union Rights, Employment Tribunal, Employment Appeal Tribunal, Supreme Court, European Court of Human Rights
当然,代表工会的律师的作用受到其职能和地位的限制。律师可能被局限于服务与她的客户是工会这一事实无关的法律需求。财产转让、购买车队、保险索赔、支付款项和购买服务的纠纷、保险等问题对许多组织来说都是常见的。另一方面,律师可能有机会利用其法律技能直接促进工会的主要职能。在这样做时,律师可能在以下四个活动领域中的一个或多个领域开展业务:-律师可能是工会成员在工人对-à-vis雇主的权利领域的顾问和诉讼律师(有时涉及成员与警察或其他国家或第三方的互动)。-她可以在工会权利领域代表工会担任顾问和诉讼律师。-她可发挥教育委员和官员有关法律的职能。-最后,她可能在改变法律方面发挥作用。本文探讨了这些活动的一些方面。我将以我所代理的案件来说明一些要点。这并不像听起来那么不谦虚,因为很多人都以失败告终!然而,为了减轻这种压力,我当然要说,法律战场自然对工会不利,而在进行开创性诉讼时,这种特有的不利因素会成倍增加。工会律师、工人权利、工会权利、就业审裁处、就业上诉审裁处、最高法院、欧洲人权法院
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引用次数: 0
Mobilizing for Recognition: Indie Unions, Migrant Workers, and Strategic Equality Act Litigation 动员承认:独立工会,移民工人和战略平等法案诉讼
IF 0.8 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-06-01 DOI: 10.54648/ijcl2022007
Manoj Dias-Abey
Drawing on a broad repertoire of action, including strategic litigation, several new activist unions have appeared that seek to represent the multiracial working class of contemporary Britain. Although the court cases that have drawn the most attention are those that challenge the misclassification of employees or ‘workers’ as ‘self-employed’, another dimension of these unions’ strategic litigation has been the utilization of the Equality Act 2010 (Equality Act) to allege racial discrimination. The contention advanced in this article is that it might be possible to read unions’ increasing use of the Equality Act as instances of them pursuing a politics of recognition. For those of us interested in analysing and assessing the strategies of unions in respect of their multiracial membership, the critical question is why and how race discrimination claims may act to boost indie unions’ efforts to organize diverse workplaces. Drawing on Nancy Fraser’s work that asserts a politics of recognition can contribute to a politics of redistribution, this article proposes that recognition claims may be advancing the broader goals of labour organizing by building a worker subjectivity poised for action, and a collective identity undergirded by respect, mutual understanding, and solidarity.Discrimination, Migrant Workers, Legal Mobilization, Recognition, Organizing
利用包括战略诉讼在内的广泛行动,一些新的激进工会出现了,它们试图代表当代英国的多种族工人阶级。虽然引起最多关注的法庭案件是那些挑战将雇员或“工人”错误分类为“自营职业者”的案件,但这些工会战略诉讼的另一个方面是利用《2010年平等法》(《平等法》)来指控种族歧视。本文提出的论点是,工会越来越多地使用《平等法案》,这可能被解读为他们追求政治认可的例子。对于我们这些有兴趣分析和评估工会在多种族成员方面的策略的人来说,关键的问题是种族歧视索赔为什么以及如何推动独立工会努力组织多样化的工作场所。南希·弗雷泽(Nancy Fraser)的研究断言,承认的政治可以促进再分配的政治,本文提出,通过建立一种准备采取行动的工人主体性,以及一种以尊重、相互理解和团结为基础的集体身份,承认的要求可能正在推进劳工组织的更广泛目标。歧视,农民工,法律动员,承认,组织
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引用次数: 0
Can We Trust the Courts in Labour Law? Stranded Between Frivolity and Despair 我们能相信劳动法法庭吗?徘徊在轻浮和绝望之间
IF 0.8 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-06-01 DOI: 10.54648/ijcl2022006
Alan L. Bogg
Historically, the ruling theory of British labour law, collective laissez-faire, was rooted in distrust of courts. Over the last forty years, there have been profound and enduring constitutional changes. Successive governments have pursued deregulatory agendas through legislation, and workers and organized labour have turned increasingly to courts to vindicate their fundamental rights. In light of these changes, this article re-assesses the case against courts in British labour law. It identifies a vital yet subsidiary role for courts in labour law. This should lead scholars to reappraise the marginalization of doctrinal legal scholarship, lest the legal academy become stranded between frivolity and despair.Courts, Fundamental Rights, Statutory Interpretation, Trade Unions, Strategic Litigation
历史上,英国劳动法的统治理论,集体自由放任,植根于对法院的不信任。在过去的四十年里,宪法发生了深刻而持久的变化。历届政府都通过立法推行放松管制的议程,工人和有组织的劳工越来越多地求助于法院来维护他们的基本权利。鉴于这些变化,本文重新评估了英国劳动法中针对法院的案件。它确定了法院在劳动法中的重要而附属的作用。这应该促使学者们重新评估教义法学学术的边缘化,以免法学院陷入轻浮和绝望之间。法院、基本权利、法律解释、工会、战略诉讼
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引用次数: 2
Labour Movements and the Effectiveness of Legal Strategy: Three Tenets 劳工运动与法律策略的有效性:三个原则
IF 0.8 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-06-01 DOI: 10.54648/ijcl2022009
J. Meakin
Social movements of every stripe have mobilized law in order to confront contemporary injustices and redetermine social experiences and expectations. The multiple disciplinary literatures that track and evaluate these strategies provide a rich picture of legal and political mobilization at different scales and relative successes. This article draws together the shared concern for strategic litigation of labour law and legal mobilization scholars in order to confront and rationalize the factors that determine its effectiveness for labour movements. This article sets out three core tenets of strategic litigation to provide a framework for analysing its potential effectiveness: Effective legal arguments; state law’s institutional capacity; and political objectives. Drawing on interdisciplinary insights, these tenets present a sober conception of the ways that law is mobilized by labour movements, to provide a critical conception of the opportunities and limitations of their strategic uses of law.Legal Mobilization, Labour Movements, Institutional Capacity, Political Objectives, Employment Status, Uber Drivers, Limb B Workers
各种各样的社会运动都动员了法律,以对抗当代的不公正,并重新确定社会经验和期望。跟踪和评估这些策略的多学科文献提供了不同规模和相对成功的法律和政治动员的丰富图景。本文汇集了劳工法战略诉讼和法律动员学者共同关注的问题,以面对和合理化决定其对劳工运动有效性的因素。本文提出了战略诉讼的三个核心原则,为分析其潜在效力提供了一个框架:有效的法律论据;国家法律的制度能力;还有政治目标。借鉴跨学科的见解,这些原则提出了一个清醒的概念,即法律是由劳工运动动员的方式,提供他们的战略使用法律的机会和限制的关键概念。法律动员,劳工运动,机构能力,政治目标,就业状况,优步司机,肢体B工人
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引用次数: 0
Failing to Succeed? The Cambridge School and the Economic Case for the Minimum Wage 未能成功?剑桥学派与最低工资的经济案例
IF 0.8 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-06-01 DOI: 10.54648/ijcl2022010
S. Deakin
The case of the British minimum wage illustrates the interplay of ideas and interests in the making of labour legislation. In the 1980s, the pragmatic and data-driven approach of the Cambridge School, associated with the Department of Applied Economics (DAE), advanced a case for the minimum wage which combined fairness and efficiency justifications. Through collaboration with trade unions and think tanks, the argument was mobilized into an activistled campaign which changed political perceptions of the minimum wage. During the 1990s the campaign looked to have failed, as a more conventional economics informed the passage of the National Minimum Wage Act 1998. In the long run, however, the case made by the Cambridge School has endured, to inform today’s global movement for a living wage.Cambridge School, Department of Applied Economics, National Minimum Wage Act, National Living Wage, Low Pay Commission
英国最低工资的例子说明了在劳工立法过程中思想和利益的相互作用。在20世纪80年代,剑桥学派与应用经济系(DAE)合作,采用务实和数据驱动的方法,提出了一个最低工资的案例,它结合了公平和效率的理由。通过与工会和智库的合作,这一论点被动员成一场积极的运动,改变了对最低工资的政治看法。在上世纪90年代,随着1998年《全国最低工资法》(National Minimum Wage Act)的通过,一种更为传统的经济学观点似乎宣告了这场运动的失败。然而,从长远来看,剑桥商学院提出的理由经受住了考验,为今天的全球生活工资运动提供了依据。剑桥学院,应用经济系,国家最低工资法案,国家生活工资,低收入委员会
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引用次数: 0
期刊
International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations
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