Pub Date : 2021-04-25DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2021.1917431
Soojin Kim, Zhengqing Chen, J. Tan, Assel Mussagulova
ABSTRACT In pursuit of sustainable, human capital-centric growth, Singapore initiated a lifelong learning policy of SkillsFuture Credit (SFC) which enables citizens to advance their skills in an autonomous and flexible manner. However, the results so far indicate that the SFC outcomes are not aligned with the policy goals it set out to achieve, as the participation rates remain subpar, and program implementation is dotted with fraudulent claims. This study aims to gauge the effectiveness of SFC both in achieving its primary policy goals and an overarching objective of building a culture of lifelong learning in Singapore. In doing so, this study relies on perspectives of the main stakeholders of SFC using the framework of policy feedback and policy-learning effects. The findings show that while most respondents are satisfied with the SFC, low participation rates are largely driven by structural barriers of time and financial cost. In addition, there exists a mismatch between the government-driven pragmatism rhetoric in lifelong learning and the personal aspirations of respondents towards self-development. Policymakers may benefit from the findings of this research by recalibrating their approach through investing in more diverse, high-quality courses, ensuring the value of the course certificates for employability, and improving the outreach efforts.
{"title":"A case study of the Singapore SkillsFuture Credit scheme: preliminary insights for making lifelong learning policy more effective","authors":"Soojin Kim, Zhengqing Chen, J. Tan, Assel Mussagulova","doi":"10.1080/02185377.2021.1917431","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02185377.2021.1917431","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In pursuit of sustainable, human capital-centric growth, Singapore initiated a lifelong learning policy of SkillsFuture Credit (SFC) which enables citizens to advance their skills in an autonomous and flexible manner. However, the results so far indicate that the SFC outcomes are not aligned with the policy goals it set out to achieve, as the participation rates remain subpar, and program implementation is dotted with fraudulent claims. This study aims to gauge the effectiveness of SFC both in achieving its primary policy goals and an overarching objective of building a culture of lifelong learning in Singapore. In doing so, this study relies on perspectives of the main stakeholders of SFC using the framework of policy feedback and policy-learning effects. The findings show that while most respondents are satisfied with the SFC, low participation rates are largely driven by structural barriers of time and financial cost. In addition, there exists a mismatch between the government-driven pragmatism rhetoric in lifelong learning and the personal aspirations of respondents towards self-development. Policymakers may benefit from the findings of this research by recalibrating their approach through investing in more diverse, high-quality courses, ensuring the value of the course certificates for employability, and improving the outreach efforts.","PeriodicalId":44333,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Political Science","volume":"29 1","pages":"192 - 214"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2021-04-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/02185377.2021.1917431","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46527337","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-17DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2021.1915171
Syed Muhammad Saad Zaidi, Adam Saud
ABSTRACT In contemporary times, the highly debated issue in geopolitics is the rapid rise of China as a potential Superpower. In merely, three decades China’s economy has transformed into the second-biggest economy in the world, it has the largest conventional force of the globe, it is now creating international institutes like the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank to provide a just and balanced alternate economic regime to the US-led liberal order, and it is using its geo-economic might through multi-trillion projects like the Belt and Road Initiative to project its geopolitical influence globally. This paper explains how and when for the first time China came into the limelight as a Major Power. It evaluates China’s economic rise; whether it is in a position to become the new economic hub? It assesses the military capabilities of China; does it meet the threshold of a Great Power? It analyses the geostrategic policies adopted by China, especially vis-à-vis the all-important South and East China Seas. Lastly, it determines if China can establish itself as the hegemon in the Eastern hemisphere?
{"title":"Ascent of the dragon: China’s growing role in global affairs","authors":"Syed Muhammad Saad Zaidi, Adam Saud","doi":"10.1080/02185377.2021.1915171","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02185377.2021.1915171","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In contemporary times, the highly debated issue in geopolitics is the rapid rise of China as a potential Superpower. In merely, three decades China’s economy has transformed into the second-biggest economy in the world, it has the largest conventional force of the globe, it is now creating international institutes like the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank to provide a just and balanced alternate economic regime to the US-led liberal order, and it is using its geo-economic might through multi-trillion projects like the Belt and Road Initiative to project its geopolitical influence globally. This paper explains how and when for the first time China came into the limelight as a Major Power. It evaluates China’s economic rise; whether it is in a position to become the new economic hub? It assesses the military capabilities of China; does it meet the threshold of a Great Power? It analyses the geostrategic policies adopted by China, especially vis-à-vis the all-important South and East China Seas. Lastly, it determines if China can establish itself as the hegemon in the Eastern hemisphere?","PeriodicalId":44333,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Political Science","volume":"29 1","pages":"151 - 168"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2021-04-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/02185377.2021.1915171","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44378970","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-03-30DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2021.1906289
J. R. Go
ABSTRACT This paper looks at the development of the political science discipline through the articles published in the Philippine Political Science Journal (PPSJ), the official publication of the Philippine Political Science Association (PPSA), from 2000 to 2019. Following the study of Munck and Snyder on the study of comparative politics and Teehankee on the study of Southeast Asia, this paper surveyed 115 original research articles published by the PPSJ using the metrics of scope, objectives, and methodology. The paper argues that since its first publication in 1974, the PPSJ has become more diverse in terms of topics and areas studied and methodologies employed, particularly within the 20 years covered by this study. It is also argued that the diversified and broader coverage of research and methodology is reflective of the developments in political science in the contemporary Philippines.
{"title":"Political science research and methodology in the contemporary Philippines: an analysis of the Philippine Political Science Journal, 2000–2019","authors":"J. R. Go","doi":"10.1080/02185377.2021.1906289","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02185377.2021.1906289","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper looks at the development of the political science discipline through the articles published in the Philippine Political Science Journal (PPSJ), the official publication of the Philippine Political Science Association (PPSA), from 2000 to 2019. Following the study of Munck and Snyder on the study of comparative politics and Teehankee on the study of Southeast Asia, this paper surveyed 115 original research articles published by the PPSJ using the metrics of scope, objectives, and methodology. The paper argues that since its first publication in 1974, the PPSJ has become more diverse in terms of topics and areas studied and methodologies employed, particularly within the 20 years covered by this study. It is also argued that the diversified and broader coverage of research and methodology is reflective of the developments in political science in the contemporary Philippines.","PeriodicalId":44333,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Political Science","volume":"29 1","pages":"238 - 254"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2021-03-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/02185377.2021.1906289","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46865444","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-02DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2021.1895854
My Dung Phan, Yooil Bae
ABSTRACT This paper aims to explain the career choice motivation of young workers in a non-Western setting, Vietnam. After witnessing the greater role of the relatively small but competent bureaucracy in East Asia, many have assumed that ‘pervasive and powerful’ bureaucracy also occupies a similar prestigious position in the rapidly growing Vietnam. For the past decade, however, declining talent acquisition in the public sector indicates that good quality workers are leaving or not choosing public sector jobs. What job motivators and perception on the government jobs affect the younger generation’s career choice in Vietnam? Based on the classic motivation theories and Public Service Motivation (PSM) framework, we surveyed fresh graduates and final year university students (n = 433) and found that there is a positive relationship between public career choice and motivation to serve the public as PSM theory expected. Yet, our data show that traditional job motivators such as materialistic benefits, job security, and stability were more important for the young Vietnamese. From a comparative perspective, this suggests that Vietnamese bureaucracy, regardless of its power and pervasiveness, needs substantial improvement by meeting public workers’ basic sanitation needs and working environment to recruit quality manpower for continuous economic success.
{"title":"Job attraction and career choice motivation in a socialist-market economy: the case of the young Vietnamese workforce","authors":"My Dung Phan, Yooil Bae","doi":"10.1080/02185377.2021.1895854","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02185377.2021.1895854","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper aims to explain the career choice motivation of young workers in a non-Western setting, Vietnam. After witnessing the greater role of the relatively small but competent bureaucracy in East Asia, many have assumed that ‘pervasive and powerful’ bureaucracy also occupies a similar prestigious position in the rapidly growing Vietnam. For the past decade, however, declining talent acquisition in the public sector indicates that good quality workers are leaving or not choosing public sector jobs. What job motivators and perception on the government jobs affect the younger generation’s career choice in Vietnam? Based on the classic motivation theories and Public Service Motivation (PSM) framework, we surveyed fresh graduates and final year university students (n = 433) and found that there is a positive relationship between public career choice and motivation to serve the public as PSM theory expected. Yet, our data show that traditional job motivators such as materialistic benefits, job security, and stability were more important for the young Vietnamese. From a comparative perspective, this suggests that Vietnamese bureaucracy, regardless of its power and pervasiveness, needs substantial improvement by meeting public workers’ basic sanitation needs and working environment to recruit quality manpower for continuous economic success.","PeriodicalId":44333,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Political Science","volume":"29 1","pages":"131 - 149"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2021-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/02185377.2021.1895854","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45156322","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-02DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2021.1880455
G. K. Nguyen, Thai Q. Nguyen
ABSTRACT The relationship between taxation and representation has been widely discussed in democratic contexts, but largely overlooked in authoritarian regimes. Our article aims to fill this gap by analysing the impacts of civil society, which is proxied by non-profit institutions (NPIs), on the state’s extractive capacity in Vietnam. We hypothesize that a rising civil society can constrain autocrats from extracting more revenue via two main channels: by mobilizing the citizens to supervise the rulers and protect vulnerable groups (mobilizing role), as well as by providing public services and thus helping reduce government expenditure (complementary role). Using the case study of Vietnam, our empirical tests employing fixed effects and two-stage least squares confirm a negative relationship between the growth in NPIs’ asset and the state budget revenue and expenditure in the country from 2008 to 2014. Our article contributes to the current literature in two aspects. First, it explores the non-revolutionary impacts of civil society on the autocratic ruler’s extractive capacity. Second, by the operationalization of NPIs, it provides an alternative approach to empirically evaluate the impacts of civil society in non-democratic countries where lack of reliable data remains an inherent issue.
{"title":"Civil society and extractive capacity in authoritarian regimes: empirical evidence from Vietnam","authors":"G. K. Nguyen, Thai Q. Nguyen","doi":"10.1080/02185377.2021.1880455","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02185377.2021.1880455","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The relationship between taxation and representation has been widely discussed in democratic contexts, but largely overlooked in authoritarian regimes. Our article aims to fill this gap by analysing the impacts of civil society, which is proxied by non-profit institutions (NPIs), on the state’s extractive capacity in Vietnam. We hypothesize that a rising civil society can constrain autocrats from extracting more revenue via two main channels: by mobilizing the citizens to supervise the rulers and protect vulnerable groups (mobilizing role), as well as by providing public services and thus helping reduce government expenditure (complementary role). Using the case study of Vietnam, our empirical tests employing fixed effects and two-stage least squares confirm a negative relationship between the growth in NPIs’ asset and the state budget revenue and expenditure in the country from 2008 to 2014. Our article contributes to the current literature in two aspects. First, it explores the non-revolutionary impacts of civil society on the autocratic ruler’s extractive capacity. Second, by the operationalization of NPIs, it provides an alternative approach to empirically evaluate the impacts of civil society in non-democratic countries where lack of reliable data remains an inherent issue.","PeriodicalId":44333,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Political Science","volume":"29 1","pages":"110 - 130"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2021-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/02185377.2021.1880455","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47997262","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-11-02DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2020.1837193
Lina Liu
ABSTRACT What are the roles China plays and what approaches does China take to the global order? This paper goes beyond the singular and static view on the roles of states as either status quo or revisionist and introduces more subtle roles of states with multi-approaches of Status Quo, Parallel Supplement, Nested Enhancement, Regime Shifting, Competitive Regime Creation and Ideological Confrontation. After coding 1889 events from the ‘Belt and Road Portal’ and then taking eight most frequent case clusters of the BRI as representative cases, the congruence analysis leads to the main argument that China plays multiple roles of rule taker, rule reformer, rule breaker and rule innovator. The contribution is both theoretical and practical. It improves the typology of states’ approaches to the global order and helps to interpret the roles of emerging powers for the global order. By designing the BRI Index and coding the case cluster, this paper provides a new way to identify the representative case of the BRI.
{"title":"Beyond the status quo and revisionism: an analysis of the role of China and the approaches of China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) to the global order","authors":"Lina Liu","doi":"10.1080/02185377.2020.1837193","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02185377.2020.1837193","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT What are the roles China plays and what approaches does China take to the global order? This paper goes beyond the singular and static view on the roles of states as either status quo or revisionist and introduces more subtle roles of states with multi-approaches of Status Quo, Parallel Supplement, Nested Enhancement, Regime Shifting, Competitive Regime Creation and Ideological Confrontation. After coding 1889 events from the ‘Belt and Road Portal’ and then taking eight most frequent case clusters of the BRI as representative cases, the congruence analysis leads to the main argument that China plays multiple roles of rule taker, rule reformer, rule breaker and rule innovator. The contribution is both theoretical and practical. It improves the typology of states’ approaches to the global order and helps to interpret the roles of emerging powers for the global order. By designing the BRI Index and coding the case cluster, this paper provides a new way to identify the representative case of the BRI.","PeriodicalId":44333,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Political Science","volume":"29 1","pages":"88 - 109"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2020-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/02185377.2020.1837193","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44167343","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-09-18DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2020.1819356
Christopher L. Atkinson
ABSTRACT While hydropower projects have been seen as a sort of panacea for clean energy production in an increasingly environmentally-sensitive time, allowing for continued development, dam projects have nevertheless been a source of significant negative social and environmental impacts. The topic of hydropower projects, associated political-administrative processes, and the outcomes of these projects with regard to poverty reduction remain understudied. This paper reviews hydropower projects and impacts on poverty and environmental quality in the case of Laos, querying intent and realization of goals. The research questions asked in this paper are: How have hydropower projects in Laos affected the nation’s economic prospects? Has promised poverty reduction, particularly among the nation’s rural poor, been seen as a result of infrastructure projects? The paper begins with a view of Laos in terms of development and priorities. A section on infrastructure development, in light of poverty reduction, follows. Next, hydropower projects and implications for forest management are discussed. It is suggested that the connection between electricity provision and poverty reduction in rural areas is unclear; further, the benefit of mega-scale energy projects is limited to increases in energy export, with direct benefits being seen primarily by officials and elites.
{"title":"Hydropower, development, and poverty reduction in Laos: promises realized or broken?","authors":"Christopher L. Atkinson","doi":"10.1080/02185377.2020.1819356","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02185377.2020.1819356","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT While hydropower projects have been seen as a sort of panacea for clean energy production in an increasingly environmentally-sensitive time, allowing for continued development, dam projects have nevertheless been a source of significant negative social and environmental impacts. The topic of hydropower projects, associated political-administrative processes, and the outcomes of these projects with regard to poverty reduction remain understudied. This paper reviews hydropower projects and impacts on poverty and environmental quality in the case of Laos, querying intent and realization of goals. The research questions asked in this paper are: How have hydropower projects in Laos affected the nation’s economic prospects? Has promised poverty reduction, particularly among the nation’s rural poor, been seen as a result of infrastructure projects? The paper begins with a view of Laos in terms of development and priorities. A section on infrastructure development, in light of poverty reduction, follows. Next, hydropower projects and implications for forest management are discussed. It is suggested that the connection between electricity provision and poverty reduction in rural areas is unclear; further, the benefit of mega-scale energy projects is limited to increases in energy export, with direct benefits being seen primarily by officials and elites.","PeriodicalId":44333,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Political Science","volume":"29 1","pages":"67 - 87"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2020-09-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/02185377.2020.1819356","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47387563","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-09-01DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2020.1814362
Ali Karimi Malh, Reza Garshasbi
ABSTRACT Emotions are an undeniable reality of human life. Many of the behaviours of individuals, as well as social movements and collective actions are driven by emotional stimuli. This article studies the emotional aspects of ‘The Protest of Iranians on 28 December 2017’ and focuses on the question ‘Why did the Iranians emotional protest turn into violence?’ Using the theoretical approach of ‘sociology of emotions’ and the ‘descriptive-analytical’ method, the hypothesis is that ‘the embedded backgrounds and interpretations, which led to generating disturbances and emotional reconsidering of citizens, nurtured anti-system emotions and, finally unfettered such angry emotions, the results of which brought about so many consequences’. Data were collected in three methods of documentary, observation and speech research. The findings show that the economic, social, political and cultural conditions in Iran have caused emotional transformation in part of the society so that the long-term emotional frameworks entailing the survival of the system such as loyalty, affection, and temperance were replaced by a new emotional system consisting of anger, hatred, aversion and alienation. Consequently, some people expressed their anger blatantly and were not worried about liberation being banned and anti-regime emotions because they had nothing to lose except breaking the chain of poverty and social exclusion.
{"title":"The sociology of emotions of the protest action of Iranians on 28 December 2017","authors":"Ali Karimi Malh, Reza Garshasbi","doi":"10.1080/02185377.2020.1814362","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02185377.2020.1814362","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Emotions are an undeniable reality of human life. Many of the behaviours of individuals, as well as social movements and collective actions are driven by emotional stimuli. This article studies the emotional aspects of ‘The Protest of Iranians on 28 December 2017’ and focuses on the question ‘Why did the Iranians emotional protest turn into violence?’ Using the theoretical approach of ‘sociology of emotions’ and the ‘descriptive-analytical’ method, the hypothesis is that ‘the embedded backgrounds and interpretations, which led to generating disturbances and emotional reconsidering of citizens, nurtured anti-system emotions and, finally unfettered such angry emotions, the results of which brought about so many consequences’. Data were collected in three methods of documentary, observation and speech research. The findings show that the economic, social, political and cultural conditions in Iran have caused emotional transformation in part of the society so that the long-term emotional frameworks entailing the survival of the system such as loyalty, affection, and temperance were replaced by a new emotional system consisting of anger, hatred, aversion and alienation. Consequently, some people expressed their anger blatantly and were not worried about liberation being banned and anti-regime emotions because they had nothing to lose except breaking the chain of poverty and social exclusion.","PeriodicalId":44333,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Political Science","volume":"129 ","pages":"334 - 355"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2020-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/02185377.2020.1814362","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41284119","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-09-01DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2020.1814363
J. Ng, G. J. Rangel, Y. Phung
ABSTRACT The 14th Malaysian general elections (GE14) resulted in a regime change not experienced since independence. While ethnicity has been an overriding factor in determining electoral outcomes, urbanization has recently been considered a competing factor that might weaken the effects of ethnicity. Using a new methodology to model the compositional effects of ethnicity, we analyse the effects of both factors on the GE14 in our regression models. The findings show that both ethnicity and urban development do affect electoral outcomes, with ethnicity being the more dominant factor. Additionally, multivariate results show that neither malapportionment nor redelineation explains electoral outcomes. We provide a dissection of the ‘Malaysian tsunami’ examining vote change patterns between GE13 and GE14 using an ethnic and rural-urban continuum. The analysis reveals that effects of the tsunami are not evenly spread across ethnic groups and geographical regions, with the Malay majority and ethnically mixed seats displaying contrasting voting patterns.
{"title":"Malaysia’s 14th General Election: dissecting the ‘Malaysian tsunami’—measuring the impacts of ethnicity and urban development on electoral outcomes","authors":"J. Ng, G. J. Rangel, Y. Phung","doi":"10.1080/02185377.2020.1814363","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02185377.2020.1814363","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The 14th Malaysian general elections (GE14) resulted in a regime change not experienced since independence. While ethnicity has been an overriding factor in determining electoral outcomes, urbanization has recently been considered a competing factor that might weaken the effects of ethnicity. Using a new methodology to model the compositional effects of ethnicity, we analyse the effects of both factors on the GE14 in our regression models. The findings show that both ethnicity and urban development do affect electoral outcomes, with ethnicity being the more dominant factor. Additionally, multivariate results show that neither malapportionment nor redelineation explains electoral outcomes. We provide a dissection of the ‘Malaysian tsunami’ examining vote change patterns between GE13 and GE14 using an ethnic and rural-urban continuum. The analysis reveals that effects of the tsunami are not evenly spread across ethnic groups and geographical regions, with the Malay majority and ethnically mixed seats displaying contrasting voting patterns.","PeriodicalId":44333,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Political Science","volume":"29 1","pages":"42 - 66"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2020-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/02185377.2020.1814363","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49667161","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-09-01DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2020.1814364
Kil-joo Ban
ABSTRACT Does the US-led UNC (United Nations Command) have enough clout to misapply its original function, thereby making those assets available to hegemonic rivalry? Is this clout likely to be seen as equally important by all members? The UNC was established as an integrated warfighting organization during the Korean War and continues to this day as the peace driver on the Korean Peninsula. In the meantime, the UNC helps the US hegemony sustain the region, functioning as the two-for-one entity for both peace and hegemony. Seen in this light, the UNC serves as a rare case in international politics. The UNC allows the US to be armed with four types of leverage-political, military, economic and institutional-which contribute to hegemony maintenance. The institutionally given legal nature of the UNC with a large international audience makes the four types of leverage more viable. The effectiveness of the UNC could possibly encourage the US to use it to further US interest in its hegemonic competition with China. If the US were to maximize its function as a hegemony keeper, however, the UNC is likely to lose its convergent ground gradually because it is seen as a far-fetched intention by the UNC members.
{"title":"The two-for-one entity and a ‘for whom’ puzzle: UNC as both a peace driver and the US hegemony keeper in Asia","authors":"Kil-joo Ban","doi":"10.1080/02185377.2020.1814364","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02185377.2020.1814364","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Does the US-led UNC (United Nations Command) have enough clout to misapply its original function, thereby making those assets available to hegemonic rivalry? Is this clout likely to be seen as equally important by all members? The UNC was established as an integrated warfighting organization during the Korean War and continues to this day as the peace driver on the Korean Peninsula. In the meantime, the UNC helps the US hegemony sustain the region, functioning as the two-for-one entity for both peace and hegemony. Seen in this light, the UNC serves as a rare case in international politics. The UNC allows the US to be armed with four types of leverage-political, military, economic and institutional-which contribute to hegemony maintenance. The institutionally given legal nature of the UNC with a large international audience makes the four types of leverage more viable. The effectiveness of the UNC could possibly encourage the US to use it to further US interest in its hegemonic competition with China. If the US were to maximize its function as a hegemony keeper, however, the UNC is likely to lose its convergent ground gradually because it is seen as a far-fetched intention by the UNC members.","PeriodicalId":44333,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Political Science","volume":"29 1","pages":"1 - 21"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2020-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/02185377.2020.1814364","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46995499","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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