Pub Date : 2022-09-02DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2022.2159139
Minhye Zoh
This Special Issue of the Asian Journal of Political Science explores the political trends in East Asia’s corporate governance. Corporate governance was not coined in English until the 1970s, but its use and application in managing corporations have exploded since (Pargendler, 2016). Corporate governance is the system of rules and practices by which a firm is directed and controlled (OECD, 2015), to balance the interests of a firm’s stakeholders such as shareholders, the board of directors, creditors, suppliers, employees, the government, and the community. Similar to public policy which affects every sphere of our lives through government laws, regulations, court actions, etc. ranging from air pollution to tax reform, corporate governance encompasses every aspect of corporate management from decision-making by the board of directors to performance measurement and corporate disclosure. Publicly listed firms in the capital market are characterized by a separation in ownership and control (Berle & Means, 1932; Smith, 1776), and asymmetric information between owners and managers often leads to an adverse selection problem where a more informed manager’s abuse can result in an inefficient allocation of funds (Akerlof, 1970; Jensen & Meckling, 1976). Corporate governance mechanisms are useful to provide all those with interests in a firm with the correct incentives to perform their functions within a framework of checks and balances. As such, corporate governance can be defined as the governing of publicly listed firms by the board of directors on the micro-level, and the government on the macro-level. Hence, the title of this Special Issue is Political Trends in East Asia’s Corporate Governance; it is a discussion of how the macro-level corporate governance was and is shaped by political factors and government decisions as it shifted from the private to the public sector vis-à-vis listing as a public company in the capital market. Corporate governance is a growing field of study in East Asia due to the magnitude and influence of East Asian capital markets both domestically and internationally. The corporate governance of East Asian multinational firms is becoming particularly more relevant in the field of political science in dealing with systems of governance and power in a financially glocalising capital market. Specifically, corporate social responsibility, transparency, and accountability for the benefit of all capital market participants have become particularly relevant to East Asian economies where firms typically have more concentrated or family-controlled equity ownership structures compared with Western economies (Claessens et al., 2000; La Porta et al., 2000). Notwithstanding, in recent decades, there has been a significant change in East Asia’s corporate governance
{"title":"Introduction to special issue < political trends in East Asia's corporate governance > ","authors":"Minhye Zoh","doi":"10.1080/02185377.2022.2159139","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02185377.2022.2159139","url":null,"abstract":"This Special Issue of the Asian Journal of Political Science explores the political trends in East Asia’s corporate governance. Corporate governance was not coined in English until the 1970s, but its use and application in managing corporations have exploded since (Pargendler, 2016). Corporate governance is the system of rules and practices by which a firm is directed and controlled (OECD, 2015), to balance the interests of a firm’s stakeholders such as shareholders, the board of directors, creditors, suppliers, employees, the government, and the community. Similar to public policy which affects every sphere of our lives through government laws, regulations, court actions, etc. ranging from air pollution to tax reform, corporate governance encompasses every aspect of corporate management from decision-making by the board of directors to performance measurement and corporate disclosure. Publicly listed firms in the capital market are characterized by a separation in ownership and control (Berle & Means, 1932; Smith, 1776), and asymmetric information between owners and managers often leads to an adverse selection problem where a more informed manager’s abuse can result in an inefficient allocation of funds (Akerlof, 1970; Jensen & Meckling, 1976). Corporate governance mechanisms are useful to provide all those with interests in a firm with the correct incentives to perform their functions within a framework of checks and balances. As such, corporate governance can be defined as the governing of publicly listed firms by the board of directors on the micro-level, and the government on the macro-level. Hence, the title of this Special Issue is Political Trends in East Asia’s Corporate Governance; it is a discussion of how the macro-level corporate governance was and is shaped by political factors and government decisions as it shifted from the private to the public sector vis-à-vis listing as a public company in the capital market. Corporate governance is a growing field of study in East Asia due to the magnitude and influence of East Asian capital markets both domestically and internationally. The corporate governance of East Asian multinational firms is becoming particularly more relevant in the field of political science in dealing with systems of governance and power in a financially glocalising capital market. Specifically, corporate social responsibility, transparency, and accountability for the benefit of all capital market participants have become particularly relevant to East Asian economies where firms typically have more concentrated or family-controlled equity ownership structures compared with Western economies (Claessens et al., 2000; La Porta et al., 2000). Notwithstanding, in recent decades, there has been a significant change in East Asia’s corporate governance","PeriodicalId":44333,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Political Science","volume":"30 1","pages":"227 - 230"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2022-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46555229","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-04DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2022.2118137
Yeobin Yoon, Bu-Yang Kim
ABSTRACT This article attempts to solve a puzzle regarding the sensitivity of analysis results of COVID-19 infection and fatality. Our findings suggest that measurement errors, statistical significance of explanatory variables, and regional differences play a crucial role in the sensitivity of results. The significance of political stability, governance indicators, medical resources, demographic features is inconsistent and depends on the source of data, the choice of the time period, and region. This article also provides evidence that careful data screening and use of the moving average technique can alleviate the sensitivity issue and produce fairly robust results. We conclude that social science research on COVID-19 should not underestimate the issue of data quality and should refine raw data to minimize random error. If the sources of measurement error are not carefully managed and intensive statistical tests of sensitivity are not verified, data quality will end being subjected to the skepticism of evidence-based policy making.
{"title":"Sensitivity of COVID-19 analysis results focusing on data source, time, and region","authors":"Yeobin Yoon, Bu-Yang Kim","doi":"10.1080/02185377.2022.2118137","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02185377.2022.2118137","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article attempts to solve a puzzle regarding the sensitivity of analysis results of COVID-19 infection and fatality. Our findings suggest that measurement errors, statistical significance of explanatory variables, and regional differences play a crucial role in the sensitivity of results. The significance of political stability, governance indicators, medical resources, demographic features is inconsistent and depends on the source of data, the choice of the time period, and region. This article also provides evidence that careful data screening and use of the moving average technique can alleviate the sensitivity issue and produce fairly robust results. We conclude that social science research on COVID-19 should not underestimate the issue of data quality and should refine raw data to minimize random error. If the sources of measurement error are not carefully managed and intensive statistical tests of sensitivity are not verified, data quality will end being subjected to the skepticism of evidence-based policy making.","PeriodicalId":44333,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Political Science","volume":"30 1","pages":"203 - 225"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2022-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43305372","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-04DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2022.2117713
Imelda B. Deinla, G. A. Mendoza, Kier Jesse Ballar, Jurel K. Yap
ABSTRACT This study explores the relationship between political polarization, measured as pro-administration and opposition support, and vulnerability to online misinformation through a survey distributed through snowball sampling among students in colleges and universities across the Philippines. Using quasibinomial models, a two-model approach was conducted to disentangle the accuracy goals and partisan goals of the students. We find that polarized supporters of President Duterte are more likely to inaccurately identify fake and real news, compared to polarized supporters of the opposition. This is remarkably similar to trends in the United States where Republicans are more vulnerable to misinformation. Other results also highlight possible trends, such as the link between increased self-reported frequency of seeing fake news and decreased likelihood of correctly identifying fake news, and the link between increased trust in news in social media and decreased odds of correctly identifying both real and fake news.
{"title":"The link between fake news susceptibility and political polarization of the youth in the Philippines","authors":"Imelda B. Deinla, G. A. Mendoza, Kier Jesse Ballar, Jurel K. Yap","doi":"10.1080/02185377.2022.2117713","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02185377.2022.2117713","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This study explores the relationship between political polarization, measured as pro-administration and opposition support, and vulnerability to online misinformation through a survey distributed through snowball sampling among students in colleges and universities across the Philippines. Using quasibinomial models, a two-model approach was conducted to disentangle the accuracy goals and partisan goals of the students. We find that polarized supporters of President Duterte are more likely to inaccurately identify fake and real news, compared to polarized supporters of the opposition. This is remarkably similar to trends in the United States where Republicans are more vulnerable to misinformation. Other results also highlight possible trends, such as the link between increased self-reported frequency of seeing fake news and decreased likelihood of correctly identifying fake news, and the link between increased trust in news in social media and decreased odds of correctly identifying both real and fake news.","PeriodicalId":44333,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Political Science","volume":"30 1","pages":"160 - 181"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2022-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42716996","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-04DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2022.2112402
M. F. Karim, Tania Quinn Heryanto
ABSTRACT This article examines the role of the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) Business Advisory Council (ASEAN-BAC) as a region-wide business representative in strengthening the implementation of ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) 2025. Despite the importance of ASEAN-BAC in regional governance, there is a dearth of literature that systematically discusses ASEAN-BAC and how it contributes to the process. To further understand the Council’s role, we interrogate official documents and reports as well as conduct interviews with officials involved with ASEAN-BAC activities. In this article, we argue that ASEAN-BAC contributes to raising the private sector’s concerns in regional processes through numerous platforms that engage ASEAN policymakers nationally and regionally. However, given its structure as a regional network, ASEAN-BAC suffers from internal incoherence in voicing its interest, given the different economic agendas of its members. Such internal incoherence reiterates the conceptualization of ASEAN regional economic integration as a fragmented regionalization.
{"title":"Regional integration and business interest: understanding the role of the ASEAN business advisory council","authors":"M. F. Karim, Tania Quinn Heryanto","doi":"10.1080/02185377.2022.2112402","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02185377.2022.2112402","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article examines the role of the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) Business Advisory Council (ASEAN-BAC) as a region-wide business representative in strengthening the implementation of ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) 2025. Despite the importance of ASEAN-BAC in regional governance, there is a dearth of literature that systematically discusses ASEAN-BAC and how it contributes to the process. To further understand the Council’s role, we interrogate official documents and reports as well as conduct interviews with officials involved with ASEAN-BAC activities. In this article, we argue that ASEAN-BAC contributes to raising the private sector’s concerns in regional processes through numerous platforms that engage ASEAN policymakers nationally and regionally. However, given its structure as a regional network, ASEAN-BAC suffers from internal incoherence in voicing its interest, given the different economic agendas of its members. Such internal incoherence reiterates the conceptualization of ASEAN regional economic integration as a fragmented regionalization.","PeriodicalId":44333,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Political Science","volume":"30 1","pages":"140 - 159"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2022-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47210999","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-04DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2022.2117714
Ko Mishima
ABSTRACT Japan’s politico-bureaucratic relations were substantially reshaped during LDP Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s tenure of 2012–2020. Politicization of the civil service promptly progressed, making traditionally independent-minded bureaucrats visibly more submissive to politicians’ commands. This decline of bureaucratic clout happened by design as the result of major institutional reforms promoted by reformers since the 1990s. This article analyzes the forms of politicization under the Abe administration, finding that Japanese bureaucratic institutions and broader political environments made its style unique, including the birth of a new breed of bureaucrats known as ‘kantei kanryo.’ It is also pointed out that while politicization is overall a desirable development to make Japanese policy-making more responsive to shifting societal demands, the current way of politicization causes unwanted by-products also: increased risks of corruption, distortions in bureaucratic organizational behavior, and the lowering of civil servants’ morale. Further, it is argued that with the virtual absence of the possibility of ruling-party changes, the loss of bureaucratic autonomy results in the lessening of the policy-making system’s ability to scrutinize the cabinet’s policies critically.
{"title":"Politicization of civil service Japanese-style: politico-bureaucratic relations under Prime Minister Shinzo Abe (2012–2020)","authors":"Ko Mishima","doi":"10.1080/02185377.2022.2117714","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02185377.2022.2117714","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Japan’s politico-bureaucratic relations were substantially reshaped during LDP Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s tenure of 2012–2020. Politicization of the civil service promptly progressed, making traditionally independent-minded bureaucrats visibly more submissive to politicians’ commands. This decline of bureaucratic clout happened by design as the result of major institutional reforms promoted by reformers since the 1990s. This article analyzes the forms of politicization under the Abe administration, finding that Japanese bureaucratic institutions and broader political environments made its style unique, including the birth of a new breed of bureaucrats known as ‘kantei kanryo.’ It is also pointed out that while politicization is overall a desirable development to make Japanese policy-making more responsive to shifting societal demands, the current way of politicization causes unwanted by-products also: increased risks of corruption, distortions in bureaucratic organizational behavior, and the lowering of civil servants’ morale. Further, it is argued that with the virtual absence of the possibility of ruling-party changes, the loss of bureaucratic autonomy results in the lessening of the policy-making system’s ability to scrutinize the cabinet’s policies critically.","PeriodicalId":44333,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Political Science","volume":"30 1","pages":"182 - 202"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2022-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47720086","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-30DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2022.2063147
Seungwoo Han
ABSTRACT How does a change in income inequality affect public support for welfare policies in modern democracy? Contrary to previous views on the linkage between the two, the relationship between income inequality and welfare expenditure is not monotonic; rather, depending on societal conditions, an increase in income inequality may cause the public to either support the expansion of welfare or withdraw such support. Recognizing the level of inequality based on subjective social position, this study aims to examine societal conditions in South Korea by analysing the association between regional income inequality and the welfare budget of local governments. This study concludes that South Korea is likely on this path of inequality at present, and that Koreans themselves may be contributing to the worsening of the welfare of their society.
{"title":"Inequality, public choice, and the welfare state","authors":"Seungwoo Han","doi":"10.1080/02185377.2022.2063147","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02185377.2022.2063147","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT How does a change in income inequality affect public support for welfare policies in modern democracy? Contrary to previous views on the linkage between the two, the relationship between income inequality and welfare expenditure is not monotonic; rather, depending on societal conditions, an increase in income inequality may cause the public to either support the expansion of welfare or withdraw such support. Recognizing the level of inequality based on subjective social position, this study aims to examine societal conditions in South Korea by analysing the association between regional income inequality and the welfare budget of local governments. This study concludes that South Korea is likely on this path of inequality at present, and that Koreans themselves may be contributing to the worsening of the welfare of their society.","PeriodicalId":44333,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Political Science","volume":"30 1","pages":"119 - 139"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2022-04-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49433234","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2022.2063148
M. Haque
ABSTRACT The purpose of this article is to explore the paradoxes of ‘universal knowledge’ in public administration that claims cross-cultural relevance and validity, while remains highly parochial (non-universal) in terms of representing mostly the Western administrative traditions imposed and imitated worldwide. It re-examines African and Asian public administration knowledge to explain how the borrowed Western knowledge de-indigenized local administrative traditions, and how it continued to remain exclusive in terms of severe underrepresentation of African and Asian scholars and institutions in the processes of knowledge production, utilization and ownership. The article critically reviews existing literature to evaluate publications (books, articles and reports) on the origins, theories and practical models of public administration in Africa and Asia. It concludes that what is often presented as universal knowledge in the field is actually based on its inherent Eurocentric parochialism.
{"title":"Paradoxes of universal knowledge in public administration: exploring the contexts of Africa and Asia","authors":"M. Haque","doi":"10.1080/02185377.2022.2063148","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02185377.2022.2063148","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The purpose of this article is to explore the paradoxes of ‘universal knowledge’ in public administration that claims cross-cultural relevance and validity, while remains highly parochial (non-universal) in terms of representing mostly the Western administrative traditions imposed and imitated worldwide. It re-examines African and Asian public administration knowledge to explain how the borrowed Western knowledge de-indigenized local administrative traditions, and how it continued to remain exclusive in terms of severe underrepresentation of African and Asian scholars and institutions in the processes of knowledge production, utilization and ownership. The article critically reviews existing literature to evaluate publications (books, articles and reports) on the origins, theories and practical models of public administration in Africa and Asia. It concludes that what is often presented as universal knowledge in the field is actually based on its inherent Eurocentric parochialism.","PeriodicalId":44333,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Political Science","volume":"30 1","pages":"19 - 34"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41590483","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2022.2048874
Willy Jou, Kok-Hin Ooi
ABSTRACT Many studies have identified ethnic divisions as an obstacle to successful democratization. The present study examines political attitudes among ethnic majority Malays and two minority communities, Chinese and Indians, in Malaysia, a country which took a step toward democratization with a change of national government in 2018, yet seems to have reverted to single-party dominance. Utilizing survey data from 2006 to 2019, we compare attitudes at four levels of political support among the three ethnic communities: rejection of authoritarian regimes, confidence in public institutions, engagement in channels of political participation, and national pride. The availability of data collected after 2018 allows us to detect changes following the country’s first national-level power alternation. Empirical analysis reveals that in recent years the Chinese are significantly more likely to reject non-democratic regime alternatives to democracy compared with the ethnic majority Malays. Moreover, the Chinese community's long-held distrust in the government, parliament, judiciary and civil service has faded by 2019, suggesting a change of attitude brought by the 2018 election. On the other hand, while all three ethnic groups express some degree of national pride in the surveys, ethnic minorities are less likely to be very proud of being Malaysian compared with ethnic Malays.
{"title":"Political support in an ethnically divided society: a case study of Malaysia","authors":"Willy Jou, Kok-Hin Ooi","doi":"10.1080/02185377.2022.2048874","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02185377.2022.2048874","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Many studies have identified ethnic divisions as an obstacle to successful democratization. The present study examines political attitudes among ethnic majority Malays and two minority communities, Chinese and Indians, in Malaysia, a country which took a step toward democratization with a change of national government in 2018, yet seems to have reverted to single-party dominance. Utilizing survey data from 2006 to 2019, we compare attitudes at four levels of political support among the three ethnic communities: rejection of authoritarian regimes, confidence in public institutions, engagement in channels of political participation, and national pride. The availability of data collected after 2018 allows us to detect changes following the country’s first national-level power alternation. Empirical analysis reveals that in recent years the Chinese are significantly more likely to reject non-democratic regime alternatives to democracy compared with the ethnic majority Malays. Moreover, the Chinese community's long-held distrust in the government, parliament, judiciary and civil service has faded by 2019, suggesting a change of attitude brought by the 2018 election. On the other hand, while all three ethnic groups express some degree of national pride in the surveys, ethnic minorities are less likely to be very proud of being Malaysian compared with ethnic Malays.","PeriodicalId":44333,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Political Science","volume":"30 1","pages":"61 - 81"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44851854","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2022.2048875
I. Zahed
ABSTRACT This paper investigates the geopolitical factors that have been the catalyst for the Rohingya crisis, with special attention on the roles of China and India. It then situates those views through 20 in-depth interviews of informants from Bangladesh who are experts in South and Southeast Asian politics. Bangladesh has borne the brunt of accommodating the fleeing Rohingyas and is currently bearing the ensuing socio-economic costs. The research findings suggest that as a result of Chinese and Indian strategic interest in Myanmar and competition for regional dominance, the Rohingya have become the meat in the sandwich, and the ‘Rohingya crisis’ has been propelled into a status quo.
{"title":"Myanmar and the Rohingya: in the shadow of Sino-Indian geopolitical competition","authors":"I. Zahed","doi":"10.1080/02185377.2022.2048875","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02185377.2022.2048875","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper investigates the geopolitical factors that have been the catalyst for the Rohingya crisis, with special attention on the roles of China and India. It then situates those views through 20 in-depth interviews of informants from Bangladesh who are experts in South and Southeast Asian politics. Bangladesh has borne the brunt of accommodating the fleeing Rohingyas and is currently bearing the ensuing socio-economic costs. The research findings suggest that as a result of Chinese and Indian strategic interest in Myanmar and competition for regional dominance, the Rohingya have become the meat in the sandwich, and the ‘Rohingya crisis’ has been propelled into a status quo.","PeriodicalId":44333,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Political Science","volume":"30 1","pages":"99 - 117"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43585526","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2022.2047081
Chung-Pin Lee, M. Hung, Dongjie Chen
ABSTRACT The vast majority of studies that have investigated whether the formation of citizen satisfaction is dependent upon factors other than the objective quality of policies have been conducted in the United Kingdom or United States. From a psychological perspective, citizen satisfaction may be influenced by a discrepancy between prior expectation and perceived performance, as suggested by the expectancy disconfirmation model (EDM). In this study, the EDM was assessed at the local government level by analysing data from a local government satisfaction survey conducted in Taiwan. The results indicated that both empirical and normative disconfirmation (between the expectation and the perceived level of performance) affect citizen satisfaction in three policy domains: public safety, transportation, and environmental cleanliness. These results underscore the need for local government officials to manage citizen satisfaction in accordance with citizen expectations. Understanding and managing citizen expectations may help address citizen dissatisfaction and improve the overall public perception of government.
{"title":"Factors affecting citizen satisfaction: examining from the perspective of the expectancy disconfirmation theory and individual differences","authors":"Chung-Pin Lee, M. Hung, Dongjie Chen","doi":"10.1080/02185377.2022.2047081","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02185377.2022.2047081","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The vast majority of studies that have investigated whether the formation of citizen satisfaction is dependent upon factors other than the objective quality of policies have been conducted in the United Kingdom or United States. From a psychological perspective, citizen satisfaction may be influenced by a discrepancy between prior expectation and perceived performance, as suggested by the expectancy disconfirmation model (EDM). In this study, the EDM was assessed at the local government level by analysing data from a local government satisfaction survey conducted in Taiwan. The results indicated that both empirical and normative disconfirmation (between the expectation and the perceived level of performance) affect citizen satisfaction in three policy domains: public safety, transportation, and environmental cleanliness. These results underscore the need for local government officials to manage citizen satisfaction in accordance with citizen expectations. Understanding and managing citizen expectations may help address citizen dissatisfaction and improve the overall public perception of government.","PeriodicalId":44333,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Political Science","volume":"30 1","pages":"35 - 60"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44556822","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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