Pub Date : 2023-05-04DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2023.2226880
Jagmeet Bawa, Ashish
ABSTRACT Historically, Central Asia has been at an important geographical cusp wherein different civilizations such as the Indian, Chinese, and Ottoman have competed for their strategic outreach in the region. Its importance has been emphasized by Mackinder in his heartland theory. The vast discoveries of the natural resources in the region, along with the U.S. ‘War on Terror’ and China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) that passes through the CARs (Central Asian Republics), have reignited the ‘New Great Game.’ Amongst the 5 CARs, the position of Tajikistan is of extreme relevance for China as it paves the way to Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Afghanistan, and further in Eastern Europe and West Asia. China’s strategic embrace of Tajikistan cannot be missed by the strategic experts, given its access to Xinjiang from the Taliban-dominated Afghanistan, which has led it to establish an anti-terrorism alliance with Pakistan, Afghanistan, and Tajikistan. To increase its influence on Tajikistan, China has utilized a variety of means, including soft power, investments, military help, and training programmes. In this light, the paper will attempt to examine how China rapidly brought Tajikistan under its clout and the economic, social, and strategic consequences for Tajikistan.
{"title":"China's grand strategy for Tajikistan: challenges and threats","authors":"Jagmeet Bawa, Ashish","doi":"10.1080/02185377.2023.2226880","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02185377.2023.2226880","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT\u0000 Historically, Central Asia has been at an important geographical cusp wherein different civilizations such as the Indian, Chinese, and Ottoman have competed for their strategic outreach in the region. Its importance has been emphasized by Mackinder in his heartland theory. The vast discoveries of the natural resources in the region, along with the U.S. ‘War on Terror’ and China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) that passes through the CARs (Central Asian Republics), have reignited the ‘New Great Game.’ Amongst the 5 CARs, the position of Tajikistan is of extreme relevance for China as it paves the way to Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Afghanistan, and further in Eastern Europe and West Asia. China’s strategic embrace of Tajikistan cannot be missed by the strategic experts, given its access to Xinjiang from the Taliban-dominated Afghanistan, which has led it to establish an anti-terrorism alliance with Pakistan, Afghanistan, and Tajikistan. To increase its influence on Tajikistan, China has utilized a variety of means, including soft power, investments, military help, and training programmes. In this light, the paper will attempt to examine how China rapidly brought Tajikistan under its clout and the economic, social, and strategic consequences for Tajikistan.","PeriodicalId":44333,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Political Science","volume":"31 1","pages":"125 - 139"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45669835","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-04DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2023.2231916
S. Park
ABSTRACT This study examines the paradigm shift of Japan’s technonationalism from a developmentalism-oriented inward-looking industrial policy to a security-oriented geostrategy involving multi-state collaboration with like-minded states. Using case studies of Elpida Memory and TSMC investment in Kumamoto, this research highlights how Japan has adapted its technonationalist approach to address contemporary challenges in the international political economy while ensuring its security alliance with the United States.
{"title":"The evolution of Japan’s technonationalism: shifted in paradigm of technonationalism from developmentalism-oriented industrial policy to security-oriented geostrategy","authors":"S. Park","doi":"10.1080/02185377.2023.2231916","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02185377.2023.2231916","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This study examines the paradigm shift of Japan’s technonationalism from a developmentalism-oriented inward-looking industrial policy to a security-oriented geostrategy involving multi-state collaboration with like-minded states. Using case studies of Elpida Memory and TSMC investment in Kumamoto, this research highlights how Japan has adapted its technonationalist approach to address contemporary challenges in the international political economy while ensuring its security alliance with the United States.","PeriodicalId":44333,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Political Science","volume":"31 1","pages":"87 - 105"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44472980","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-04DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2023.2227162
R. Aswani, S. Sajith, Anil Kumar K
ABSTRACT South China Sea disputes pose huge energy insecurity to China and Southeast Asian nations, threatening their vital Sea Lines of Communication. This study explores the ongoing conflicts in the South China Sea through Womack’s Asymmetry theory of international relations. It contributes to the theory by suggesting ways to improve regional cooperation by adapting to new and renewable energy sources, such as offshore wind. The disparity of capacity among littorals in the South China Sea has created systemic misperception. How China can make amends with these countries by aligning with the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals and bridging the asymmetry in the region becomes the key research question. This study analyses the existing international environmental agreements applicable in the South China Sea based on the issuing agency, China as a signatory, legality, and the nature of the agreement. It has been observed that the existing international agreements are ineffective in creating geopolitical symmetry. Our proposal of using offshore wind energy as a cooperative sustainable development tool to bridge the asymmetry can encourage cooperation for knowledge, technology, and practice sharing ensuring peace and cooperation in South China Sea.
{"title":"Can offshore wind energy bridge geopolitical asymmetries through cooperative sustainable development in South China Sea?","authors":"R. Aswani, S. Sajith, Anil Kumar K","doi":"10.1080/02185377.2023.2227162","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02185377.2023.2227162","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT South China Sea disputes pose huge energy insecurity to China and Southeast Asian nations, threatening their vital Sea Lines of Communication. This study explores the ongoing conflicts in the South China Sea through Womack’s Asymmetry theory of international relations. It contributes to the theory by suggesting ways to improve regional cooperation by adapting to new and renewable energy sources, such as offshore wind. The disparity of capacity among littorals in the South China Sea has created systemic misperception. How China can make amends with these countries by aligning with the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals and bridging the asymmetry in the region becomes the key research question. This study analyses the existing international environmental agreements applicable in the South China Sea based on the issuing agency, China as a signatory, legality, and the nature of the agreement. It has been observed that the existing international agreements are ineffective in creating geopolitical symmetry. Our proposal of using offshore wind energy as a cooperative sustainable development tool to bridge the asymmetry can encourage cooperation for knowledge, technology, and practice sharing ensuring peace and cooperation in South China Sea.","PeriodicalId":44333,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Political Science","volume":"31 1","pages":"140 - 160"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42006547","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2023.2185789
Ronald A. Pernia
ABSTRACT How does support for strong leadership affect institutional trust in post-authoritarian democracies? Studies suggest that fostering trust in public institutions is contingent upon citizens’ favourable evaluation of the government’s institutional performance, whereas individual’s cultural orientations and political values are seldom given much interest. However, the resurgence of leaders with ‘populist’ tendencies presents an empirical puzzle, which may reveal intriguing political patterns in the context of comparative democratization (and autocratization). This study theorizes that citizens’ need for economic deliverance and social stability develops agreeable attitudes towards prevailing public institutions even though political incumbents project authoritarian tendencies. Using public opinion data from the seventh wave of World Values Survey (WVS7), this study finds that citizens in Indonesia and the Philippines—two of the region’s post-authoritarian democracies i.e. fragile democracies with spells of authoritarian rule manifest high support for a political system with a strong leader unconstrained with electoral and congressional intervention. Consequently, this favourable attitude makes them more likely to express higher institutional confidence. Overall, the findings shed light on the paradoxes of contemporary politics confronted not only with authoritarian resilience, political illiberalism and personalist rule but also of the enduring nondemocratic psychological disposition among citizens in settings with troubled democratic transitions.
{"title":"Populists in power: trust in public institutions and support for strong leadership in the post-authoritarian democracies of Indonesia and the Philippines","authors":"Ronald A. Pernia","doi":"10.1080/02185377.2023.2185789","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02185377.2023.2185789","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT\u0000 How does support for strong leadership affect institutional trust in post-authoritarian democracies? Studies suggest that fostering trust in public institutions is contingent upon citizens’ favourable evaluation of the government’s institutional performance, whereas individual’s cultural orientations and political values are seldom given much interest. However, the resurgence of leaders with ‘populist’ tendencies presents an empirical puzzle, which may reveal intriguing political patterns in the context of comparative democratization (and autocratization). This study theorizes that citizens’ need for economic deliverance and social stability develops agreeable attitudes towards prevailing public institutions even though political incumbents project authoritarian tendencies. Using public opinion data from the seventh wave of World Values Survey (WVS7), this study finds that citizens in Indonesia and the Philippines—two of the region’s post-authoritarian democracies i.e. fragile democracies with spells of authoritarian rule manifest high support for a political system with a strong leader unconstrained with electoral and congressional intervention. Consequently, this favourable attitude makes them more likely to express higher institutional confidence. Overall, the findings shed light on the paradoxes of contemporary politics confronted not only with authoritarian resilience, political illiberalism and personalist rule but also of the enduring nondemocratic psychological disposition among citizens in settings with troubled democratic transitions.","PeriodicalId":44333,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Political Science","volume":"31 1","pages":"63 - 85"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49265440","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2022.2157295
Ran-Ha Kim, Hyun-Doo Shin, Philo Kim
ABSTRACT This paper critically reviews whether the hierarchical system or intercrisis learning can be sufficient to understand Korea's COVID-19 responses. Our case study suggests that a Korean response system is a hybrid form that uses a hierarchical structure together with a network approach. To unveil theoretical models of how learning may occur and evolve during a crisis, we employ a policy learning model combining the network perspective and the four Cs model (cognition, communication, coordination, and control). We analyse the change in government manuals, response policies, and agenda streams observed in government documents. This analysis reveals far more complex interactions among actors and policies, both flexible and rigid at different phases of COVID-19. On top of policy learning, we conclude that it is necessary to rediscover the power of citizen voluntary responses and collaboration among actors of the response network through value change.
{"title":"Intercrisis learning in disaster response network: experience of Korea from MERS and COVID-19","authors":"Ran-Ha Kim, Hyun-Doo Shin, Philo Kim","doi":"10.1080/02185377.2022.2157295","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02185377.2022.2157295","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper critically reviews whether the hierarchical system or intercrisis learning can be sufficient to understand Korea's COVID-19 responses. Our case study suggests that a Korean response system is a hybrid form that uses a hierarchical structure together with a network approach. To unveil theoretical models of how learning may occur and evolve during a crisis, we employ a policy learning model combining the network perspective and the four Cs model (cognition, communication, coordination, and control). We analyse the change in government manuals, response policies, and agenda streams observed in government documents. This analysis reveals far more complex interactions among actors and policies, both flexible and rigid at different phases of COVID-19. On top of policy learning, we conclude that it is necessary to rediscover the power of citizen voluntary responses and collaboration among actors of the response network through value change.","PeriodicalId":44333,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Political Science","volume":"31 1","pages":"40 - 62"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47689810","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-15DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2022.2156564
Volha Kryvets
ABSTRACT This article examines Asia’s cooperation and China’s participation in it between 1995 and 2020, where Asia is conceptualized as a bimodal network of regional organizations and member countries. The analysis puts forward empirical evidence of the success of China’s cooperative multilateral strategy in the region and explains how the expanded presence in the existing regional multilateral framework and establishing new ones safeguards the unique network position of the most well-connected actor in a region as mosaic as Asia is. China’s proactive contribution to the existing frameworks legitimized and intensified all links (ties) in the region and creating new regional platforms has increased connectivity between other actors in Asia.
{"title":"Network analysis approach to China’s cooperative multilateral strategy in Asia between 1995 and 2020","authors":"Volha Kryvets","doi":"10.1080/02185377.2022.2156564","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02185377.2022.2156564","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article examines Asia’s cooperation and China’s participation in it between 1995 and 2020, where Asia is conceptualized as a bimodal network of regional organizations and member countries. The analysis puts forward empirical evidence of the success of China’s cooperative multilateral strategy in the region and explains how the expanded presence in the existing regional multilateral framework and establishing new ones safeguards the unique network position of the most well-connected actor in a region as mosaic as Asia is. China’s proactive contribution to the existing frameworks legitimized and intensified all links (ties) in the region and creating new regional platforms has increased connectivity between other actors in Asia.","PeriodicalId":44333,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Political Science","volume":"31 1","pages":"18 - 39"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2022-12-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44256008","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-27DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2022.2150247
T. Rich, Madelynn Einhorn, Isabel Eliassen
ABSTRACT What explains South Korean public perceptions of the US military presence in their country? Most estimates place South Korea’s share of the military costs at around 41%. In 2020, the Trump administration pushed for South Korea to pay five times more than previous agreements, while the Biden administration in 2021 ultimately settled on a 14% increase. However, previous research has not directly tackled whether the public is cost-sensitive to the US presence nor what percentage of the costs the public deems as fair. Through original survey data with an embedded experiment, we identify that public support of the need for American military assistance declined when framed in terms of demands that South Korea pay more. However, we find that the perceived appropriate cost share and overall views of the US military presence were not influenced by demands for a higher cost-share.
{"title":"Cost tolerance and South Korean public perceptions of the US military presence","authors":"T. Rich, Madelynn Einhorn, Isabel Eliassen","doi":"10.1080/02185377.2022.2150247","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02185377.2022.2150247","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT\u0000 What explains South Korean public perceptions of the US military presence in their country? Most estimates place South Korea’s share of the military costs at around 41%. In 2020, the Trump administration pushed for South Korea to pay five times more than previous agreements, while the Biden administration in 2021 ultimately settled on a 14% increase. However, previous research has not directly tackled whether the public is cost-sensitive to the US presence nor what percentage of the costs the public deems as fair. Through original survey data with an embedded experiment, we identify that public support of the need for American military assistance declined when framed in terms of demands that South Korea pay more. However, we find that the perceived appropriate cost share and overall views of the US military presence were not influenced by demands for a higher cost-share.","PeriodicalId":44333,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Political Science","volume":"31 1","pages":"1 - 17"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2022-11-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47639593","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-02DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2022.2158578
Minhye Zoh
ABSTRACT The Asian Financial Crisis of 1997 initiated an enormous structural change in South Korea’s capital market from its almost unregulated corporate governance regime to a more mandatory regime to accommodate foreign investors’ demand for market transparency and accountability. Corporate governance disclosure is essential for investors to monitor management decisions and exercise their rights on an informed basis. However, South Korea’s current disclosure requirements fall short of providing full, accurate, and timely disclosure in English to foreign investors who comprise approximately 30% of the shares listed on the Korea Exchange. By examining South Korea’s Code of Best Practices for Corporate Governance and the corporate governance disclosure report and comparing this to the recommendations of the ICGN Korea Governance Priorities report of 2022, this paper argues that while efforts to mandate corporate governance disclosure have been ongoing, efforts to make accurate and timely disclosure for the benefit of foreign investors are still lacking. More specifically, current disclosure practices are in danger of repelling foreign investors again post-1997 due to slow translation updates and lack of legal requirement for translation from Korean to English in the first place.
{"title":"South Korea’s ‘Unfriendly’ corporate governance disclosure to foreign investors","authors":"Minhye Zoh","doi":"10.1080/02185377.2022.2158578","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02185377.2022.2158578","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The Asian Financial Crisis of 1997 initiated an enormous structural change in South Korea’s capital market from its almost unregulated corporate governance regime to a more mandatory regime to accommodate foreign investors’ demand for market transparency and accountability. Corporate governance disclosure is essential for investors to monitor management decisions and exercise their rights on an informed basis. However, South Korea’s current disclosure requirements fall short of providing full, accurate, and timely disclosure in English to foreign investors who comprise approximately 30% of the shares listed on the Korea Exchange. By examining South Korea’s Code of Best Practices for Corporate Governance and the corporate governance disclosure report and comparing this to the recommendations of the ICGN Korea Governance Priorities report of 2022, this paper argues that while efforts to mandate corporate governance disclosure have been ongoing, efforts to make accurate and timely disclosure for the benefit of foreign investors are still lacking. More specifically, current disclosure practices are in danger of repelling foreign investors again post-1997 due to slow translation updates and lack of legal requirement for translation from Korean to English in the first place.","PeriodicalId":44333,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Political Science","volume":"30 1","pages":"245 - 259"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2022-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42339412","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-02DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2022.2158577
Byung S. Min
ABSTRACT At the heart of corporate governance reforms in East Asia is board re-composition legislation aiming to alleviate the prevalent agency conflicts. The principal–principal agency conflicts associated with controlling shareholders are prevalent in China, Korea and Taiwan while the managerial entrenchment along the declining role of (main) bank is a concern in Japan. Countries such as Korea have actively initiated reform in contrast to Japan, which has adopted a conservative approach. Taiwan and China take a more moderate approach that lies between active reform and conservatism. While the reforms have shifted the governance system from the traditional relationship-based insider model towards the outsider model, empirical research evaluating the effectiveness of the reforms has been indecisive. The remaining challenges the region faces, regardless of the approach to board re-composition reforms, are ensuring effective implementation of these reforms to enable the independence of the board so that it may execute its monitoring function.
{"title":"Reforms of corporate governance in East Asia: December 2022","authors":"Byung S. Min","doi":"10.1080/02185377.2022.2158577","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02185377.2022.2158577","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT At the heart of corporate governance reforms in East Asia is board re-composition legislation aiming to alleviate the prevalent agency conflicts. The principal–principal agency conflicts associated with controlling shareholders are prevalent in China, Korea and Taiwan while the managerial entrenchment along the declining role of (main) bank is a concern in Japan. Countries such as Korea have actively initiated reform in contrast to Japan, which has adopted a conservative approach. Taiwan and China take a more moderate approach that lies between active reform and conservatism. While the reforms have shifted the governance system from the traditional relationship-based insider model towards the outsider model, empirical research evaluating the effectiveness of the reforms has been indecisive. The remaining challenges the region faces, regardless of the approach to board re-composition reforms, are ensuring effective implementation of these reforms to enable the independence of the board so that it may execute its monitoring function.","PeriodicalId":44333,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Political Science","volume":"30 1","pages":"231 - 244"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2022-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43814008","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-02DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2022.2159177
H. Miyajima
ABSTRACT The direction and extent of corporate governance reforms in any country are determined by its ownership and corporate control structure. Three forms of markets in corporate control could be distinguished. The first is the external market for corporate control, closely associated with the dispersed, outsider-dominated ownership systems of the UK and the US. The second form is the insider market for the purchase and sale of blocks of shares in family-owned firms in Continental Europe and Asia. The third form, which is observed in Japan, is the internal markets in which managers reorganize their ownership structure. Under this framework, this study examines the relationship between corporate governance reforms, and ownership and control in twenty-first century Japan.
{"title":"Corporate governance reform, and ownership, and control: perspective from Japan","authors":"H. Miyajima","doi":"10.1080/02185377.2022.2159177","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02185377.2022.2159177","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The direction and extent of corporate governance reforms in any country are determined by its ownership and corporate control structure. Three forms of markets in corporate control could be distinguished. The first is the external market for corporate control, closely associated with the dispersed, outsider-dominated ownership systems of the UK and the US. The second form is the insider market for the purchase and sale of blocks of shares in family-owned firms in Continental Europe and Asia. The third form, which is observed in Japan, is the internal markets in which managers reorganize their ownership structure. Under this framework, this study examines the relationship between corporate governance reforms, and ownership and control in twenty-first century Japan.","PeriodicalId":44333,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Political Science","volume":"30 1","pages":"260 - 272"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2022-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48711488","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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