Pub Date : 2020-09-01DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2020.1814365
Yi-Bin Chang, D. Weng, Ching-Hsing Wang
ABSTRACT This study examines the effects of the Big Five personality traits on individual protest behaviour in cross-national context. Past studies on the relationships between personality traits and political participation have mainly focused on a single country and found inconsistent results. Using the most recent wave of the World Values Survey, this study investigates the impact of personality on individual protest participation in 20 countries using the multilevel modelling. This study provides evidence that higher levels of agreeableness, emotional stability, and openness to experience are significantly associated with a decreased likelihood of protest participation. More importantly, this study demonstrates that contextual factors can interact with personality traits to influence individual protest participation. This study suggests that the effects of personality traits on individual protest participation disparate from country to country and each country may attribute the differing results to its particular political context.
{"title":"Personality traits and the propensity to protest: a cross-national analysis","authors":"Yi-Bin Chang, D. Weng, Ching-Hsing Wang","doi":"10.1080/02185377.2020.1814365","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02185377.2020.1814365","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This study examines the effects of the Big Five personality traits on individual protest behaviour in cross-national context. Past studies on the relationships between personality traits and political participation have mainly focused on a single country and found inconsistent results. Using the most recent wave of the World Values Survey, this study investigates the impact of personality on individual protest participation in 20 countries using the multilevel modelling. This study provides evidence that higher levels of agreeableness, emotional stability, and openness to experience are significantly associated with a decreased likelihood of protest participation. More importantly, this study demonstrates that contextual factors can interact with personality traits to influence individual protest participation. This study suggests that the effects of personality traits on individual protest participation disparate from country to country and each country may attribute the differing results to its particular political context.","PeriodicalId":44333,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Political Science","volume":"29 1","pages":"22 - 41"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2020-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/02185377.2020.1814365","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45569115","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-09-01DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2020.1814361
Mohamad Rosyidin
ABSTRACT After the demise of Suharto’s New Order dictatorship in 1998, Indonesia has been committed to democratization process. Since then, democracy has become an integral part of Indonesia’s foreign policy. As the world’s third-largest democracy, Indonesia initiated the Bali Democracy Forum (BDF) in 2008 as an instrument of democracy promotion in the region and beyond. However, the nature of the forum is not to promote democracy by force as exemplified by the West. Although Indonesia perceives itself as a role model for democratic transition, it does not equate democracy with the Western-style liberal-democracy but rather with allowing every country to choose a home-grown democracy. This paper argues that the BDF represents an Indonesian approach in democracy promotion that differs from that of Western countries. Promoting a home-grown democracy represents a culture of tolerance and harmony which are inherent features of Asian interstate relations, constrained as they are by regional norms of non-interference that respect the domestic affairs of other countries.
{"title":"Promoting a home-grown democracy: Indonesia’s approach of democracy promotion in the Bali democracy Forum (BDF)","authors":"Mohamad Rosyidin","doi":"10.1080/02185377.2020.1814361","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02185377.2020.1814361","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT After the demise of Suharto’s New Order dictatorship in 1998, Indonesia has been committed to democratization process. Since then, democracy has become an integral part of Indonesia’s foreign policy. As the world’s third-largest democracy, Indonesia initiated the Bali Democracy Forum (BDF) in 2008 as an instrument of democracy promotion in the region and beyond. However, the nature of the forum is not to promote democracy by force as exemplified by the West. Although Indonesia perceives itself as a role model for democratic transition, it does not equate democracy with the Western-style liberal-democracy but rather with allowing every country to choose a home-grown democracy. This paper argues that the BDF represents an Indonesian approach in democracy promotion that differs from that of Western countries. Promoting a home-grown democracy represents a culture of tolerance and harmony which are inherent features of Asian interstate relations, constrained as they are by regional norms of non-interference that respect the domestic affairs of other countries.","PeriodicalId":44333,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Political Science","volume":"28 1","pages":"312 - 333"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2020-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/02185377.2020.1814361","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41642712","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-09-01DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2020.1814360
M. A. Z. Mughal
ABSTRACT This article discusses the complicated relationship between ethnicity, marginalization, and politics regarding Saraiki identity and the quest for a new province in Pakistan. Mainstream political parties have started raising the concerns regarding the unequal distribution of economic resources between various regions in the country for various ethnic and political reasons. It is shown here that the social construction of Saraiki identity is associated with cultural and economic marginalization. These various forms of marginalization of Saraiki areas or Southern Punjab over decades have triggered ethnic mobilization, leading to the quest for a new province. Some political implications of the proposed province for the Pakistani state and learning from this case are also analysed.
{"title":"Ethnicity, marginalization, and politics: Saraiki identity and the quest for a new Southern Punjab province in Pakistan","authors":"M. A. Z. Mughal","doi":"10.1080/02185377.2020.1814360","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02185377.2020.1814360","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article discusses the complicated relationship between ethnicity, marginalization, and politics regarding Saraiki identity and the quest for a new province in Pakistan. Mainstream political parties have started raising the concerns regarding the unequal distribution of economic resources between various regions in the country for various ethnic and political reasons. It is shown here that the social construction of Saraiki identity is associated with cultural and economic marginalization. These various forms of marginalization of Saraiki areas or Southern Punjab over decades have triggered ethnic mobilization, leading to the quest for a new province. Some political implications of the proposed province for the Pakistani state and learning from this case are also analysed.","PeriodicalId":44333,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Political Science","volume":"28 1","pages":"294 - 311"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2020-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/02185377.2020.1814360","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44389235","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-08-13DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2020.1731695
Charusheel Tripathi
ABSTRACT This research paper will commence with an attempt to bifurcate the traditional theories of justice from its modern counterparts. Under the former category, works of the Greek philosophers like Plato and Aristotle will be analysed. The modern theories, on the other hand, would comprise of the utilitarian metric of Jeremy Bentham and J. S. Mill along with Rawls’ difference principle and justice as fairness and would further bring out the differences in theories and approaches in general. In contrast to all this, the last few sections of this paper will be dedicated to Amartya Sen’s approach to freedom, equality and justice and the reasons it provided for being a better metric for evaluating social justice as compared to former archaic alternative conceptualizations. It will try to determine the authenticity of the differentiation between ‘transcendental institutionalism’ and ‘realization-focused comparison paradigms’, the attributes or focal variables of the capability approach and its linkage to public reason, development and deliberative democracy. Thus, the paper will try to map the linear progression of the concept of justice along with its kindred concepts of liberty and equality and how this eventually resulted in the conceptualization of capability as ‘Samarthya’ and ‘Sakshamta’.
{"title":"Capability as ‘Samarthya’ and ‘Sakshamta’: exonerating the discourse on justice","authors":"Charusheel Tripathi","doi":"10.1080/02185377.2020.1731695","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02185377.2020.1731695","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This research paper will commence with an attempt to bifurcate the traditional theories of justice from its modern counterparts. Under the former category, works of the Greek philosophers like Plato and Aristotle will be analysed. The modern theories, on the other hand, would comprise of the utilitarian metric of Jeremy Bentham and J. S. Mill along with Rawls’ difference principle and justice as fairness and would further bring out the differences in theories and approaches in general. In contrast to all this, the last few sections of this paper will be dedicated to Amartya Sen’s approach to freedom, equality and justice and the reasons it provided for being a better metric for evaluating social justice as compared to former archaic alternative conceptualizations. It will try to determine the authenticity of the differentiation between ‘transcendental institutionalism’ and ‘realization-focused comparison paradigms’, the attributes or focal variables of the capability approach and its linkage to public reason, development and deliberative democracy. Thus, the paper will try to map the linear progression of the concept of justice along with its kindred concepts of liberty and equality and how this eventually resulted in the conceptualization of capability as ‘Samarthya’ and ‘Sakshamta’.","PeriodicalId":44333,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Political Science","volume":"28 1","pages":"212 - 235"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2020-08-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/02185377.2020.1731695","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41414728","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-14DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2020.1781670
Muhammad Febriansyah, M. Ismail, N. Noor
ABSTRACT This paper examines the election monitoring in Indonesia with a specific focus on a unique element in Indonesian elections that is the Elections Supervisory Agency (Bawaslu), an official institution established to observe and monitor the electoral process. Bawaslu had gained considerable juridical authority since 2017, granted by the election law, to not only monitor and provide recommendations, but also has the power to intervene with the electoral process and to judge any electoral offence. In the case of 2019 concurrent election, Bawaslu’s newfound authority had led to a constant conflict with the General Election Commission (KPU). It is also argued that Bawaslu’s existence is one of the causes that have led to the declining participation of local or international civil society in election monitoring in Indonesia. This research uses observational study to evaluate the 2019 concurrent election and interviews with KPU, Bawaslu, as well as local and international election monitoring NGOs in Indonesia. We argue that Bawaslu’s current role is not ideal in the context of Indonesian electoral system because the participation from civil society in election monitoring is still very much needed in democracy consolidation in Indonesia.
{"title":"Competing not complementing: KPU, Bawaslu, and the dynamic of election monitoring in PEMILU 2019","authors":"Muhammad Febriansyah, M. Ismail, N. Noor","doi":"10.1080/02185377.2020.1781670","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02185377.2020.1781670","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper examines the election monitoring in Indonesia with a specific focus on a unique element in Indonesian elections that is the Elections Supervisory Agency (Bawaslu), an official institution established to observe and monitor the electoral process. Bawaslu had gained considerable juridical authority since 2017, granted by the election law, to not only monitor and provide recommendations, but also has the power to intervene with the electoral process and to judge any electoral offence. In the case of 2019 concurrent election, Bawaslu’s newfound authority had led to a constant conflict with the General Election Commission (KPU). It is also argued that Bawaslu’s existence is one of the causes that have led to the declining participation of local or international civil society in election monitoring in Indonesia. This research uses observational study to evaluate the 2019 concurrent election and interviews with KPU, Bawaslu, as well as local and international election monitoring NGOs in Indonesia. We argue that Bawaslu’s current role is not ideal in the context of Indonesian electoral system because the participation from civil society in election monitoring is still very much needed in democracy consolidation in Indonesia.","PeriodicalId":44333,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Political Science","volume":"28 1","pages":"275 - 293"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2020-07-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/02185377.2020.1781670","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46499026","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-07DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2020.1788958
T. Rich, Isabel Eliassen
ABSTRACT Compared to most developed democracies, South Korea lags behind in terms of LGBT tolerance. This analysis suggests that relational proximity and knowing a Korean LGBT person influence this tolerance. Through an experimental web survey design, results show that the closer the relational proximity (coworker versus friend versus family member), the less one stated their comfort with being around a homosexual. The same pattern endures among those who knew a South Korean LGBT person, although rates of acceptance were much higher. In addition, this analysis finds of South Korea’s three main religions, only Protestant identification corresponded with a statistically significant decline in tolerance.
{"title":"Proximity, contact and tolerance of homosexuals in Korea: evidence from an experimental survey","authors":"T. Rich, Isabel Eliassen","doi":"10.1080/02185377.2020.1788958","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02185377.2020.1788958","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Compared to most developed democracies, South Korea lags behind in terms of LGBT tolerance. This analysis suggests that relational proximity and knowing a Korean LGBT person influence this tolerance. Through an experimental web survey design, results show that the closer the relational proximity (coworker versus friend versus family member), the less one stated their comfort with being around a homosexual. The same pattern endures among those who knew a South Korean LGBT person, although rates of acceptance were much higher. In addition, this analysis finds of South Korea’s three main religions, only Protestant identification corresponded with a statistically significant decline in tolerance.","PeriodicalId":44333,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Political Science","volume":"28 1","pages":"195 - 211"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2020-07-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/02185377.2020.1788958","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46767459","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-06-05DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2020.1774909
Arya Budi
ABSTRACT One of the largest democracies in the world, Indonesia holds elections from the national to the subnational levels. This process inexorably involves hundreds of candidate nominations, with most candidate selections being made by parties. This article investigates how Indonesian parties selected their candidates for subnational executive elections (Pilkada) between 2005 and 2020. Analyzing the formal procedures and practices through which two major Indonesian political parties, the Indonesian Democratic Party—Struggle (PDIP) and Functional Groups Party (Golkar), selected their candidates in subnational elections, this article finds that the process tends to be less democratic but more centralistic. It further argues that intra-party politics within these two parties generated distinct patterns in these parties’ candidate selection processes. This article concludes that there exists a paradox, in which parties select candidates through centralized processes while simultaneously demanding governmental decentralization.
{"title":"Less democracy, more centralism: the selection of Candidates by Golkar and PDIP in Indonesian subnational executive elections, 2005–2020","authors":"Arya Budi","doi":"10.1080/02185377.2020.1774909","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02185377.2020.1774909","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT One of the largest democracies in the world, Indonesia holds elections from the national to the subnational levels. This process inexorably involves hundreds of candidate nominations, with most candidate selections being made by parties. This article investigates how Indonesian parties selected their candidates for subnational executive elections (Pilkada) between 2005 and 2020. Analyzing the formal procedures and practices through which two major Indonesian political parties, the Indonesian Democratic Party—Struggle (PDIP) and Functional Groups Party (Golkar), selected their candidates in subnational elections, this article finds that the process tends to be less democratic but more centralistic. It further argues that intra-party politics within these two parties generated distinct patterns in these parties’ candidate selection processes. This article concludes that there exists a paradox, in which parties select candidates through centralized processes while simultaneously demanding governmental decentralization.","PeriodicalId":44333,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Political Science","volume":"28 1","pages":"236 - 255"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2020-06-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/02185377.2020.1774909","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44071449","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-06-03DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2020.1774910
David K. C. Huang
ABSTRACT It has often been argued whether and how the USA would defend Taiwan against invasion because of strategic ambiguities in US policy regarding Taiwan. However, the specifics of America’s legal responsibilities regarding Taiwan may provide an unambiguous bottom line as far as US policy is concerned, because the USA as a democracy finds it almost impossible to infringe the US law. By confirming its legal burden, US policy regarding the defence of Taiwan can be reinterpreted in a more sophisticated way, with the extent of America’s responsibilities defined by its legal boundaries. And the US legal obligation to defend Taiwan by force was affirmed when the USA-ROC Mutual Defense Treaty was valid, but under the Taiwan Relations Act the US legal obligation only covers the provision of sufficient arms.
{"title":"US foreign policy regarding the defence of Taiwan: a critical analysis in accordance with US law","authors":"David K. C. Huang","doi":"10.1080/02185377.2020.1774910","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02185377.2020.1774910","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT It has often been argued whether and how the USA would defend Taiwan against invasion because of strategic ambiguities in US policy regarding Taiwan. However, the specifics of America’s legal responsibilities regarding Taiwan may provide an unambiguous bottom line as far as US policy is concerned, because the USA as a democracy finds it almost impossible to infringe the US law. By confirming its legal burden, US policy regarding the defence of Taiwan can be reinterpreted in a more sophisticated way, with the extent of America’s responsibilities defined by its legal boundaries. And the US legal obligation to defend Taiwan by force was affirmed when the USA-ROC Mutual Defense Treaty was valid, but under the Taiwan Relations Act the US legal obligation only covers the provision of sufficient arms.","PeriodicalId":44333,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Political Science","volume":"28 1","pages":"256 - 274"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2020-06-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/02185377.2020.1774910","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41984541","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-05-03DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2020.1780142
Soojin Kim, Kai Xiang Kwa
ABSTRACT Despite its global popularity over the past few decades, the public-private partnership (PPP) has not always led to successful outcomes, due largely to a number of risk factors associated with the projects. To explain how and why PPPs sometimes fail, this study considers the success-failure continuum of Singapore’s recent PPP experience from 2000 to 2019. After taking a critical, close look at the six failed cases, we identify the following latent risk factors: unstable financial capacity during the execution period of a project, force majeure unforeseen problems that arise, a lack of technical and/or financial foresight, poor corporate management (e.g. delays in construction and poor-quality service delivery), and an unfavourable investment environment stemming from the lack of a clear and supportive governance framework. In addition, we find that most risk factors tend to appear during the contract management (pre-operation) and project management (operation) phases. Such risks seem to drive the operational failure and subsequent contract termination of multiple unsuccessful PPPs, simultaneously (and sometimes sequentially) rather than in isolated fashion. All in all, this study offers for policymakers that better risk allocation and proper, mutual coordination between the public and private partners represent essential factors for PPP success.
{"title":"A closer look at risk factors for public-private partnerships in Singapore: six case studies","authors":"Soojin Kim, Kai Xiang Kwa","doi":"10.1080/02185377.2020.1780142","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02185377.2020.1780142","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Despite its global popularity over the past few decades, the public-private partnership (PPP) has not always led to successful outcomes, due largely to a number of risk factors associated with the projects. To explain how and why PPPs sometimes fail, this study considers the success-failure continuum of Singapore’s recent PPP experience from 2000 to 2019. After taking a critical, close look at the six failed cases, we identify the following latent risk factors: unstable financial capacity during the execution period of a project, force majeure unforeseen problems that arise, a lack of technical and/or financial foresight, poor corporate management (e.g. delays in construction and poor-quality service delivery), and an unfavourable investment environment stemming from the lack of a clear and supportive governance framework. In addition, we find that most risk factors tend to appear during the contract management (pre-operation) and project management (operation) phases. Such risks seem to drive the operational failure and subsequent contract termination of multiple unsuccessful PPPs, simultaneously (and sometimes sequentially) rather than in isolated fashion. All in all, this study offers for policymakers that better risk allocation and proper, mutual coordination between the public and private partners represent essential factors for PPP success.","PeriodicalId":44333,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Political Science","volume":"28 1","pages":"142 - 163"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2020-05-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/02185377.2020.1780142","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42811621","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-05-03DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2020.1768418
V. Raj
China’s rise has posed a conundrum for some scholars and policymakers. They have been baffled by questions: how to label China? Does China possess multiple identities and what are these identities?...
{"title":"Rebranding China: Contested status signaling in the changing global order","authors":"V. Raj","doi":"10.1080/02185377.2020.1768418","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02185377.2020.1768418","url":null,"abstract":"China’s rise has posed a conundrum for some scholars and policymakers. They have been baffled by questions: how to label China? Does China possess multiple identities and what are these identities?...","PeriodicalId":44333,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Political Science","volume":"28 1","pages":"192 - 194"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2020-05-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/02185377.2020.1768418","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41777103","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}