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Personality traits and the propensity to protest: a cross-national analysis 人格特征与抗议倾向的跨民族分析
IF 1.1 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-09-01 DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2020.1814365
Yi-Bin Chang, D. Weng, Ching-Hsing Wang
ABSTRACT This study examines the effects of the Big Five personality traits on individual protest behaviour in cross-national context. Past studies on the relationships between personality traits and political participation have mainly focused on a single country and found inconsistent results. Using the most recent wave of the World Values Survey, this study investigates the impact of personality on individual protest participation in 20 countries using the multilevel modelling. This study provides evidence that higher levels of agreeableness, emotional stability, and openness to experience are significantly associated with a decreased likelihood of protest participation. More importantly, this study demonstrates that contextual factors can interact with personality traits to influence individual protest participation. This study suggests that the effects of personality traits on individual protest participation disparate from country to country and each country may attribute the differing results to its particular political context.
摘要本研究考察了跨国背景下五大人格特质对个体抗议行为的影响。过去关于人格特质与政治参与关系的研究主要集中在一个国家,并且发现了不一致的结果。本研究利用最新一波的世界价值观调查,使用多层次模型调查了20个国家的个性对个人抗议参与的影响。本研究提供的证据表明,较高水平的亲和性、情绪稳定性和经验开放性与抗议参与可能性的降低显著相关。更重要的是,本研究表明,情境因素可以与人格特质相互作用,影响个体的抗议参与。这项研究表明,人格特质对个人抗议参与的影响因国家而异,每个国家可能将不同的结果归因于其特定的政治背景。
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引用次数: 4
Promoting a home-grown democracy: Indonesia’s approach of democracy promotion in the Bali democracy Forum (BDF) 促进本土民主:印尼在巴厘民主论坛(BDF)上促进民主的做法
IF 1.1 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-09-01 DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2020.1814361
Mohamad Rosyidin
ABSTRACT After the demise of Suharto’s New Order dictatorship in 1998, Indonesia has been committed to democratization process. Since then, democracy has become an integral part of Indonesia’s foreign policy. As the world’s third-largest democracy, Indonesia initiated the Bali Democracy Forum (BDF) in 2008 as an instrument of democracy promotion in the region and beyond. However, the nature of the forum is not to promote democracy by force as exemplified by the West. Although Indonesia perceives itself as a role model for democratic transition, it does not equate democracy with the Western-style liberal-democracy but rather with allowing every country to choose a home-grown democracy. This paper argues that the BDF represents an Indonesian approach in democracy promotion that differs from that of Western countries. Promoting a home-grown democracy represents a culture of tolerance and harmony which are inherent features of Asian interstate relations, constrained as they are by regional norms of non-interference that respect the domestic affairs of other countries.
1998年苏哈托“新秩序”独裁政权倒台后,印尼一直致力于民主化进程。从那时起,民主已成为印度尼西亚外交政策的一个组成部分。作为世界第三大民主国家,印度尼西亚于2008年发起了巴厘岛民主论坛(BDF),作为在该地区及其他地区促进民主的工具。然而,论坛的性质并不是像西方那样以武力促进民主。尽管印尼认为自己是民主转型的榜样,但它并不把民主等同于西方式的自由民主,而是允许每个国家选择自己的民主。本文认为,BDF代表了印尼在促进民主方面不同于西方国家的做法。促进本土民主代表着一种宽容与和谐的文化,这是亚洲国家间关系的固有特征,尽管这些关系受到尊重其他国家内政的不干涉区域准则的限制。
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引用次数: 10
Ethnicity, marginalization, and politics: Saraiki identity and the quest for a new Southern Punjab province in Pakistan 种族、边缘化和政治:Saraiki身份和对巴基斯坦南部旁遮普省的追求
IF 1.1 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-09-01 DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2020.1814360
M. A. Z. Mughal
ABSTRACT This article discusses the complicated relationship between ethnicity, marginalization, and politics regarding Saraiki identity and the quest for a new province in Pakistan. Mainstream political parties have started raising the concerns regarding the unequal distribution of economic resources between various regions in the country for various ethnic and political reasons. It is shown here that the social construction of Saraiki identity is associated with cultural and economic marginalization. These various forms of marginalization of Saraiki areas or Southern Punjab over decades have triggered ethnic mobilization, leading to the quest for a new province. Some political implications of the proposed province for the Pakistani state and learning from this case are also analysed.
本文讨论了Saraiki族身份与寻求在巴基斯坦建立一个新省份之间的复杂关系,包括种族、边缘化和政治。主流政党已开始对该国各地区之间由于各种种族和政治原因而造成的经济资源分配不均表示关注。研究表明,萨拉基人身份的社会建构与文化和经济边缘化密切相关。几十年来,Saraiki地区或旁遮普南部的这些不同形式的边缘化引发了民族动员,导致寻求建立一个新的省份。本文还分析了拟设立的省对巴基斯坦政府的一些政治影响,以及从中吸取的教训。
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引用次数: 6
Capability as ‘Samarthya’ and ‘Sakshamta’: exonerating the discourse on justice “撒马利亚”和“萨沙姆塔”的能力:为正义话语开脱
IF 1.1 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-08-13 DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2020.1731695
Charusheel Tripathi
ABSTRACT This research paper will commence with an attempt to bifurcate the traditional theories of justice from its modern counterparts. Under the former category, works of the Greek philosophers like Plato and Aristotle will be analysed. The modern theories, on the other hand, would comprise of the utilitarian metric of Jeremy Bentham and J. S. Mill along with Rawls’ difference principle and justice as fairness and would further bring out the differences in theories and approaches in general. In contrast to all this, the last few sections of this paper will be dedicated to Amartya Sen’s approach to freedom, equality and justice and the reasons it provided for being a better metric for evaluating social justice as compared to former archaic alternative conceptualizations. It will try to determine the authenticity of the differentiation between ‘transcendental institutionalism’ and ‘realization-focused comparison paradigms’, the attributes or focal variables of the capability approach and its linkage to public reason, development and deliberative democracy. Thus, the paper will try to map the linear progression of the concept of justice along with its kindred concepts of liberty and equality and how this eventually resulted in the conceptualization of capability as ‘Samarthya’ and ‘Sakshamta’.
摘要本文将试图将传统的正义理论与现代的正义理论区分开来。在前一类中,我们将分析柏拉图和亚里士多德等希腊哲学家的著作。另一方面,现代理论将包括边沁和密尔的功利主义度量,以及罗尔斯的差异原则和公平正义,并将进一步导致理论和方法的普遍差异。与所有这些相反,本文的最后几节将专门讨论Amartya Sen对自由、平等和正义的态度,以及与以前陈旧的替代概念相比,它成为评估社会正义的更好指标的原因。它将试图确定“先验制度主义”和“以实现为中心的比较范式”之间区别的真实性,能力方法的属性或焦点变量及其与公共理性、发展和协商民主的联系。因此,本文将试图绘制正义概念及其自由和平等的相似概念的线性发展图,以及这最终是如何导致能力概念化为“Samarthya”和“Sakshamta”的。
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引用次数: 0
Competing not complementing: KPU, Bawaslu, and the dynamic of election monitoring in PEMILU 2019 竞争而非互补:KPU、Bawaslu和2019年PEMILU选举监督的动态
IF 1.1 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-07-14 DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2020.1781670
Muhammad Febriansyah, M. Ismail, N. Noor
ABSTRACT This paper examines the election monitoring in Indonesia with a specific focus on a unique element in Indonesian elections that is the Elections Supervisory Agency (Bawaslu), an official institution established to observe and monitor the electoral process. Bawaslu had gained considerable juridical authority since 2017, granted by the election law, to not only monitor and provide recommendations, but also has the power to intervene with the electoral process and to judge any electoral offence. In the case of 2019 concurrent election, Bawaslu’s newfound authority had led to a constant conflict with the General Election Commission (KPU). It is also argued that Bawaslu’s existence is one of the causes that have led to the declining participation of local or international civil society in election monitoring in Indonesia. This research uses observational study to evaluate the 2019 concurrent election and interviews with KPU, Bawaslu, as well as local and international election monitoring NGOs in Indonesia. We argue that Bawaslu’s current role is not ideal in the context of Indonesian electoral system because the participation from civil society in election monitoring is still very much needed in democracy consolidation in Indonesia.
摘要本文考察了印尼的选举监督,特别关注印尼选举中的一个独特元素,即选举监督机构(Bawaslu),这是一个旨在观察和监督选举过程的官方机构。自2017年以来,根据选举法,巴瓦斯卢获得了相当大的司法权力,不仅有权监督和提供建议,而且有权干预选举过程并判断任何选举违法行为。在2019年同时举行的选举中,巴瓦斯卢新获得的权力导致了与大选委员会(KPU)的持续冲突。也有人认为,巴瓦斯卢的存在是导致印度尼西亚地方或国际民间社会参与选举监督的程度下降的原因之一。这项研究使用观察性研究来评估2019年同期的选举,并采访了KPU、Bawaslu以及印尼当地和国际选举监督非政府组织。我们认为,在印度尼西亚选举制度的背景下,巴瓦斯卢目前的作用并不理想,因为在印度尼西亚巩固民主的过程中,仍然非常需要民间社会参与选举监督。
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引用次数: 5
Proximity, contact and tolerance of homosexuals in Korea: evidence from an experimental survey 韩国同性恋者的接近、接触和容忍:来自一项实验调查的证据
IF 1.1 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-07-07 DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2020.1788958
T. Rich, Isabel Eliassen
ABSTRACT Compared to most developed democracies, South Korea lags behind in terms of LGBT tolerance. This analysis suggests that relational proximity and knowing a Korean LGBT person influence this tolerance. Through an experimental web survey design, results show that the closer the relational proximity (coworker versus friend versus family member), the less one stated their comfort with being around a homosexual. The same pattern endures among those who knew a South Korean LGBT person, although rates of acceptance were much higher. In addition, this analysis finds of South Korea’s three main religions, only Protestant identification corresponded with a statistically significant decline in tolerance.
摘要与大多数发达民主国家相比,韩国在LGBT容忍度方面落后。这项分析表明,关系上的亲近感和对韩国LGBT人群的了解会影响这种宽容。通过一项实验性的网络调查设计,结果显示,关系距离越近(同事与朋友与家人),与同性恋相处的舒适度就越低。同样的模式在那些认识韩国LGBT人士的人中也存在,尽管接受率要高得多。此外,这项分析发现,在韩国的三大主要宗教中,只有新教认同与宽容度的统计显著下降相对应。
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引用次数: 3
Less democracy, more centralism: the selection of Candidates by Golkar and PDIP in Indonesian subnational executive elections, 2005–2020 更少的民主,更多的集中:2005-2020年印尼地方行政选举中专业集团党和人民民主行动党对候选人的选择
IF 1.1 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-06-05 DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2020.1774909
Arya Budi
ABSTRACT One of the largest democracies in the world, Indonesia holds elections from the national to the subnational levels. This process inexorably involves hundreds of candidate nominations, with most candidate selections being made by parties. This article investigates how Indonesian parties selected their candidates for subnational executive elections (Pilkada) between 2005 and 2020. Analyzing the formal procedures and practices through which two major Indonesian political parties, the Indonesian Democratic Party—Struggle (PDIP) and Functional Groups Party (Golkar), selected their candidates in subnational elections, this article finds that the process tends to be less democratic but more centralistic. It further argues that intra-party politics within these two parties generated distinct patterns in these parties’ candidate selection processes. This article concludes that there exists a paradox, in which parties select candidates through centralized processes while simultaneously demanding governmental decentralization.
印度尼西亚是世界上最大的民主国家之一,实行从国家到地方各级的选举。这一过程不可避免地涉及数百名候选人提名,而大多数候选人的选择是由政党做出的。本文调查了印尼各政党在2005年至2020年的次国家行政选举(Pilkada)中如何选择候选人。分析印尼两个主要政党,印尼民主斗争党(PDIP)和功能团体党(Golkar)在次国家选举中选择候选人的正式程序和做法,本文发现这一过程往往不那么民主,但更集中。文章进一步认为,这两个政党的党内政治在这些政党的候选人选择过程中产生了不同的模式。本文的结论是,存在一个悖论,即政党通过集中程序选择候选人,同时要求政府分权。
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引用次数: 5
US foreign policy regarding the defence of Taiwan: a critical analysis in accordance with US law 美国防卫台湾的外交政策:基于美国法律的批判性分析
IF 1.1 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-06-03 DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2020.1774910
David K. C. Huang
ABSTRACT It has often been argued whether and how the USA would defend Taiwan against invasion because of strategic ambiguities in US policy regarding Taiwan. However, the specifics of America’s legal responsibilities regarding Taiwan may provide an unambiguous bottom line as far as US policy is concerned, because the USA as a democracy finds it almost impossible to infringe the US law. By confirming its legal burden, US policy regarding the defence of Taiwan can be reinterpreted in a more sophisticated way, with the extent of America’s responsibilities defined by its legal boundaries. And the US legal obligation to defend Taiwan by force was affirmed when the USA-ROC Mutual Defense Treaty was valid, but under the Taiwan Relations Act the US legal obligation only covers the provision of sufficient arms.
由于美国对台政策的战略模糊性,人们经常争论美国是否以及如何保护台湾免受入侵。然而,就美国的政策而言,美国在台湾问题上的法律责任的细节可能提供了一个明确的底线,因为美国作为一个民主国家发现几乎不可能违反美国的法律。通过确认其法律负担,美国的台湾防卫政策可以以一种更复杂的方式重新解释,美国的责任范围由其法律边界确定。
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引用次数: 3
A closer look at risk factors for public-private partnerships in Singapore: six case studies 新加坡公私伙伴关系的风险因素分析:六个案例研究
IF 1.1 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-05-03 DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2020.1780142
Soojin Kim, Kai Xiang Kwa
ABSTRACT Despite its global popularity over the past few decades, the public-private partnership (PPP) has not always led to successful outcomes, due largely to a number of risk factors associated with the projects. To explain how and why PPPs sometimes fail, this study considers the success-failure continuum of Singapore’s recent PPP experience from 2000 to 2019. After taking a critical, close look at the six failed cases, we identify the following latent risk factors: unstable financial capacity during the execution period of a project, force majeure unforeseen problems that arise, a lack of technical and/or financial foresight, poor corporate management (e.g. delays in construction and poor-quality service delivery), and an unfavourable investment environment stemming from the lack of a clear and supportive governance framework. In addition, we find that most risk factors tend to appear during the contract management (pre-operation) and project management (operation) phases. Such risks seem to drive the operational failure and subsequent contract termination of multiple unsuccessful PPPs, simultaneously (and sometimes sequentially) rather than in isolated fashion. All in all, this study offers for policymakers that better risk allocation and proper, mutual coordination between the public and private partners represent essential factors for PPP success.
摘要尽管公私合作在过去几十年中在全球广受欢迎,但在很大程度上,由于与项目相关的许多风险因素,公私合作并不总是能取得成功。为了解释PPP有时是如何失败的以及为什么失败的,本研究考虑了新加坡从2000年到2019年最近PPP经验的成功-失败连续体。在仔细研究了六个失败案例后,我们确定了以下潜在风险因素:项目执行期间的财务能力不稳定、出现的不可抗力、不可预见的问题、缺乏技术和/或财务远见、企业管理不善(如施工延误和服务质量差),以及由于缺乏明确和支持性的治理框架而造成的不利投资环境。此外,我们发现大多数风险因素往往出现在合同管理(运营前)和项目管理(运营)阶段。这些风险似乎会同时(有时是按顺序)而不是孤立地导致多个不成功的PPP的运营失败和随后的合同终止。总之,这项研究为决策者提供了更好的风险分配以及公共和私人合作伙伴之间的适当相互协调是PPP成功的关键因素。
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引用次数: 9
Rebranding China: Contested status signaling in the changing global order 重塑中国品牌:全球秩序变化中的竞争地位信号
IF 1.1 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-05-03 DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2020.1768418
V. Raj
China’s rise has posed a conundrum for some scholars and policymakers. They have been baffled by questions: how to label China? Does China possess multiple identities and what are these identities?...
中国的崛起给一些学者和政策制定者带来了一个难题。他们一直被一些问题所困扰:如何给中国贴上标签?中国拥有多重身份吗?这些身份是什么?。。。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Asian Journal of Political Science
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