Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2022.2048873
S. Jackson
ABSTRACT Green parties, first established in the early 1970s, have now become established political actors in most western European countries, and indeed most western nations. In other parts of the globe, however, they have generally been far less successful, not the least in the Asia Pacific region. In part this can be seen as an outcome of unfavourable electoral conditions in many countries in the region, but can also be linked to western notions of Green politics embedded in post-materialism, as well as country-specific issues of clientalism, electoral violence or electoral manipulation. While Green parties in both Australia and New Zealand are well established participants in parliaments and government, by contrast the number and level of success of Green parties in Asia is both small and weak. This article will explore the range of the possible explanations for the non-success of Green parties in this rapidly democratizing region, and consider potential rationales for party failure.
{"title":"Going Green in Asia? Green parties in a non-western setting","authors":"S. Jackson","doi":"10.1080/02185377.2022.2048873","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02185377.2022.2048873","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Green parties, first established in the early 1970s, have now become established political actors in most western European countries, and indeed most western nations. In other parts of the globe, however, they have generally been far less successful, not the least in the Asia Pacific region. In part this can be seen as an outcome of unfavourable electoral conditions in many countries in the region, but can also be linked to western notions of Green politics embedded in post-materialism, as well as country-specific issues of clientalism, electoral violence or electoral manipulation. While Green parties in both Australia and New Zealand are well established participants in parliaments and government, by contrast the number and level of success of Green parties in Asia is both small and weak. This article will explore the range of the possible explanations for the non-success of Green parties in this rapidly democratizing region, and consider potential rationales for party failure.","PeriodicalId":44333,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Political Science","volume":"30 1","pages":"1 - 18"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42783074","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2022.2047080
E. Atar, F. Hossain, Anthony Sumnaya Kumasey
ABSTRACT Refugee crises are among the most heartrending and vexatious humanitarian issues since the beginning of civilization. These crises are particularly evident in the case of Syria, where, since 2011, civil war and terrorism have led millions of people to seek refugee status in neighbouring countries, including Turkey. Since 2011, Turkey has pursued an open-door policy accompanied by a national temporary protection regime to protect more than four million Syrians fleeing the civil war. As a corollary, government institutions (the public service) in Turkey have the responsibility of providing essential services, including education and health. Against this backdrop, this study aims to examine and analyse the opportunities and challenges Turkey is currently facing in accommodating the Syrian refugees from the perspectives of Syrian migrants living in Turkey. This research employed the qualitative research approaches, which adopted in-depth interviews, focus group discussions and documentary reviews as the data collection instruments. The findings revealed that the Government of Turkey is being overstretched by the refugee crisis, and this has affected the quality of public service provisions. Consequently, this study is a rare attempt to examine the impact of the Syrian Refugee crisis on the public service provision of Turkey.
{"title":"Public service provision for Syrian refugees in Turkey: challenges and prospects","authors":"E. Atar, F. Hossain, Anthony Sumnaya Kumasey","doi":"10.1080/02185377.2022.2047080","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02185377.2022.2047080","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Refugee crises are among the most heartrending and vexatious humanitarian issues since the beginning of civilization. These crises are particularly evident in the case of Syria, where, since 2011, civil war and terrorism have led millions of people to seek refugee status in neighbouring countries, including Turkey. Since 2011, Turkey has pursued an open-door policy accompanied by a national temporary protection regime to protect more than four million Syrians fleeing the civil war. As a corollary, government institutions (the public service) in Turkey have the responsibility of providing essential services, including education and health. Against this backdrop, this study aims to examine and analyse the opportunities and challenges Turkey is currently facing in accommodating the Syrian refugees from the perspectives of Syrian migrants living in Turkey. This research employed the qualitative research approaches, which adopted in-depth interviews, focus group discussions and documentary reviews as the data collection instruments. The findings revealed that the Government of Turkey is being overstretched by the refugee crisis, and this has affected the quality of public service provisions. Consequently, this study is a rare attempt to examine the impact of the Syrian Refugee crisis on the public service provision of Turkey.","PeriodicalId":44333,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Political Science","volume":"30 1","pages":"82 - 98"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46030905","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-02DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2021.1993945
E. Yari, Mohammad Hassan Gholami
ABSTRACT Geopolitical isolation can be defined as an increase in the degree of deterioration of a country due to a decrease of its systemic relations with other countries. Perceptual isolation emerges from the perception of threat from the neighbours. Turkey is an instance of perceptual isolation since its geographical infrastructures are not satisfactory for developing its relations with its neighbours. In order to overcome this situation, the leaders of Turkey have taken a number of measures among which one can specifically refer to the policy of zero tension with the neighbours as well as the search for strategic partners from beyond the neighbouring countries. Study of Turkey’s convergence to the European Union is the central idea of the current research. The purpose of this study is to answer the question that how the geopolitical isolation of Turkey has affected its attempts to join the European Union. The hypothesis that the intensity of Turkey’s geopolitical isolation, along with other interests, has had an increasing impact on the efforts of Turkish statesmen toward convergence to the European Union and that these two variables are directly proportional to each other will be investigated. This research has been conducted with a historical analytical-explanatory method.
{"title":"The analysis of Turkey’s tendency to converge to the European Union from the perspective of geopolitics","authors":"E. Yari, Mohammad Hassan Gholami","doi":"10.1080/02185377.2021.1993945","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02185377.2021.1993945","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Geopolitical isolation can be defined as an increase in the degree of deterioration of a country due to a decrease of its systemic relations with other countries. Perceptual isolation emerges from the perception of threat from the neighbours. Turkey is an instance of perceptual isolation since its geographical infrastructures are not satisfactory for developing its relations with its neighbours. In order to overcome this situation, the leaders of Turkey have taken a number of measures among which one can specifically refer to the policy of zero tension with the neighbours as well as the search for strategic partners from beyond the neighbouring countries. Study of Turkey’s convergence to the European Union is the central idea of the current research. The purpose of this study is to answer the question that how the geopolitical isolation of Turkey has affected its attempts to join the European Union. The hypothesis that the intensity of Turkey’s geopolitical isolation, along with other interests, has had an increasing impact on the efforts of Turkish statesmen toward convergence to the European Union and that these two variables are directly proportional to each other will be investigated. This research has been conducted with a historical analytical-explanatory method.","PeriodicalId":44333,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Political Science","volume":"29 1","pages":"338 - 358"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2021-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48181648","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-02DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2021.1993944
Ratri Istania
ABSTRACT How do ethnic groups compete in a decentralized Indonesia? How do their political competitions to claim a new province lead to open conflict? The Indonesian government devised its massive territorial autonomy (TA) strategy—regional proliferation or pemekaran—as part of expansive decentralization reform in 1999. While scholarship is generally ambiguous regarding the relationship between regional proliferation and conflict, many districts still experience small-scale episodic conflict some of which may be fuelled by ethnic-group competition after pemekaran. This study aims to investigate ethnic groups’ political competition during the initiation stage of non-successful new province campaigns. Using four cases—two new province aspirations, one no-province claim and a null case—I argue that ethnic groups’ political competition can develop to the level of a localized small-scale episodic conflict. The evidence suggests that political competition among ethnic groups may temporarily escalate due issues of the location of the new province’s capital location and the future bid for a new gubernatorial position. This study fills a scholarly gap in the discussion of ethnic groups’ politics and conflict (e.g. Cederman, L.-E., Hug, S., Schädel, A., & Wucherpfennig, J. [2015]. Territorial autonomy in the shadow of conflict: Too little, too late? American Political Science Review, 109(2), 354–370. doi:10.1017/S0003055415000118; Cunningham, K. G. [2014]. Inside the politics of self-determination. Oxford University Press). Furthermore, this study finds support for the effectiveness of a moratorium policy, such as buying-time tactics to reduce the conflict.
{"title":"How do ethnic groups compete for a new province in a decentralised Indonesia?","authors":"Ratri Istania","doi":"10.1080/02185377.2021.1993944","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02185377.2021.1993944","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT How do ethnic groups compete in a decentralized Indonesia? How do their political competitions to claim a new province lead to open conflict? The Indonesian government devised its massive territorial autonomy (TA) strategy—regional proliferation or pemekaran—as part of expansive decentralization reform in 1999. While scholarship is generally ambiguous regarding the relationship between regional proliferation and conflict, many districts still experience small-scale episodic conflict some of which may be fuelled by ethnic-group competition after pemekaran. This study aims to investigate ethnic groups’ political competition during the initiation stage of non-successful new province campaigns. Using four cases—two new province aspirations, one no-province claim and a null case—I argue that ethnic groups’ political competition can develop to the level of a localized small-scale episodic conflict. The evidence suggests that political competition among ethnic groups may temporarily escalate due issues of the location of the new province’s capital location and the future bid for a new gubernatorial position. This study fills a scholarly gap in the discussion of ethnic groups’ politics and conflict (e.g. Cederman, L.-E., Hug, S., Schädel, A., & Wucherpfennig, J. [2015]. Territorial autonomy in the shadow of conflict: Too little, too late? American Political Science Review, 109(2), 354–370. doi:10.1017/S0003055415000118; Cunningham, K. G. [2014]. Inside the politics of self-determination. Oxford University Press). Furthermore, this study finds support for the effectiveness of a moratorium policy, such as buying-time tactics to reduce the conflict.","PeriodicalId":44333,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Political Science","volume":"29 1","pages":"316 - 337"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2021-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44321558","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-02DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2021.1996413
M. Jeon
ABSTRACT The year 1963 marked the beginning of the mass ‘voluntary’ immigration of the South Korean nurses and miners to West Germany under the Federal Republic of Germany’s Gastarbeiter (guest-worker) policy. In the late 1950s and early 1960s, the South Korean government needed to bring in foreign currency, and the West German government needed a labour force. Thus, a bilateral agreement was formed for South Korea to transfer a labour force and for West Germany to offer economic aid. This article questions why the two governments needed to justify the exchange via a voluntary recruitment policy. Theoretical insights on the recruitment of men and women during the First and Second World Wars will be used to compare what aspects regarding political recruitment remained and changed after the wars. The central arguments are twofold. First, that this voluntary guest-worker policy was in every respect a political product of its time. Second, that it was guided and manipulated by and according to the global emergence of human rights following the two world wars. Ultimately, this case can be used to examine what impact the global emergence of human rights had on political recruitment approach worldwide, specifically regarding its methods, processes and outcomes.
{"title":"Why and how did ‘voluntary’ mass immigration of South Korean nurses and miners to West Germany occur in the 1960s and 1970s?","authors":"M. Jeon","doi":"10.1080/02185377.2021.1996413","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02185377.2021.1996413","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The year 1963 marked the beginning of the mass ‘voluntary’ immigration of the South Korean nurses and miners to West Germany under the Federal Republic of Germany’s Gastarbeiter (guest-worker) policy. In the late 1950s and early 1960s, the South Korean government needed to bring in foreign currency, and the West German government needed a labour force. Thus, a bilateral agreement was formed for South Korea to transfer a labour force and for West Germany to offer economic aid. This article questions why the two governments needed to justify the exchange via a voluntary recruitment policy. Theoretical insights on the recruitment of men and women during the First and Second World Wars will be used to compare what aspects regarding political recruitment remained and changed after the wars. The central arguments are twofold. First, that this voluntary guest-worker policy was in every respect a political product of its time. Second, that it was guided and manipulated by and according to the global emergence of human rights following the two world wars. Ultimately, this case can be used to examine what impact the global emergence of human rights had on political recruitment approach worldwide, specifically regarding its methods, processes and outcomes.","PeriodicalId":44333,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Political Science","volume":"29 1","pages":"301 - 315"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2021-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45746932","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-02DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2021.2007780
Jaejoon Woo
ABSTRACT Political ideologies have gained significance in Korean politics in recent decades. We investigate whether there have been any major differences between the conservative and liberal governments in terms of economic policy and its outcome in Korea for the period 1998–2019. We take an event-study type of approach to establish some patterns, if any, and then conduct a more formal econometric analysis based on the political economy literature. Contrary to conventional wisdom, we confirm the existence of political business cycles (i.e. economic effects of the political ideology of the government) and present new evidence on the important dynamics and distinct channels through which partisan difference in economic policy positions operates. Furthermore, the pattern of the political cycles and their operational channels are different from the well-documented case of the U.S. and some industrialized democracies. Our analysis suggests that contrasting economic outcomes arising from political ideologies and their associated policy direction between conservative and liberal governments will likely be more pronounced, going forward.
{"title":"Does it matter for the economy to have a conservative or liberal government in Korea? Political parties and business cycle in South Korea, 1998–2019","authors":"Jaejoon Woo","doi":"10.1080/02185377.2021.2007780","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02185377.2021.2007780","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Political ideologies have gained significance in Korean politics in recent decades. We investigate whether there have been any major differences between the conservative and liberal governments in terms of economic policy and its outcome in Korea for the period 1998–2019. We take an event-study type of approach to establish some patterns, if any, and then conduct a more formal econometric analysis based on the political economy literature. Contrary to conventional wisdom, we confirm the existence of political business cycles (i.e. economic effects of the political ideology of the government) and present new evidence on the important dynamics and distinct channels through which partisan difference in economic policy positions operates. Furthermore, the pattern of the political cycles and their operational channels are different from the well-documented case of the U.S. and some industrialized democracies. Our analysis suggests that contrasting economic outcomes arising from political ideologies and their associated policy direction between conservative and liberal governments will likely be more pronounced, going forward.","PeriodicalId":44333,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Political Science","volume":"29 1","pages":"359 - 395"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2021-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46747964","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-02DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2021.1979062
Jung-Ja Huh, Abhishek Dubey
ABSTRACT How successful have countries in Asia been at vaccinating their populations against COVID-19? What explains the broadly similar pace of rollout across countries in the region despite diverse governance capacities, demographic compositions, resources and economies? This paper presents a comparative analysis of the planning and implementation of national vaccination drives against COVID-19 across 21 South and East Asian countries. We advance an analytical framework to understand the different challenges countries encounter and distinguish three key factors on both the national and international level—vaccine shortages, governance capacity for mass vaccination and vaccine hesitancy. We apply the analytical framework to national vaccination drives, offering a snapshot of countries’ vaccination progress as of early 2021, and conclude with general trends for the COVID-19 vaccine rollout across the region.
{"title":"COVID-19 vaccination campaign trends and challenges in select Asian countries","authors":"Jung-Ja Huh, Abhishek Dubey","doi":"10.1080/02185377.2021.1979062","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02185377.2021.1979062","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT How successful have countries in Asia been at vaccinating their populations against COVID-19? What explains the broadly similar pace of rollout across countries in the region despite diverse governance capacities, demographic compositions, resources and economies? This paper presents a comparative analysis of the planning and implementation of national vaccination drives against COVID-19 across 21 South and East Asian countries. We advance an analytical framework to understand the different challenges countries encounter and distinguish three key factors on both the national and international level—vaccine shortages, governance capacity for mass vaccination and vaccine hesitancy. We apply the analytical framework to national vaccination drives, offering a snapshot of countries’ vaccination progress as of early 2021, and conclude with general trends for the COVID-19 vaccine rollout across the region.","PeriodicalId":44333,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Political Science","volume":"29 1","pages":"274 - 300"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2021-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43438512","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-02DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2021.1979061
A. K. Umam
ABSTRACT The aim of conceptual article is to consider the available literature regarding associations between the role of vested interests and its impacts on anti-corruption measures in Indonesia. Research focusing on vested interests as a side-effect of political-economic reforms in the Indonesian context is limited, although there are extensive studies regarding the impact of neo-liberal reforms consisted of democratization, market liberalization and institutional reforms on the effectiveness of anti-corruption approaches in developing countries. Indonesia is one of the developing countries applying neo-liberal reforms expected to curb corruption more effectively. Because vested interests are very persistent and likely to be more influential to the anti-graft approaches during the transitional periods in Indonesia, there is a need to understand the ways in which the vested interests work. The key outcome of this article is to highlight the need to better understand how the persistent corrupt forces have created an unpredictable and uncertain future of Indonesia’s anti-graft agenda. Recommendations for future research regarding associations between the role of vested interests and effective or ineffectiveness of anti-corruption machines are provided to stimulate more empirical attention to this area to support Indonesia to create more transparent and accountable politico-business environment.
{"title":"Understanding the influence of vested interests on politics of anti-corruption in Indonesia","authors":"A. K. Umam","doi":"10.1080/02185377.2021.1979061","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02185377.2021.1979061","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The aim of conceptual article is to consider the available literature regarding associations between the role of vested interests and its impacts on anti-corruption measures in Indonesia. Research focusing on vested interests as a side-effect of political-economic reforms in the Indonesian context is limited, although there are extensive studies regarding the impact of neo-liberal reforms consisted of democratization, market liberalization and institutional reforms on the effectiveness of anti-corruption approaches in developing countries. Indonesia is one of the developing countries applying neo-liberal reforms expected to curb corruption more effectively. Because vested interests are very persistent and likely to be more influential to the anti-graft approaches during the transitional periods in Indonesia, there is a need to understand the ways in which the vested interests work. The key outcome of this article is to highlight the need to better understand how the persistent corrupt forces have created an unpredictable and uncertain future of Indonesia’s anti-graft agenda. Recommendations for future research regarding associations between the role of vested interests and effective or ineffectiveness of anti-corruption machines are provided to stimulate more empirical attention to this area to support Indonesia to create more transparent and accountable politico-business environment.","PeriodicalId":44333,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Political Science","volume":"29 1","pages":"255 - 273"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2021-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48266576","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-05-04DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2021.1916970
Rizal G. Buendia
ABSTRACT The paper is an assessment of Philippine political development for over three (3) decades after the fall of Marcos authoritarian rule and the dawn of democratic regimes. Against the backdrop of conceptual and discussion of political development, Philippine political development was examined based on its recent past. It argues that the country’s continuing endeavour to chisel out its national and political advancement is contingent and cannot be divorced from its quest for and vision of national identity and sense of nationhood. It further contends that the political modernization of the country requires it to transcend the inchoate sense of national consciousness, rise above the traditional politicians’ and dynastic control of the electoral system; and go beyond the less inclusive governance. Towards the end, the paper identifies a three-fold challenge: One is drawing a unified approach in bringing together various ethnic, religious, and national groups into the Philippine nation-state. Two, combining political stability with political liberalization and democratization. Political liberalization advances economic growth and development rather than contributes to political instability. And three, transforming political culture and actual political relationships to a more egalitarian, less hierarchical, and further symmetrical relationship between groups of political actors.
{"title":"Examining Philippine political development over three decades after ‘democratic’ rule: is change yet to come?","authors":"Rizal G. Buendia","doi":"10.1080/02185377.2021.1916970","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02185377.2021.1916970","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The paper is an assessment of Philippine political development for over three (3) decades after the fall of Marcos authoritarian rule and the dawn of democratic regimes. Against the backdrop of conceptual and discussion of political development, Philippine political development was examined based on its recent past. It argues that the country’s continuing endeavour to chisel out its national and political advancement is contingent and cannot be divorced from its quest for and vision of national identity and sense of nationhood. It further contends that the political modernization of the country requires it to transcend the inchoate sense of national consciousness, rise above the traditional politicians’ and dynastic control of the electoral system; and go beyond the less inclusive governance. Towards the end, the paper identifies a three-fold challenge: One is drawing a unified approach in bringing together various ethnic, religious, and national groups into the Philippine nation-state. Two, combining political stability with political liberalization and democratization. Political liberalization advances economic growth and development rather than contributes to political instability. And three, transforming political culture and actual political relationships to a more egalitarian, less hierarchical, and further symmetrical relationship between groups of political actors.","PeriodicalId":44333,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Political Science","volume":"29 1","pages":"169 - 191"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2021-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/02185377.2021.1916970","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46462404","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-05-04DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2021.1951783
Sudarsan Padmanabhan
ABSTRACT The fulcrum of democracy is the electoral process. If the integrity of the electoral process is compromised then the very notion of representation becomes vacuous. In states such as Tamil Nadu in Southern India, distribution of money and promise of freebies has reached alarming levels with elections being countermanded several times. In this scenario, the danger to the system of parliamentary democracy and the Indian republic cannot be gainsaid. Therefore, this article analyses whether the people of India, especially in states like Tamil Nadu, are really concerned about governance or do they cynically participate in the evisceration of democratic electoral and political process, which is the moot point. The answer is complex and nuanced. People are concerned about governance but vote strategically due to systemic malaise. Despite being plied with allurements in the form of cash and other freebies, people, in the final analysis, vote on the basis of the performance of the government.
{"title":"To take or not to take: is the freebie culture in Tamil Nadu elections a threat to Indian democracy?","authors":"Sudarsan Padmanabhan","doi":"10.1080/02185377.2021.1951783","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02185377.2021.1951783","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The fulcrum of democracy is the electoral process. If the integrity of the electoral process is compromised then the very notion of representation becomes vacuous. In states such as Tamil Nadu in Southern India, distribution of money and promise of freebies has reached alarming levels with elections being countermanded several times. In this scenario, the danger to the system of parliamentary democracy and the Indian republic cannot be gainsaid. Therefore, this article analyses whether the people of India, especially in states like Tamil Nadu, are really concerned about governance or do they cynically participate in the evisceration of democratic electoral and political process, which is the moot point. The answer is complex and nuanced. People are concerned about governance but vote strategically due to systemic malaise. Despite being plied with allurements in the form of cash and other freebies, people, in the final analysis, vote on the basis of the performance of the government.","PeriodicalId":44333,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Political Science","volume":"29 1","pages":"215 - 237"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2021-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/02185377.2021.1951783","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42679574","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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