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A meditation on Covid-19 social trauma 对新冠肺炎社会创伤的思考
IF 0.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/14797585.2021.1937251
F. Andreescu
ABSTRACT This article explores covid-19 as a social traumatic event that thoroughly disrupted our ordinary plane of existence. In doing so, it opened a window to an uncanny world, in which the virus, manifesting profuse agentic capacity, repurposes to its benefit, to travel and multiply, human bodies and various global assemblages. Covid-19 pandemic’s challenge to the social grounding structure in turn perturbs our sense of ontological security. Meditating on these aspects, the article identifies the pandemic as a liminal situation that confronts humanity with all four givens of existence: death, freedom, isolation, and meaningless. Written during these unique global circumstances, the article directs its attention towards covid-19 social trauma and to several societal responses. These take the form of conspiratorial mythical thinking, communities formed around a shared existential state of vulnerability, as well as emancipation and revolutionary political acts.
本文探讨了covid-19作为一个彻底破坏我们日常生活的社会创伤事件。在这样做的过程中,它打开了一扇通向一个神秘世界的窗口,在这个世界中,病毒表现出丰富的代理能力,为了自己的利益而重新利用,在人体和各种全球组合中传播和繁殖。Covid-19大流行对社会基础结构的挑战反过来又扰乱了我们的本体论安全感。文章对这些方面进行了思考,认为疫情是人类面临死亡、自由、孤立和无意义这四种生存条件的极限局面。在这种独特的全球环境下,这篇文章将注意力集中在covid-19的社会创伤和一些社会反应上。这些以阴谋论神话思维的形式,围绕着共同的脆弱存在状态形成的社区,以及解放和革命的政治行为。
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引用次数: 8
‘Can the subaltern speak?’: COVID-19 and decolonial pedagogy in Palestinian universities “那个下士会说话吗?”: 2019冠状病毒病与巴勒斯坦大学的非殖民化教学
IF 0.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/14797585.2021.1936106
B. Hamamra, Ahmad Qabaha
ABSTRACT The online mode of education has created a space for a decolonial pedagogy that allows student liberation from in-class education which perpetuates students’ passivity. Drawing on Freire’s concepts of banking education, dialogue and democracy, Said’s various works and concepts, including ‘margins’ and ‘centres’, and students’ testimonies concerning online and in-class modes of education, we contend that online education shatters the hegemony of instructors over the process of education. While students air their proclivity for emancipation from the hegemonic intricacy of the traditional classroom, instructors also highlight the importance of dialogue, research and enriching discussions that subvert the teacher-student hierarchy. While some instructors used to follow research and dialogue in class, they encountered challenges in introducing topics related to sexuality, politics and religion. However, these issues have shored up during online education as the emphasis on the part of instructors and students has been on constructing arguments rather than memorising materials. Thus, the online education we have been forced to adopt is a call for a paradigm shift in the sense that the traditional mode of education perpetuates students’ passivity and suppression of their voices in ways that resonate with the suppression of Palestinian voices by the Israeli-settler colonialism.
摘要:在线教育模式为非殖民化教育创造了一个空间,让学生从课堂教育中解放出来,而课堂教育使学生的被动性永久化。根据弗雷尔关于银行教育、对话和民主的概念,赛义德的各种著作和概念,包括“边缘”和“中心”,以及学生关于在线和课堂教育模式的证词,我们认为在线教育打破了教师对教育过程的霸权。当学生们表达他们从传统课堂的霸权复杂性中解放出来的倾向时,导师们也强调了对话、研究和丰富讨论的重要性,这些都颠覆了师生等级制度。虽然一些讲师过去在课堂上关注研究和对话,但他们在介绍与性、政治和宗教有关的话题时遇到了挑战。然而,这些问题在在线教育中得到了支持,因为教师和学生的重点一直是构建论点,而不是记忆材料。因此,我们被迫采用的在线教育是对范式转变的呼吁,因为传统的教育模式使学生的被动性和对声音的压制永久化,这与以色列定居者殖民主义对巴勒斯坦人声音的压制产生了共鸣。
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引用次数: 4
The politics of irony, reconsidered 政治的讽刺,重新考虑
IF 0.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/14797585.2021.1922803
Tom Grimwood
ABSTRACT Franco ‘Bifo’ Berardi concludes his analysis of critical malaise in late capitalism with a bold call to arms: post-liberal dystopia must be faced and dissolved by irony. He argues for a renewed ironic autonomy, which emphasises the independence of mind from knowledge and the excessive nature of the imagination. Developing Berardi’s argument, I suggest there are three obstacles to theorising irony as a form of politics. The first is that a politics of irony is often accused of being either a fraudulent or amoral form of politics, which has itself allowed a post-liberal malaise to fester and grow. The second problem is that irony may no longer be simply an ambivalent tool of critique from the edges of political discourse, but instead a tool which perpetuates its very centre. The third problem is that theorising the performance and place of irony in relation to political critique often results in a slippage from the complexity of the second problem to the impasse of the first. I argue that Berardi’s ‘ironic autonomy’ is entirely possible, so long as the politics of irony is understood as depending on the different forms and media of interpretative space through which contemporary politics takes place.
摘要:Franco‘Bifo’Berardi在对晚期资本主义批判困境的分析中,大胆地呼吁武装起来:后自由主义的反乌托邦必须通过讽刺来面对和化解。他主张一种新的讽刺自主性,强调思想与知识的独立性和想象力的过度本质。在发展贝拉迪的论点时,我认为将讽刺作为一种政治形式进行理论化有三个障碍。首先,讽刺政治经常被指责为一种欺诈或不道德的政治形式,这本身就让后自由主义的弊病恶化和发展。第二个问题是,讽刺可能不再只是一种来自政治话语边缘的矛盾批判工具,而是一种使其中心永久存在的工具。第三个问题是,将讽刺在政治批评中的表现和位置理论化,往往会导致从第二个问题的复杂性滑向第一个问题的僵局。我认为,贝拉迪的“讽刺自主性”是完全可能的,只要讽刺政治被理解为取决于当代政治发生的不同形式和媒介的解释空间。
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引用次数: 2
The cinema of cruelty in streaming: elements of perversity in Chernobyl and years and years 流媒体中残酷的电影:切尔诺贝利和年复一年的变态元素
IF 0.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/14797585.2021.1937250
C. Fernández-Rodríguez, Luis M. Romero-Rodríguez
ABSTRACT This study aims to diagnose how the cinema of cruelty has been inserted into mainstream culture through the current streaming series, analysing the elements of the eroticism of perversity and the cinema of cruelty in the series Chernobyl and Years and Years (HBO: 2019). This is done with the design of a content analysis sheet based on the interpretation of theoretical constructs, validated by expert judgement. The results diagnose an excess of trivialised cruelty, evidencing the spectator’s desensitisation to the images, as well as their fascination with them. In this sense, the growing audiovisual success of misanthropic, entertaining, and pornographic narratives is evident. It is concluded that discomfort, fun, horror pornography, and their respective prestige, are installed in contemporary popular television culture, reproducing a relationship between the depressing and the entertainment.
摘要本研究旨在通过分析电视剧《切尔诺贝利》和《岁月》(HBO:2019)中变态色情和残酷电影的元素,诊断残酷电影是如何通过当前的流媒体电视剧融入主流文化的。这是通过设计内容分析表来完成的,该表基于对理论结构的解释,并通过专家判断进行验证。结果诊断出过度琐碎的残忍,证明了观众对图像的不敏感,以及他们对图像的迷恋。从这个意义上说,厌世、娱乐和色情叙事在视听方面日益成功是显而易见的。结论是,不适、趣味、恐怖色情及其各自的声望,被植入了当代流行电视文化中,再现了一种压抑与娱乐之间的关系。
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引用次数: 1
Spatial profanation of lebanese sectarianism: al-nūr square and the 17 October 2019 protests 黎巴嫩宗派主义的空间亵渎:al-núr广场和2019年10月17日的抗议活动
IF 0.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-03-23 DOI: 10.1080/14797585.2021.1899891
Hiba Ghanem
ABSTRACT The ongoing 17 October 2019 Lebanese protests mark a critical moment that historicises the struggle of a people, from different sectarian and religious backgrounds, against political corruption. Tripoli, a conservative Sunni-majority city in Northern Lebanon, has caught the attention of researchers as its protests took the form of a ‘rave party’ held in its main public square, known as al-Nur Square. This article investigates the Tripolitan protests through the lens of Agamben’s Profanations to highlight the dynamics of the al-Nur Square protests that seem to conflate the religious and the political. The article specifically argues that the protestors reconfigure the space around the square in an attempt at profaning the sectarian apparatus that takes the ‘Allah’ icon as its centre. In their spatial attempt at profanation, however, the protestors seem to preserve the religious intact, thus giving credibility to their de-sectarianising act. Such an analytical reading of the protest sheds light on the spatial dynamics inherent in any Lebanese attempt at reform, including the 17 October 2019 protests. These protests become historical records that trace the protestors’ continuous negotiation of the religious and the political that embeds the attempt at de-sectarianisation within every demand they have for political reform.
2019年10月17日正在进行的黎巴嫩抗议活动标志着一个关键时刻,它记录了来自不同宗派和宗教背景的人民反对政治腐败的斗争。黎巴嫩北部以逊尼派为主的保守城市的黎波里引起了研究人员的注意,因为该市的抗议活动采取了在主要公共广场努尔广场(al-Nur square)举行“狂欢派对”的形式。本文透过Agamben的作品《亵渎》(Profanations)来调查的黎波里的抗议活动,以突显al-Nur广场抗议活动的动态,这些抗议活动似乎将宗教与政治混为一谈。文章特别指出,示威者重新布置广场周围的空间,企图亵渎以“安拉”为中心的宗派机构。然而,在他们的空间亵渎尝试中,抗议者似乎保留了宗教的完整,从而为他们的去宗派主义行为提供了可信度。对抗议活动的这种分析性解读,揭示了黎巴嫩任何改革尝试所固有的空间动态,包括2019年10月17日的抗议活动。这些抗议活动成为历史记录,记录了抗议者在宗教和政治方面的持续谈判,将去宗派主义的企图嵌入到他们对政治改革的每一个要求中。
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引用次数: 2
Processes of legitimization in contemporary Art: the young British Artists phenomenon 当代艺术的合法化过程:英国青年艺术家现象
IF 0.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-03-10 DOI: 10.1080/14797585.2021.1898912
Pablo Navazo-Ostúa, Eva Aladro-Vico, Olga Bailey
ABSTRACT The Young British Artists (YBAs) was a generation that incorporated elements from media, advertising and cultural industry into the art world in the late 20th century. Based on a case study of the group and the distinctive phases of its meteoric trajectory, we analyse the circumstances and agents involved in the processes of legitimisation in contemporary art. As an instrumental tool, we use the model presented by Alan Bowness in his publication, which outlines the process that allows artists to access certain social recognition. This outline provides us with a model of reference upon which to reconstruct the pattern of the YBAs trajectory to determine the sociocultural circumstances surrounding the media phenomenon. These results also correct and modify certain aspects of Bowness’ model to adapt it to the current socioeconomic context that sustains the processes of legitimisation of art today.
英国青年艺术家(YBAs)是20世纪末将媒体、广告和文化产业的元素融入艺术世界的一代人。基于对该团体的个案研究及其发展轨迹的不同阶段,我们分析了当代艺术合法化过程中所涉及的环境和代理人。作为一种工具,我们使用Alan Bowness在他的出版物中提出的模型,该模型概述了允许艺术家获得一定社会认可的过程。这一概述为我们提供了一个参考模型,在此基础上,我们可以重构YBAs的轨迹模式,从而确定围绕媒介现象的社会文化环境。这些结果也纠正和修改了Bowness模型的某些方面,使其适应当前维持艺术合法化进程的社会经济背景。
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引用次数: 0
The dream of the Great War 伟大战争的梦想
IF 0.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-03-02 DOI: 10.1080/14797585.2021.1894374
Leslie Chapman
ABSTRACT This article explores the idea that what Samuel Hynes has described as ‘The Myth of the (Great) War can be analysed both as a trauma narrative and as a cultural dream. The argument draws upon Lacan’s proposition in Seminar XVII that the Oedipus complex is ‘Freud’s dream’, an idea which Lacan develops within the context of his theory of the four discourses. Just as Lacan argues in the Seminar that ‘Freud’s dream’ is an attempt to ‘save the father’ from symbolic castration, the argument put forward in this paper is that the Myth of the Great War is an attempt to ‘save’ the upper and upper-middle class culture of late Victorian and early Edwardian England from its own form of symbolic castration. As a trauma narrative it can be seen as an attempt to give meaning to a meaningless experience, but as a dream it becomes possible to identify, within its ‘manifest content’, what Freud called the ‘navel of the dream’, the point where interpretation reaches its limit and which in Lacanian terms can be defined as the Real of the dream. This is illustrated through the analysis of a famous Great War poem by Wilfred Owen.
摘要本文探讨了一种观点,即塞缪尔·海恩斯所描述的“(伟大)战争的神话”既可以作为创伤叙事来分析,也可以作为文化梦想来分析。该论点借鉴了拉康在第十七次研讨会上的主张,即俄狄浦斯情结是“弗洛伊德的梦”,这是拉康在他的四种话语理论的背景下发展起来的一个想法。正如拉康在研讨会上所说的“弗洛伊德之梦”是试图“拯救父亲”免受象征性阉割一样,本文提出的论点是,《大战神话》是试图“挽救”维多利亚晚期和爱德华早期英国的中上层文化免受其自身形式的象征性阉割。作为一种创伤叙事,它可以被视为试图赋予一种无意义的体验以意义,但作为一个梦,它可以在其“明显的内容”中识别弗洛伊德所说的“梦的肚脐”,即解释达到极限的点,用拉康语来说,这可以被定义为梦的真实。这可以通过分析威尔弗雷德·欧文的一首著名的大战诗来说明。
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引用次数: 0
Conspiracist cognition: chaos, convenience, and cause for concern 阴谋论认知:混乱、便利和令人担忧
IF 0.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/14797585.2021.1886423
S. Lewandowsky
ABSTRACT There has been much concern with the abundance of misinformation in public discourse. Although misinformation has always played a role in political debate, its character has shifted from support for a specific position to a ‘shock and chaos’ stream of misinformation and conspiracy theories. Exposure to conspiracy theories can have considerable adverse impact on society. I argue that scholars therefore have a responsibility to combat conspiracy theories and misinformation generally. Exercising this responsibility requires an understanding of the varied rhetorical roles of conspiracy theories. Here I focus on instances in which people reject unequivocal scientific evidence and invoke conspiracy theories, or radical anti-institutional positions, based on ideological imperatives. I argue that those positions do not always reflect true attitudes. Instead, people may deploy extreme rhetoric as a pragmatic tool of political expression. I investigate this possibility by focusing on the role of conspiracy theories in the rejection of science. Conspiracist cognition and rhetoric violate the epistemic standards that underpin science. Ironically, this violation of epistemic standards renders conspiracy theories useful as a rationally deployed tool that serves political purposes. I present a study that confirms that conspiracy theories can be deployed to support worldview-motivated denial of science. I provide suggestions how scholars can debunk or defang conspiratorial rhetoric.
摘要公众话语中大量的错误信息一直备受关注。尽管错误信息一直在政治辩论中发挥着作用,但其特征已经从支持特定立场转变为错误信息和阴谋论的“震惊和混乱”流。接触阴谋论会对社会产生相当大的不利影响。因此,我认为学者们有责任打击阴谋论和错误信息。履行这一职责需要理解阴谋论的各种修辞作用。在这里,我关注的是人们拒绝明确的科学证据,并基于意识形态要求援引阴谋论或激进的反体制立场的例子。我认为,这些立场并不总是反映真实的态度。相反,人们可能会使用极端的修辞作为政治表达的务实工具。我通过关注阴谋论在拒绝科学中的作用来研究这种可能性。阴谋论的认知和修辞违反了支撑科学的认知标准。具有讽刺意味的是,这种对认识标准的违反使阴谋论成为一种合理部署的工具,为政治目的服务。我提出的一项研究证实,阴谋论可以用来支持基于世界观的科学否认。我建议学者们如何揭穿或诋毁阴谋论。
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引用次数: 16
Evaluating conspiracy claims as public sphere communication 评估阴谋主张作为公共领域传播
IF 0.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/14797585.2021.1886421
Eileen Culloty
ABSTRACT Conspiracy theories have become a ubiquitous feature of contemporary culture. From a communication studies perspective, conspiracy theories undermine democratic communication by misleading the public. However, the normative concept of a democratic public sphere also upholds the values of giving visibility to diverse perspectives and facilitating reasoned debate. Thus, academics can acknowledge the harms of conspiracy claims while being open, in principle, to their potential contribution to public debate. The challenge, of course, is to evaluate the public sphere implications of conspiracy claims; implications that may be difficult to ascertain and may change over time as new evidence emerges. This position is elucidated through an analysis of the conspiracy claims found in mainstream and alternative media coverage of the Syrian conflict. Much of the debate centres on ideas about the trustworthiness and impartiality of journalists and experts whereby efforts to establish the facts are superseded by received ideas about the credibility of sources. Ultimately, the Syrian conflict indicates that conspiracy claims can be valuable for the public sphere provided there are impartial actors willing to investigate conspiracy claims and provide clarification to the public.
阴谋论已经成为当代文化中无处不在的特征。从传播学的角度来看,阴谋论通过误导公众来破坏民主传播。然而,民主公共领域的规范概念也支持让不同观点可见和促进理性辩论的价值。因此,学术界可以承认阴谋论的危害,同时原则上对其对公众辩论的潜在贡献持开放态度。当然,挑战在于评估阴谋论对公共领域的影响;这些影响可能难以确定,并可能随着时间的推移而随着新证据的出现而改变。通过对叙利亚冲突的主流和另类媒体报道中发现的阴谋主张的分析,阐明了这一立场。许多争论集中在关于记者和专家的可信度和公正性的观点上,由此确立事实的努力被关于消息来源可信度的公认观点所取代。最终,叙利亚冲突表明,只要有公正的行为者愿意调查阴谋主张并向公众提供澄清,阴谋主张对公共领域可能是有价值的。
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引用次数: 4
Against modernist illusions: why we need more democratic and constructivist alternatives to debunking conspiracy theories 反对现代主义的幻想:为什么我们需要更多民主和建构主义的替代方案来揭穿阴谋论
IF 0.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/14797585.2021.1886424
Jaron Harambam
ABSTRACT Various societal and academic actors argue that conspiracy theories should be debunked by insisting on the truthfulness of real “facts” provided by established epistemic institutions. But are academic scholars the appropriate actors to correct people’s beliefs and is that the right and most productive thing to do? Drawing on years of ethnographic research experiences in the Dutch conspiracy milieu, I explain in this paper why debunking conspiracy theories is not possible (can scholars actually know the real truth?), not professional (is taking sides in truth wars what we should do?), and not productive (providing more “correct” information won’t work as knowledge acceptance is not just a cognitive/epistemic issue). Instead of reinstalling the modernist legitimation narrative of science, I argue in this paper for an alternative that is both epistemologically stronger and sociologically more effective. Building from research and experiments with epistemic democracy in the field of science and technology studies, I propose to have “deliberative citizen knowledge platforms”, instead of elite experts groups alone, asses the quality of public information. Such societally representative bodies should enjoy more legitimacy and epistemic diversity to better deal with conspiracy theories and the broader societal conflicts over truth and knowledge they represent.
各种社会和学术行动者认为,阴谋论应该通过坚持既定认识机构提供的真实“事实”的真实性来揭穿。但是,学术学者是纠正人们信仰的合适行动者吗?这是正确的、最有成效的做法吗?根据荷兰阴谋论环境中多年的民族志研究经验,我在本文中解释了为什么揭穿阴谋论是不可能的(学者们真的能知道真正的真相吗?),而不是专业的(在真相战争中偏袒一方是我们应该做的吗?),并且没有生产力(提供更多“正确”的信息是行不通的,因为知识接受不仅仅是一个认知/认识问题)。我在本文中主张一种既在认识论上更强,又在社会学上更有效的替代方案,而不是重新建立现代主义的科学合法化叙事。在科学技术研究领域对认识民主的研究和实验的基础上,我建议建立“协商公民知识平台”,而不是仅仅由精英专家小组来评估公共信息的质量。这样的社会代表机构应该享有更多的合法性和认识的多样性,以更好地处理阴谋论及其所代表的真理和知识的更广泛的社会冲突。
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引用次数: 21
期刊
Journal for Cultural Research
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