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Reflexivity and the perpetuation of inequality in the cultural sector: half awake in a fake empire? 文化部门的自反性和不平等的永久化:在一个虚假的帝国中半睡半醒?
IF 0.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-08-21 DOI: 10.1080/14797585.2022.2111220
S. Hadley, B. Heidelberg, Eleonora Belfiore
ABSTRACT Discourses of social justice offer the sense of a progressive and developing narrative within the arts sector. Cultural democracy, cultural equity and cultural diversity address broad policy issues related to production, consumption and representation. This article questions whether these approaches have failed in their challenge to the long-established power dynamics of the cultural sector. We take this position of failure as a starting point for a self-reflexive account of the lack of progressive change in the sector. We argue that reflexivity is needed to avoid the elision of the progressive impulse through the inauthentic and rhetorical promotion of ‘fakequity’. As scholars from divergent yet mutually Anglo-centric traditions, our aim is to better understand how a self-reflexive approach might counter the (non)performative behaviour of the cultural sector. Without such an approach, initiatives supposedly designed to be culturally democratic risk enforcing structures of exclusion and facilitating a ‘non-performative woke democratisation of culture’.
摘要:社会正义的话语提供了一种艺术领域中进步和发展的叙事感。文化民主、文化公平和文化多样性涉及与生产、消费和代表性有关的广泛政策问题。本文质疑这些方法是否未能挑战文化部门长期以来的权力动态。我们将这种失败的立场作为对该行业缺乏渐进变革的自我反思的起点。我们认为,反身性是必要的,以避免通过对“虚假”的虚假和修辞宣传来省略进步冲动。作为来自不同但相互以英国为中心的传统的学者,我们的目标是更好地理解自我反射的方法如何对抗文化部门的(非)表演行为。如果没有这样的方法,被认为是文化民主的举措就有可能强化排斥结构,促进“非表演性的文化民主化”。
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引用次数: 6
Political and economic theology after Carl Schmitt: the confessional logic of deferment 卡尔·施密特之后的政治经济神学:延迟的忏悔逻辑
IF 0.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-08-18 DOI: 10.1080/14797585.2022.2111221
A. Mura
ABSTRACT Carl Schmitt’s critical insights into ‘economic-technical thinking’ and the dominant role that a ‘magical technicity’ is said to assume in the social horizon of his times offers an opportunity to reframe contemporary debates on political and economic theology, exposing a theological core behind technocratic administration. Starting from this premise, the article engages with recent inquiries into so-called ‘debt economy’, assessing the affective function that ‘deferment’ and ‘confession’ perform as dominant operators in the social imaginary of neoliberal governance.
卡尔·施密特(Carl Schmitt)对“经济-技术思维”的批判性见解,以及“神奇的技术”在他那个时代的社会视野中所扮演的主导角色,为重塑当代政治和经济神学的辩论提供了一个机会,揭示了技术官僚管理背后的神学核心。从这个前提出发,本文参与了最近对所谓的“债务经济”的调查,评估了“延迟”和“忏悔”在新自由主义治理的社会想象中作为主导经营者所发挥的情感功能。
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引用次数: 0
Storytelling through images: how leaders managed their visual communication on Facebook during the 2019 European election campaign 通过图片讲述故事:2019年欧洲大选期间,领导人如何在脸书上管理视觉交流
IF 0.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-08-07 DOI: 10.1080/14797585.2022.2106444
M. Mazzoni, Roberto Mincigrucci
ABSTRACT In contemporary democracies, the image that political leaders project is of central importance to their electoral appeal, however, studies of image projection have mainly been based on textual messages, undermining often visual content such as photos, memes and postcards. This study explores populist leaders image projection through visuals on Facebook in a cross-national context, with the aim of verifying if politicians use images to promote their political action or if they instead implement more complex strategies of self-branding and personalisation. The analysis focuses on the election campaign period for the 2019 European elections and proposes a comparison between four leaders that joined the European Parliament’s Group of Identity and Democracy, namely Matteo Salvini for Italy, Heinz-Christian Strache for Austria, Marine Le Pen for France and Alice Weidel for Germany. According to our analysis, important differences emerge in the use that leaders make of the images disseminated on Facebook. Some of them, in fact, disseminate almost exclusively images that are strictly related to their electoral campaign, while others seek a true identification with their voters, following the pattern of intimization.
在当代民主国家,政治领导人的形象对其选举吸引力至关重要,然而,对形象投射的研究主要基于文本信息,往往破坏了照片、表情包和明信片等视觉内容。这项研究探讨了民粹主义领导人在跨国背景下通过Facebook上的视觉形象投射,目的是验证政治家是否使用图像来促进他们的政治行动,或者他们是否实施了更复杂的自我品牌和个性化策略。该分析以2019年欧洲议会选举的竞选活动为中心,对意大利的马泰奥·萨尔维尼、奥地利的海因茨-克里斯蒂安·施特拉赫、法国的马琳·勒庞、德国的爱丽丝·魏德尔等4名加入欧洲议会认同与民主集团的领导人进行了比较。根据我们的分析,领导人对Facebook上传播的图片的使用出现了重大差异。事实上,他们中的一些人几乎只传播与他们的竞选活动严格相关的图像,而另一些人则按照恐吓的模式寻求与选民的真正认同。
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引用次数: 0
The culture of migration in Southeast Asia: Acculturation, enculturation and deculturation 东南亚移民文化:文化适应、文化融入与文化外化
IF 0.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/14797585.2022.2097881
A. Ullah
ABSTRACT The purpose of this article is to look at how migration and culture interact to shape the migration landscape in Southeast Asian countries. Within the scope of migration study, there has been a lack of attention paid to the importance of culture. Scholars may have lost sight of the importance of culture due to a sustained and continuous concentration on socioeconomic concerns. The research claims that one of the aspects that influences migration decision-making is culture. To back up our claim, we performed qualitative research in Malaysia, Thailand, and Brunei. Through the lens of acculturation, enculturation, and deculturation, the study highlights a vital problem of whether migration influences culture or the other way around or whether migration itself becomes a part of a culture.
摘要本文旨在探讨东南亚国家的移民和文化是如何相互作用来塑造移民景观的。在移民研究的范围内,缺乏对文化重要性的关注。由于持续不断地关注社会经济问题,学者们可能已经忽视了文化的重要性。该研究声称,影响移民决策的一个方面是文化。为了支持我们的说法,我们在马来西亚、泰国和文莱进行了定性研究。通过适应文化、融入文化和去文化的视角,这项研究强调了一个重要问题,即移民是否会影响文化或反过来,或者移民本身是否会成为文化的一部分。
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引用次数: 3
Lost items and exposed shame – dreamcore’s inheritance and transcendence of liminal space and defamiliarization 遗失的物品与暴露的羞耻——梦核对阈限空间与陌生化的继承与超越
IF 0.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/14797585.2022.2097013
Haoxing Wu
ABSTRACT Dreamcore originates from a video (or image) form submitted on 21 April 2018, when an anonymous user posted a thread on 4chan’s paranormal section collecting images that would make people feel ‘uncomfortable', and another user’s comment under it gained the attention of the community. And it has been a new subculture that uses familiar scenes to make the audience nostalgic but uneasy, with two important characteristics: ‘Lost items’ and ‘exposed shame’. In contrast to the philosophical concept ‘sense of material’, the absolutely independent defamiliarization, or liminal space’s ‘neither … nor … ’, ‘lost items’ pursues the familiarity in strangeness without resorting to the expression of magical reality, or using ambiguity between the two to create a ‘either … or …’ atmosphere; Compared with modern urban planning based on the principle of ‘ecology’, ‘exposed shame’ reveals infrastructures that do not match the natural setting in the image, causing abruptness and embarrassment. Both point to the dreamcore’s playful ambiguity, thus not being governed by serious art and symbolising the original intention of free creation.
Dreamcore源于2018年4月21日提交的一份视频(或图像)表格,当时一名匿名用户在4chan的超自然区域发布了一个帖子,收集让人感到“不舒服”的图像,另一名用户在该帖子下的评论引起了社区的关注。它是一种新的亚文化,用熟悉的场景让观众怀旧但不安,有两个重要特征:“失物”和“暴露的羞耻”。相对于哲学概念“物质感”、绝对独立的陌生化,或阈域空间的“既非……也非……”,“失物”在陌生中追求熟悉,而不诉诸魔幻现实的表达,也不利用两者之间的模糊性来营造“非此即彼”的氛围;与基于“生态”原则的现代城市规划相比,“暴露的耻辱”揭示了图像中与自然环境不匹配的基础设施,造成了突兀和尴尬。两者都指向了梦核游戏的模糊性,因此不受严肃艺术的支配,象征着自由创作的初衷。
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引用次数: 0
The taste of contemporaneity: is the west kitsch? 当代品味:西方是媚俗的吗?
IF 0.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/14797585.2022.2097880
A. Castelli, Barbara Sonzogni
ABSTRACT As the twenty-first century begins, Benjamin’s aura as the quality of an authentic-art-object might be outdated, but the notion of kitsch remains essential in a post-Warholian world. The following discussion is an attempt to assess Western contemporaneity. By using a few examples, so to dissect problems into their smallest components, I suggest that the current popularity of kitsch inclinations and behaviours in Western societies are not a means to resist cultural and aesthetic elitism, but an implication of widespread bad taste.
随着二十一世纪的到来,本雅明作为一件真正的艺术品的光环可能已经过时了,但在后沃霍尔时代,媚俗的概念仍然是必不可少的。下面的讨论试图评估西方的当代性。通过使用几个例子,将问题分解为最小的组成部分,我认为当前西方社会流行的媚俗倾向和行为不是抵制文化和审美精英主义的手段,而是普遍存在的不良品味的暗示。
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引用次数: 0
Discourse of Self-Empowerment in Ariana Grande’s ‘thank u, next’ Album Lyrics: A Critical Discourse Analysis 爱莉安娜·格兰德“谢谢你,下一个”专辑歌词中的自我赋权话语:批判性话语分析
IF 0.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/14797585.2022.2097882
Ekkarat Ruanglertsilp
ABSTRACT Due to the increasing concern about gender equity in the U.S., song lyrics with political activism are receiving more attention. As reflected through lyrics and the artist’s tumultuous life events, ‘thank u, next,’ Ariana Grande’s fifth album, has been reviewed by media outlets, such as Billboard as mirroring Grande’s public persona of self-empowerment. iTunes (2019) describes the album as Grande’s embraced position of – ‘complex, independent, tenacious and flawed.’ This study investigates how these claims came about by adopting Fairclough’s Critical Discourse Analysis three-dimensional framework. It examines how the discourse of self-empowerment is portrayed in her lyrics, and what linguistic strategies are deployed to portray the discourse. This study hopes to add texture to existing literature by examining the production of young women’s empowerment ideology and the meanings of neoliberal feminism in relations to the use of language in song lyrics. Linguistic strategies such as the use of metaphors, overstatements and presupposition manipulation have been investigated through textual, and social analyses of the songs to demonstrate the ideological concepts of a ‘self-empowered woman’. The concepts found include independence, self-love/growth, owning of sexuality, and being needy. The concepts also revealed that Grande’s lyrics mostly support ideals of gender equity and female empowerment.
随着美国社会对性别平等问题的日益关注,带有政治激进主义色彩的歌词越来越受到人们的关注。爱莉安娜·格兰德(Ariana Grande)的第五张专辑《谢谢你,下一张》(thank u, next)的歌词和她动荡的生活事件反映了这一点。《公告牌》(Billboard)等媒体评论称,这张专辑反映了格兰德自强的公众形象。iTunes(2019)将这张专辑描述为格兰德的“复杂、独立、顽强和有缺陷”。本研究采用费尔克劳的批评话语分析的三维框架来调查这些说法是如何产生的。它考察了自我赋权的话语是如何在她的歌词中被描绘出来的,以及使用了什么语言策略来描绘这种话语。本研究希望通过考察年轻女性赋权意识形态的产生,以及新自由主义女权主义与歌词语言使用的关系,为现有文献增添质感。通过对歌曲的文本和社会分析,研究了诸如隐喻、夸张和预设操纵等语言策略,以展示“自我赋权的女性”的意识形态概念。这些概念包括独立、自爱/成长、拥有性以及有需要。这些概念还表明,格兰德的歌词大多支持性别平等和女性赋权的理想。
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引用次数: 1
How to stop the torture machine? Language and destituent power 如何停止酷刑机器?语言和贫困的权力
IF 0.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-03-15 DOI: 10.1080/14797585.2022.2049976
Ö. Özden
ABSTRACT In this paper reling on Agamben’s genealogical endeavour with regard to the concept of oath, I shall try to discuss how he renders the relation between language and the destituent power that will lead me to address ‘the new experience of the word’, namely, pistis (faith), which is placed at the centre of the messianic announcement. In order to open up this point, I will take into consideration Jacques Derrida’s arguments related to faith and language which appear to be one of the main addressees of Agamben’s critical undertaking, even though he is never mentioned in Agamben’s later book The Sacrament of Language, in which he elaborates the contours of the relation between language and pistis. For Derrida the opening of language is based on an oath, a promise of saying ‘yes’ and thus, speaking is an act of faith. However, it is this functioning of language that has to be suspended according to Agamben, since it is this very dispositif that is connected to sovereign power. It is through this suspension the living being who has language may cease to be homo sacer before language and sovereign power.
摘要在这篇关于阿甘本在誓言概念方面的系谱努力的论文中,我将试图讨论他如何处理语言与毁灭力量之间的关系,这将使我能够处理“这个词的新体验”,即置于弥赛亚宣告中心的pistis(信仰)。为了阐明这一点,我将考虑雅克·德里达与信仰和语言有关的论点,这些论点似乎是阿甘本批判事业的主要对象之一,尽管阿甘本后来的著作《语言圣体》中从未提到过他,他在书中阐述了语言和皮斯之间关系的轮廓。对德里达来说,语言的开放是基于誓言,一种说“是”的承诺,因此,说话是一种信仰行为。然而,根据Agamben的说法,正是这种语言的功能必须暂停,因为正是这种处置与主权权力有关。正是通过这种暂停,拥有语言的生命在语言和主权之前可能不再是同一个人。
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引用次数: 0
Negotiating memories through language: an analysis of the choice of an official language during state-building in Timor-Leste 通过语言谈判记忆:对东帝汶国家建设过程中官方语言选择的分析
IF 0.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-03-13 DOI: 10.1080/14797585.2022.2048185
Marcelle Trote Martins
ABSTRACT The main objective of this work is to contribute to the literature on memory in post-conflict societies by considering how the choice of an official language is entangled in memory politics. Particularly, in Timor-Leste, the choice of Portuguese as the official language reflects an effort to create a narrative of the heroism of the ‘Generation of 75’ whilst silencing the efforts and memories of the ‘Geração Foun’ (young generation)’ during the fight for independence. Therefore, in the constituency of the new state, language plays a crucial role in post-conflict efforts to (re) establish political foundations for the state and define how individuals will be remembered. This paper analyses the case of Timor-Leste and disputes over the choice of an official language after the re-establishment of independence in 2002.
本研究的主要目的是通过考虑官方语言的选择如何与记忆政治纠缠在一起,为冲突后社会的记忆文献做出贡献。特别是在东帝汶,选择葡萄牙语作为官方语言,反映了一种努力,即创造一种“75世代”的英雄主义叙事,同时沉默“gera o Foun”(年轻一代)在争取独立期间的努力和记忆。因此,在新国家的选区中,语言在冲突后为国家(重新)建立政治基础和确定个人将如何被记住的努力中起着至关重要的作用。本文以东帝汶为例,分析2002年东帝汶重新独立后,官方语言选择的争议。
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引用次数: 0
The singularity to come 奇点即将到来
IF 0.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-02-21 DOI: 10.1080/14797585.2022.2040338
S. Das
ABSTRACT In his posthumously published Broken Hegemonies, Reiner Schürmann shows how the ‘tragic denial’ of the differend – between the universal and the singular, natality and mortality, institution and destitution – gives rise to hegemonies. When ‘the sovereign fantasm’ that grounds and anchors the hegemony expires, the hegemony gets withered away. Taking Schürmann’s insights as point of departure, this paper attempts to think of singularisation to come in messianic sense, as truly anarchic thought worthy of our time, that is, to think without hegemonies. Such a messianic/eschatological tragic-anarchic thought can’t be understood as the dialectical operation of the universal’s antagonism to the particular. Beyond the dialectical opposition of the universal and the particular, differend of the singularisation to come can only be understood as the unheard of an-arché, that is, living without ‘why’.
莱纳·施曼在其死后出版的《破碎的霸权》一书中,展示了对普遍与独特、出生与死亡、制度与贫困之间差异的“悲剧性否认”是如何导致霸权的产生的。当支撑和支撑霸权的“主权幻想”消亡时,霸权就会枯萎。本文以sch曼的见解为出发点,试图从弥赛亚的意义上思考单一性,作为我们这个时代真正的无政府主义思想,即没有霸权的思想。这种弥赛亚/末世论的悲剧无政府主义思想不能理解为普遍与特殊对立的辩证运作。在普遍与特殊的辩证对立之外,将来的单一性化的差异只能理解为一种闻所未闻的无中生有的东西,即一种没有“为什么”的生活。
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引用次数: 0
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Journal for Cultural Research
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