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‘You can’t be careful enough’: Measuring interpersonal trust during a pandemic “再小心也不为过”:在大流行期间衡量人际信任
IF 1.4 Q2 Psychology Pub Date : 2021-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/21515581.2022.2066539
Dag Wollebæk, Audun Fladmoe, Kari Steen-Johnsen
ABSTRACT Empirical results regarding the role of interpersonal trust in the pandemic setting have been inconsistent. We argue that one explanation may be an inherent weakness in the standard measure of generalised trust, requesting respondents to choose between the options ‘most people can be trusted' and ‘you can't be careful enough in dealing with people'. The item measures two inter-related yet separate dimensions - trust and caution. A sense of caution is likely to be activated within the pandemic; some respondents may interpret ‘being careful’ as avoiding infection or spreading the virus. This may lead to 1) exaggerated negative trends in trust after the pandemic outbreak and 2) misrepresentation of the relationship between trust and compliance with guidelines. This is more likely to occur if respondents are primed to think about the pandemic. Analyses of several survey data sets from Norway confirmed that the standard question showed a decline in trust levels after the pandemic outbreak and a weakly negative correlation with social distancing. Alternative operationalisations without reference to caution suggested a small increase in trust and neutral or a weakly positive correlation with social distancing. Our results imply that the standard question should be used with caution in pandemic research.
关于人际信任在疫情环境中的作用的实证结果并不一致。我们认为,一种解释可能是广义信任标准衡量的固有弱点,要求受访者在“大多数人都可以信任”和“与人打交道时不够小心”之间做出选择。该项目衡量两个相互关联但又相互独立的层面——信任和谨慎。在新冠疫情中,谨慎意识可能会被激活;一些受访者可能将“小心”解释为避免感染或传播病毒。这可能导致1)疫情爆发后信任的负面趋势被夸大,2)对信任与遵守指南之间关系的歪曲。如果受访者准备好思考疫情,这种情况更有可能发生。对挪威几组调查数据的分析证实,标准问题显示,疫情爆发后,信任水平下降,与社交距离呈弱负相关。不谨慎的替代操作表明,信任度略有增加,与社交距离呈中性或弱正相关。我们的研究结果表明,在流行病研究中应谨慎使用标准问题。
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引用次数: 6
Public trust in governments, health care providers, and the media during pandemics: A systematic review 大流行期间公众对政府、卫生保健提供者和媒体的信任:系统回顾
IF 1.4 Q2 Psychology Pub Date : 2021-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/21515581.2022.2029742
Umair Majid, Aghna Wasim, J. Truong, S. Bakshi
ABSTRACT Among the most important factors that determine whether public health recommendations receive widespread adherence during pandemics is public trust in the information disseminated by governments, health care providers, and the media. However, there remains uncertainty pertaining to the role of public trust in the acceptance and maintenance of public health recommendations during outbreaks. This systematic review and thematic analysis examined 41 studies on previous pandemics, epidemics, and global outbreaks in the twenty-first century to identify the relationship between public trust in the government, health care providers, and the media, and the acceptance, uptake, and maintenance of health behaviours that contain the spread of infectious disease. We found inconsistency in public trust towards the government and the media across multiple countries, while trust in health care providers was generally reported to be high with a few exceptions. We identified several unintended outcomes of mistrust when communicating public health recommendations such as non-compliance with recommended health measures, seeking information from alternative sources, and vaccine hesitancy. We conclude this paper by discussing the importance of public trust in promoting compliance with public health recommendations and the uptake of protective behaviours, as well as the downstream implications of mistrust that may develop in the COVID-19 pandemic.
决定大流行期间公共卫生建议是否得到广泛遵守的最重要因素之一是公众对政府、卫生保健提供者和媒体传播的信息的信任。然而,在疫情爆发期间,公众信任在接受和维持公共卫生建议方面的作用仍然存在不确定性。本系统综述和专题分析审查了41项关于21世纪以前的大流行病、流行病和全球疫情的研究,以确定公众对政府、卫生保健提供者和媒体的信任与接受、吸收和维持遏制传染病传播的卫生行为之间的关系。我们发现,在多个国家,公众对政府和媒体的信任度不一致,而对医疗保健提供者的信任度普遍较高,只有少数例外。在传达公共卫生建议时,我们发现了一些意想不到的不信任结果,如不遵守推荐的卫生措施,从其他来源寻求信息,以及疫苗犹豫。最后,我们讨论了公众信任在促进遵守公共卫生建议和采取保护行为方面的重要性,以及在COVID-19大流行中可能产生的不信任的下游影响。
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引用次数: 11
How representative surveys measure public (dis)trust in science: A systematisation and analysis of survey items and open-ended questions 代表性调查如何衡量公众对科学的信任:调查项目和开放式问题的系统化和分析
IF 1.4 Q2 Psychology Pub Date : 2021-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/21515581.2022.2075373
Anne Reif, Lars Guenther
ABSTRACT Over the past several years, scholars have debated the public’s (dis)trust in science. Since the ‘science and society’ paradigm of science communication has defined the crisis of trust between science and the public as a major concern, this article is interested in how public (dis)trust in science is measured in representative surveys of public perceptions of science and technology. The goal is to systematise survey measures using a theoretical model of (dis)trust in science as a multidimensional variable that is relevant to the relationship between the public, (intermediaries) and science. A systematic review of items and open-ended questions (n = 736) used in 20 representative surveys from various countries was conducted. The results show that surveys rarely measure distrust in science, and instead focus on trust in science – mainly at the macro-level – rather than trust in scientists (micro-level) or scientific organisations (meso-level). Benevolence is the dimension of trust considered most frequently; the media is predominantly included as a general type of contact with science without a direct link to (dis)trust. Hence, representative surveys cover a number of different aspects of public (dis)trust in science. However, there is room for improvement. Thus, this paper concludes with recommendations for future measures.
摘要在过去的几年里,学者们一直在争论公众对科学的不信任。由于科学传播的“科学与社会”范式将科学与公众之间的信任危机定义为一个主要问题,本文感兴趣的是如何在公众对科学和技术认知的代表性调查中衡量公众对科学的信任。目标是使用对科学的(不)信任理论模型,将调查措施系统化,将其作为与公众、(中介机构)和科学之间关系相关的多维变量。项目和开放式问题的系统回顾(n = 736)在来自不同国家的20个代表性调查中使用。研究结果表明,调查很少衡量对科学的不信任,而是关注对科学的信任——主要是宏观层面的信任——而不是对科学家(微观层面)或科学组织(中观层面)的信任。善意是人们最常考虑的信任维度;媒体主要是作为一种与科学接触的普通类型,与信任没有直接联系。因此,有代表性的调查涵盖了公众对科学信任的许多不同方面。然而,还有改进的余地。因此,本文最后对今后的措施提出了建议。
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引用次数: 2
Trust, experience and embodied knowledge or lessons from John Dewey on the dangers of abstraction 信任,经验和具体化的知识或约翰·杜威关于抽象的危险的教训
IF 1.4 Q2 Psychology Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/21515581.2021.1946821
A. Seligman
This paper explores the connection between trust and confidence on the one hand and different forms of knowledge (abstract and general viz. particular and concrete) on the other. While the distinction between trust and confidence was first made by Niklas Luhmann their connection to forms of knowledge and so attitudes towards difference is new. Making use of insights afforded to us by John Dewey, I argue here for the dependence of trust on an ability to abide with ambiguity and the loss of control that the eschewal of generalised categories of knowledge implies. Finally, I draw social and political implications from these insights in terms of the ability to live with differences, with the stranger and with those ‘others' who cannot be known and so contained within abstract categories.
本文探讨了信任和信心与不同形式的知识(抽象和一般,特殊和具体)之间的联系。虽然信任和信心之间的区别是由Niklas Luhmann首先提出的,但它们与知识形式的联系以及对差异的态度是新的。利用约翰·杜威(John Dewey)给我们提供的见解,我在这里论证了信任依赖于一种能够忍受模糊性和失去控制的能力,这种能力是对一般化的知识范畴的回避所暗示的。最后,我从这些见解中得出社会和政治含义,即与差异共存的能力,与陌生人和那些无法被认识的“他人”共存的能力,因此被包含在抽象的类别中。
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引用次数: 4
Trust is political 信任是政治的
IF 1.4 Q2 Psychology Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/21515581.2021.2030892
Guido Möllering
It is a sign of the times that an increasing proportion of papers submitted to, and published in, Journal of Trust Research (JTR) address the broad area of political trust. These studies mostly consider how members of the public do or don’t trust in various societal institutions. At the same time they work on the premise that such trust matters in the sense that, notably, an erosion of trust could severely impede cohesion and collaboration at large (see, for example, Festenstein, 2020; Hetherington, 2005). This makes trust and trusting political. Trust as an attitude with behavioural consequences connects, enables and comforts – or, when it is lacking or even turning into distrust, it separates, prevents and worries – in social relations. Thus, from the interpersonal to the institutional level, we might see trust as a vote on whom people are prepared to cooperate with (e.g. Hamm et al., 2016). The politics of trust revolve around securing allegiance and maintaining alliances of people with common interests. And trust implies a special form of reliance on others whom we can control and understand only partly at best. Especially in times of grand challenges, transformations and disruptions, ‘Who trusts whom?’ is just as much a political as a personal question. Any answer given reflects and affects ongoing social dynamics. The articles contained in this new JTR issue all speak to some extent to this political interpretation of trust and trusting. As usual, they were not curated based on this theme, but were simply next in the publication pipeline. Still, as I will attempt below, they can be connected as they all show us the political implications of trusting in current societies. First, Adam Seligman’s (2021) article on ‘Trust, experience and embodied knowledge or lessons from John Dewey on the dangers of abstraction’ essentially (re-)conceptualises trust as distinct from confidence. In short – and in my personal interpretation – to Seligman trusting means to suspend judgement and, in particular, to be able to deal with ambiguity, relying on experience rather than abstract knowledge. What makes his conceptual exploration ‘political’ is that he frames it in the context of (the troubles of) civil society. In particular, Seligman points out that trust matters where people lack the knowledge and ability to rely on abstractions of others – which would be a matter of confidence. This means that trust is essentially relevant in relation to strangers. The strangeness we all represent to each other could prevent us from starting cooperative interactions or relationships and from gaining the experiences that enable us to further extend trust. If we lose the ability to trust in this sense, ‘there can be no civil society to speak of’ (Seligman, 2021, p. 19). We might imagine it this way: Populists tell us to rely only on the people and things we (already) know. Hence they ask us to use confidence. Trust as experience, in contrast, lets us be open to what we do
这是一个时代的标志,越来越多的论文提交和发表在信任研究杂志(JTR)上,涉及政治信任的广泛领域。这些研究主要考虑公众如何信任或不信任各种社会机构。与此同时,他们的工作前提是,这种信任很重要,因为值得注意的是,信任的侵蚀可能严重阻碍凝聚力和协作(例如,参见Festenstein, 2020;海瑟林顿,2005)。这使得信任和信任具有政治性。信任作为一种具有行为后果的态度,在社会关系中起着连接、促进和安慰作用——或者,当缺乏信任甚至变成不信任时,它会使社会关系分离、阻碍和担忧。因此,从人际关系到制度层面,我们可以将信任视为人们准备与谁合作的投票(例如Hamm et al., 2016)。信任的政治围绕着确保忠诚和维持有共同利益的人的联盟。而信任意味着对他人的一种特殊形式的依赖,我们可以控制这些人,充其量也只能部分地理解他们。尤其是在面临巨大挑战、变革和颠覆的时代,“谁信任谁?”这既是一个个人问题,也是一个政治问题。给出的任何答案都反映并影响着当前的社会动态。新一期《JTR》所载的文章都在一定程度上说明了这种对信任和信任的政治解释。像往常一样,它们不是基于这个主题进行策划的,而只是发布管道中的下一个。然而,正如我将在下面尝试的那样,它们可以联系在一起,因为它们都向我们展示了信任在当前社会中的政治含义。首先,亚当·塞利格曼(Adam Seligman, 2021)关于“信任、经验和体现的知识或约翰·杜威关于抽象危险的教训”的文章从本质上(重新)将信任概念化为与信心不同的概念。简而言之——以我个人的理解——对塞利格曼来说,信任意味着暂停判断,特别是能够处理模棱两可的问题,依靠经验而不是抽象的知识。他的概念探索之所以具有“政治性”,是因为他将其置于公民社会的(麻烦)背景中。塞利格曼特别指出,当人们缺乏依赖他人抽象概念的知识和能力时,信任至关重要——这将是一个信心问题。这意味着信任本质上是与陌生人相关的。我们彼此之间的陌生感可能会阻止我们开始合作互动或关系,也会阻止我们获得使我们能够进一步扩大信任的经验。如果我们在这个意义上失去信任的能力,“就没有公民社会可言”(塞利格曼,2021年,第19页)。我们可以这样想象:民粹主义者告诉我们只依赖我们(已经)认识的人和事。因此,他们要求我们使用信心。相比之下,信任作为一种经验,让我们对自己(还)不知道的事情敞开心扉。它使一个开放的社会能够处理多样性和模糊性。因此,拒绝信任就变成了一种政治举动,即拒绝陌生人的怀疑,这实际上意味着排斥,甚至更糟。民粹主义可能在政治上对信任造成的损害也是本期《JTR》第二篇文章的一个强烈主题,这篇文章是马特·伯格鲍尔和利瓦伊·艾伦(2021年)的《对美国政党的信任和对公共政策的支持:为什么共和党人受益于政治不信任》。他们的核心贡献是分析人们对公共政策的支持如何受到人们是否相信政党执政时道德和诚实的影响。简而言之,他们发现那些信任共和党的人更不愿意这么做
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引用次数: 3
The voice of distrust? The relationship between political trust, online political participation and voting 不信任的声音?政治信任、网络政治参与和投票之间的关系
IF 1.4 Q2 Psychology Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/21515581.2022.2026781
A. Koivula, S. Malinen, Arttu Saarinen
ABSTRACT In this article, we examine how political trust is associated with participation in political discussions on social media and voting activity. We explore whether social media can provide platforms for those who are passive in terms of formal political participation. Our data were derived from a representative survey based on a sample collected in 2017 from the Finnish population register (N = 2470). Our key findings were that online and offline participation were highly linked to each other. Those citizens who participated formally by voting were also more likely to participate online. Moreover, we found a moderating effect of political trust on the relationship between online and offline participation. Therefore, we concluded that social media platforms also provide channels for political participation for individuals with low political trust who do not participate formally by voting.
摘要在这篇文章中,我们研究了政治信任如何与参与社交媒体上的政治讨论和投票活动联系在一起。我们探讨了社交媒体是否能为那些在正式政治参与方面处于被动的人提供平台。我们的数据来源于一项有代表性的调查,该调查基于2017年从芬兰人口登记处收集的样本(N = 2470)。我们的主要发现是,线上和线下的参与是高度相关的。那些通过投票正式参与的公民也更有可能在网上参与。此外,我们发现政治信任对线上和线下参与之间的关系具有调节作用。因此,我们得出结论,社交媒体平台也为政治信任度低、不通过投票正式参与的个人提供了政治参与的渠道。
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引用次数: 6
A stranger thing? Sweden as the upside down of multilevel trust 一件奇怪的事?瑞典是多级信托的翻版
IF 1.4 Q2 Psychology Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/21515581.2021.2014337
Gissur Ó. Erlingsson
ABSTRACT As a rule, citizens appreciate local more than central government. This paper proposes a new research agenda for multilevel trust studies by arguing that it is premature to believe that citizen’s proximity to officials by definition trumps distance. As in country-comparative studies, close attention needs to be paid to institutional quality in analyses of multilevel trust. To put this argument to work, a closer investigation of Sweden is conducted. Tracking three indicators of trust, with time-series stretching over two decades, Sweden turns out to be a curious outlier from the international pattern: Swedes trust their local government less than the state. To make this observation intelligible – while simultaneously aiming to contribute to a more nuanced theoretical understanding of multilevel trust – the mix of three features is identified for bringing this circumstance about: (1) the principal role Swedish municipalities have successively been given in implementing core welfare state assignments; (2) that several of the municipalities’ assignments are susceptible to corruption; and (3) that the increase in municipal responsibilities has neither been accompanied with institutions that guarantee accountability of politicians nor the impartiality of local bureaucracies.
摘要一般来说,市民更欣赏地方政府而非中央政府。本文提出了一个新的多级信任研究议程,认为认为公民与官员的接近程度胜过距离还为时过早。与国内比较研究一样,在多层次信任的分析中,需要密切关注制度质量。为了使这一论点发挥作用,我们对瑞典进行了更深入的调查。追踪三个信任指标,时间序列长达20多年,结果发现瑞典是国际模式中一个奇怪的异类:瑞典人对地方政府的信任低于对国家的信任。为了使这一观察结果易于理解,同时也有助于对多级信任进行更细致的理论理解,确定了造成这种情况的三个特征的组合:(1)瑞典市政当局在实施核心福利国家任务方面相继发挥了主要作用;(2) 几个市政当局的任务容易受到腐败的影响;(3)市政责任的增加既没有保证政治家问责制的机构,也没有保证地方官僚机构的公正性。
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引用次数: 6
Trust in the American political parties and support for public policy: Why Republicans benefit from political distrust 对美国政党的信任和对公共政策的支持:为什么共和党人从政治不信任中受益
IF 1.4 Q2 Psychology Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/21515581.2021.2014336
Matthew L. Bergbower, Levi G. Allen
While political trust is well researched by political scientists, little attention has been paid to the repercussions of citizens’ lack of trust in the major political parties. Political parties are the institutions responsible for forming governing coalitions and channelling the policy preferences of the majorities that elected them; thus, we hypothesise that distrust in the parties can have some unsavory consequences. Namely that trust can be weaponized by elites and lead to fervent opposition to the other party’s policy proposals. Using a unique dataset from the Pew Research Centre, and leveraging an innovative instrument, we analyze how support for public policy is affected by trusting the parties to govern ethically and honestly. Our results are heterogenous. We find that respondents who trust the Republicans to govern ethically and honestly reward the party with opposition to the Democrats’ policy positions. Conversely, we find no change in support for public policy among those who trust the Democrats to govern ethically and honestly. The theoretical implications of these results speak to the rise of populism in America, a topic we also briefly address in the conclusion.
虽然政治科学家对政治信任进行了深入研究,但很少关注公民对主要政党缺乏信任的影响。政党是负责组建执政联盟并引导选举他们的多数人的政策偏好的机构;因此,我们假设,对各方的不信任可能会产生一些令人不快的后果。也就是说,这种信任可以被精英们武器化,并导致对对方政策建议的强烈反对。利用皮尤研究中心的一个独特数据集,并利用一个创新工具,我们分析了信任政党以道德和诚实的方式执政对公共政策的支持是如何受到影响的。我们的结果是不一致的。我们发现,那些信任共和党人以合乎道德和诚实的方式执政的受访者,会以反对民主党的政策立场来奖励该党。相反,我们发现,那些相信民主党会以道德和诚实的方式执政的人对公共政策的支持没有变化。这些结果的理论含义说明了民粹主义在美国的兴起,我们在结论中也简要讨论了这个话题。
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引用次数: 4
Character strengths as predictors of trust and cooperation in economic decision-making 性格优势是经济决策中信任与合作的预测因素
IF 1.4 Q2 Psychology Pub Date : 2020-07-02 DOI: 10.1080/21515581.2021.1922911
Steven G. Young, R. McGrath
ABSTRACT Cooperation occupies nearly every aspect of human life. While previous research focuses on how situational factors and personality predict cooperation, less is known about how specific character strengths predict cooperation. In Study 1, we find that higher Self-Control values and lower Inquisitiveness values were associated with a larger contribution in the Trust Game. In Study 2, we find that kindness positively predicted the total amount of money earned in a Prisoner’s Dilemma game. However, Self-Control was not a significant predictor for any dependent measure. We discuss the theoretical and applied implications of these findings, compare our results to other research on dispositional predictors of trust and cooperation, and postulate that the oinconsistent role of Self-Control may be attribouted tof theoretical differences in the Trust and Prisoner’s Dilemma games. Finally, we offer future directions that can build on the present findings.
合作几乎占据了人类生活的方方面面。虽然之前的研究主要集中在情境因素和个性如何预测合作,但对于特定的性格优势如何预测合作却知之甚少。在研究1中,我们发现较高的自我控制值和较低的好奇值与信任游戏中的较大贡献相关。在研究2中,我们发现在囚徒困境游戏中,善良正预测了赚到的钱的总量。然而,自我控制并不是任何相关测量的显著预测因子。我们讨论了这些发现的理论和应用意义,将我们的结果与其他关于信任和合作的性格预测因素的研究结果进行了比较,并假设自我控制的不一致作用可能归因于信任和囚徒困境游戏中的理论差异。最后,我们提供了未来的方向,可以建立在目前的发现。
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引用次数: 1
Customer trust and perceived service quality in the healthcare sector: Customer aggressive behaviour as a mediator 医疗保健部门的客户信任和感知服务质量:客户攻击行为作为中介
IF 1.4 Q2 Psychology Pub Date : 2020-07-02 DOI: 10.1080/21515581.2021.1927063
A. Gur
ABSTRACT Most healthcare providers experience some form of aggressive behaviour by patients and their relatives (i.e. customers). Customer aggressive behaviour (CAB) is detrimental to customers and healthcare providers, as well as to the overall service quality provided by the healthcare organisation. Drawing on the Social Exchange Theory, the purpose of the study was to examine whether customers’ trust in healthcare providers decreases incidents of CAB and in turn improves the perceived service quality of the clinic. Data were collected from 45 primary care clinics of the same organisation, including three sources: Customers (N=579); healthcare providers (N=398); and data provided by the organisation. The data were aggregated and analysed at the clinic level. The results confirmed a mediation model in which customer trust in healthcare providers reduced CAB as experienced by providers, which in turn led to higher levels of clinics’ perceived service quality. As CAB in this study was examined as a mediating factor, it was possible to investigate its role within the context of the organisational dynamic. Practically, these findings suggest that healthcare organisations should proactively create and nurture a culture of trust between customers and healthcare providers in order to promote service quality through reducing CAB.
大多数医疗服务提供者都经历过患者及其亲属(即客户)的某种形式的攻击行为。客户攻击行为(CAB)不利于客户和医疗保健提供者,也不利于医疗保健组织提供的整体服务质量。利用社会交换理论,本研究的目的是检验顾客对医疗保健提供者的信任是否会减少CAB事件,进而提高诊所的感知服务质量。数据从同一组织的45个初级保健诊所收集,包括三个来源:客户(N=579);医疗保健提供者(N=398);以及组织提供的数据。在临床层面对数据进行汇总和分析。结果证实了一个中介模型,即客户对医疗保健提供者的信任减少了提供者所经历的CAB,这反过来又导致了更高水平的诊所感知服务质量。由于CAB在本研究中被视为中介因素,因此有可能调查其在组织动态背景下的作用。实际上,这些研究结果表明,医疗机构应该主动创造和培养客户和医疗服务提供者之间的信任文化,以便通过减少CAB来提高服务质量。
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引用次数: 2
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Journal of Trust Research
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