Don't Get Above Your Raisin': Country Music and the Southern Working Class. By Bill C. Malone. (Champaign: University of Illinois Press, 2002. Pp. xvi + 392, preface, introduction, photographs, notes, bibliography, discography, indices. $35.95 cloth) This is a wonderfully nostalgic and grounded book. In the introduction, the author, a well-beloved writer about country music for four decades, contextualizes himself, describing how and when and why he learned country music in his own childhood. In the preface he specifies that the chief focus of this book is on "the music made by southern working people." The book's historical sweep is wide-it reaches back to eighteenth-century dance instruction books (152) and forward to such recent songs as Steve Earl's 1996 "Christmas Time in Washington" (247). The book's chapters center on work, home, church, love and its heartaches, dance, and patriotism, particularly within the transmission media of radio and recordings. The photo images range from Pappy O'Daniel with his Hill-Billy Flour Band (1938) through Willie Nelson at MerleFest (2000). The book's argument is supported by approximately 650 footnotes covering 71 pages. Malone augments the narrative with a useful bibliography, discography, and index of song titles in addition to the extensive general index. For all its nostalgia, though, some readers will find this book disappointing. Malone uolcs in the preface that readers should not expect an intensive exploration of song lyrics (viii). He leaves to others any exploration of the uses made of southern working-class music in primary-school music books, as well as the sale of song-lyric collections and of sheet music, often including guitar tablature and piano accompaniments. (As a group, southern working-class song writers and singers have learned to read music in multiple ways-through regular instruction in school, in the process acquiring such songs as "This Land is Your Land" and "The Boll Weevil Song;" through shape-note singing in church; and through adult evening music classes, at one time offered everywhere in the South, that combined music instruction with socializing among neighbors and flirting and courtship among the marriageable young. The effects of these multiple and deeply culturally contextualized sources of learning on working-class music cry out to be studied but are not explored in this book.) As noted above, the book provides a wide-ranging historical and cultural outline of the development of the repertoire central to southern working class country music. In his conclusion, Malone posits that "No demographic study has ever accurately measured the country music audience, but I suspect that most fans are suburban-dwelling Middle Americans. …
{"title":"Don't Get above Your Raisin': Country Music and the Southern Working Class","authors":"Rosemary N. Killam","doi":"10.5860/choice.39-5727","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5860/choice.39-5727","url":null,"abstract":"Don't Get Above Your Raisin': Country Music and the Southern Working Class. By Bill C. Malone. (Champaign: University of Illinois Press, 2002. Pp. xvi + 392, preface, introduction, photographs, notes, bibliography, discography, indices. $35.95 cloth) This is a wonderfully nostalgic and grounded book. In the introduction, the author, a well-beloved writer about country music for four decades, contextualizes himself, describing how and when and why he learned country music in his own childhood. In the preface he specifies that the chief focus of this book is on \"the music made by southern working people.\" The book's historical sweep is wide-it reaches back to eighteenth-century dance instruction books (152) and forward to such recent songs as Steve Earl's 1996 \"Christmas Time in Washington\" (247). The book's chapters center on work, home, church, love and its heartaches, dance, and patriotism, particularly within the transmission media of radio and recordings. The photo images range from Pappy O'Daniel with his Hill-Billy Flour Band (1938) through Willie Nelson at MerleFest (2000). The book's argument is supported by approximately 650 footnotes covering 71 pages. Malone augments the narrative with a useful bibliography, discography, and index of song titles in addition to the extensive general index. For all its nostalgia, though, some readers will find this book disappointing. Malone uolcs in the preface that readers should not expect an intensive exploration of song lyrics (viii). He leaves to others any exploration of the uses made of southern working-class music in primary-school music books, as well as the sale of song-lyric collections and of sheet music, often including guitar tablature and piano accompaniments. (As a group, southern working-class song writers and singers have learned to read music in multiple ways-through regular instruction in school, in the process acquiring such songs as \"This Land is Your Land\" and \"The Boll Weevil Song;\" through shape-note singing in church; and through adult evening music classes, at one time offered everywhere in the South, that combined music instruction with socializing among neighbors and flirting and courtship among the marriageable young. The effects of these multiple and deeply culturally contextualized sources of learning on working-class music cry out to be studied but are not explored in this book.) As noted above, the book provides a wide-ranging historical and cultural outline of the development of the repertoire central to southern working class country music. In his conclusion, Malone posits that \"No demographic study has ever accurately measured the country music audience, but I suspect that most fans are suburban-dwelling Middle Americans. …","PeriodicalId":44624,"journal":{"name":"WESTERN FOLKLORE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2003-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71090532","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Framing a National Narrative: The Legend Collections of Peter Christen Asbjornsen. By Marte Hvam Huit. (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 2003. Pp. 260, acknowledgments, notes, bibliography, index. $34.95 cloth) In Framing a National Narrative, Marte Hvam Huit, a scholar of Scandinavian studies, has written the first serious English-language literary analysis of Peter Christen Asbjornsen's collection of Norwegian legends, Norske huldreeventyr ogfolkesagn [Norwegian folktales and legends], originally published between 1845 and 1847. Asbjornsen (1812-1885) is best known for his part of the "Asbjornsen and Moe" folktale collecting collaboration with poet Jorgen Moe, which had led to the publication of the famous collection of folklore, Norske folkeeventyr [Norwegian folktales] a few years before. But in Framing a National Narrative, Huit focuses her attention exclusively on Asbjornsen's work and his literary approach to retelling Norwegian legends and tales. She writes that her study provides "a new perspective on Norshe huldreeventyr ogfolkesagn, showing that the elements of nature, folklore, and language form a totality that insists on the reassessment of this text as an autonomous literary work, and one that has had enormous influence on the development of not only modern Norwegian prose but on the entire cultural narrative of Norway, becoming part of the nation's collective diary" (194). It is Hult's conviction that Asbjornsen's contribution to Norwegian nation-building through his work with oral tradition, separate from Moe, has been neither appreciated nor examined in detail to the extent that it deserves. For folklorists, the value of Hult's study lies primarily in its examination of Asbjornsen's literary adaptations and his stylistic choices in the presentation of Norwegian oral literature in the context of mid-nineteenth-century national romanticism and of the search for a national identity in Norway. It is clear that, as in Germany and elsewhere in Europe at the time, mid-century Norwegian folktale collecting and publishing ventures not only became immediate popular classics, but were also used by cultural theorists to uncover what they felt were indigenous national truths and modes of expression that represented the worldview of the common folk. At the same time, though popularly understood to be the direct product of a national collective folk spirit, these publications were quite heavily edited and stylized to suit literary conventions of the day and to conform to an idealized and uniform view of the folk. Here Huit explores Asbjornsen's recreated literary presentation of Norwegian oral literature through a variety of framing techniques and narrative devices. Among other things, she shows that Asbjornsen invented folk narrators and contextual embellishments for his tales and legends, reformulated and restructured narrative details, privileged supernatural narratives, and incorporated Norwegian dialect, idiomatic phrases, and his ow
{"title":"Framing a National Narrative: The Legend Collections of Peter Christen Asbjørnsen","authors":"C. Kerst","doi":"10.5860/choice.41-1433","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5860/choice.41-1433","url":null,"abstract":"Framing a National Narrative: The Legend Collections of Peter Christen Asbjornsen. By Marte Hvam Huit. (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 2003. Pp. 260, acknowledgments, notes, bibliography, index. $34.95 cloth) In Framing a National Narrative, Marte Hvam Huit, a scholar of Scandinavian studies, has written the first serious English-language literary analysis of Peter Christen Asbjornsen's collection of Norwegian legends, Norske huldreeventyr ogfolkesagn [Norwegian folktales and legends], originally published between 1845 and 1847. Asbjornsen (1812-1885) is best known for his part of the \"Asbjornsen and Moe\" folktale collecting collaboration with poet Jorgen Moe, which had led to the publication of the famous collection of folklore, Norske folkeeventyr [Norwegian folktales] a few years before. But in Framing a National Narrative, Huit focuses her attention exclusively on Asbjornsen's work and his literary approach to retelling Norwegian legends and tales. She writes that her study provides \"a new perspective on Norshe huldreeventyr ogfolkesagn, showing that the elements of nature, folklore, and language form a totality that insists on the reassessment of this text as an autonomous literary work, and one that has had enormous influence on the development of not only modern Norwegian prose but on the entire cultural narrative of Norway, becoming part of the nation's collective diary\" (194). It is Hult's conviction that Asbjornsen's contribution to Norwegian nation-building through his work with oral tradition, separate from Moe, has been neither appreciated nor examined in detail to the extent that it deserves. For folklorists, the value of Hult's study lies primarily in its examination of Asbjornsen's literary adaptations and his stylistic choices in the presentation of Norwegian oral literature in the context of mid-nineteenth-century national romanticism and of the search for a national identity in Norway. It is clear that, as in Germany and elsewhere in Europe at the time, mid-century Norwegian folktale collecting and publishing ventures not only became immediate popular classics, but were also used by cultural theorists to uncover what they felt were indigenous national truths and modes of expression that represented the worldview of the common folk. At the same time, though popularly understood to be the direct product of a national collective folk spirit, these publications were quite heavily edited and stylized to suit literary conventions of the day and to conform to an idealized and uniform view of the folk. Here Huit explores Asbjornsen's recreated literary presentation of Norwegian oral literature through a variety of framing techniques and narrative devices. Among other things, she shows that Asbjornsen invented folk narrators and contextual embellishments for his tales and legends, reformulated and restructured narrative details, privileged supernatural narratives, and incorporated Norwegian dialect, idiomatic phrases, and his ow","PeriodicalId":44624,"journal":{"name":"WESTERN FOLKLORE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2003-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71098115","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2003-01-01DOI: 10.1484/m.sem-eb.4.00064
J. Niles
Ten years ago Roberta Frank published an article, based on her Toller Lecture for 1992, titled "The Search for the Anglo-Saxon Oral Poet" (Frank 1993). With caustic wit as well as impeccable scholarship, she there points out the extent to which modern-day conceptions of Old English poets and poetry have been shaped by the passion for bardic verse that swept through Europe during the later decades of the eighteenth century. For a while, it seems, thanks to the influence of Thomas Percy and the vogue of James MacPherson's spurious Ossian, no ancient poetry was judged worthy of acclaim unless it could be ascribed to the wild, natural art of minstrels. Frank also points out that the search for the oral poet began well before the era of Percy and MacPherson. During the twelfth century, the writers of Latin chronicles seemed fascinated by the idea that there had been bards in Anglo-Saxon England. It is the Anglo-Norman historian William of Malmesbury (ca. 1095-ca. 1143), for example, whom we can thank for the story that Aldhelm, the late seventh-century co-founder of the monastery at Malmesbury and the first major figure of Anglo-Latin letters, used to accost church-goers at a bridge so as to entice them to listen to moral sermons (Hamilton 1870:336). After first attracting their attention through English songs, he would then intersperse the words of Scripture, thus leading the people back to good sense and right reason (ad sanitatem). This tale is such a pleasing fancy that it has often been taken as historical despite the passage of over four centuries between the period when the supposed incident took place and the date when William wrote down the story in his Gesta pontificum Anglorum (1125), where it is first told.1 To put this temporal distance into perspective, it would be as if someone today were to write down for the first time, in a manner as if to be believed, a story of how Shakespeare used to entice Londoners into the theater by playing the lute on the banks of the Thames. William of Malmesbury is also the historian who is responsible for the information that King Alfred the Great (r. 871-899) once disguised himself as a professional entertainer (sub spetie [= specie] mimi . . . ut ioculatoriae professor) so as to slip into the camp of his Danish enemies and spy on them unobserved.2 This Alfred who is a master of disguise and is so skilled in the arts of minstrelsy is the same man, William tells us, whose spirits were lifted shortly before this adventure when he and his mother, both of whom had taken refuge from marauding Danes in the island retreat of Athelney, had identical dreams. Each of them in turn, it seems, was visited by the spirit of St. Cuthbert (d. 687), the hermit bishop of Lindisfarne, who promised them that the Saxons would soon achieve a great victory, "and of this I will give you a striking token," he tells both Alfred and his mother. The local fishermen will return later in the day with a great catch of fish, he predicts,
十年前，罗伯塔·弗兰克根据她1992年的托勒讲座发表了一篇文章，题为“寻找盎格鲁-撒克逊口头诗人”(弗兰克1993)。她以尖刻的机智和无可挑剔的学识指出，在18世纪后几十年席卷欧洲的对吟游诗的热情，在很大程度上塑造了古英语诗人和诗歌的现代观念。有一段时间，由于托马斯·珀西的影响和詹姆斯·麦克弗森的伪作《奥西安》的流行，似乎没有哪首古诗值得称赞，除非它能被归因于吟游诗人的狂野、自然的艺术。弗兰克还指出，对口头诗人的探索早在珀西和麦克弗森时代之前就开始了。在12世纪，拉丁编年史的作者们似乎对盎格鲁-撒克逊英格兰有吟游诗人的想法很着迷。它是盎格鲁-诺曼历史学家威廉的马姆斯伯里(约1095-ca。例如，汉密尔顿(Hamilton, 1870:336)，我们应该感谢他讲述了这样一个故事:七世纪晚期马姆斯伯里修道院的联合创始人、盎格鲁-拉丁文学的第一位重要人物奥尔德海姆(Aldhelm)，他曾在一座桥上与去教堂的人搭讪，以诱使他们听道德说教(Hamilton, 1870:336)。他先用英文歌曲吸引他们的注意力，然后穿插圣经的话语，从而引导人们回到良好的感觉和正确的理性(和卫生)。这个故事是如此令人愉悦的幻想，以至于它经常被认为是历史的，尽管从所谓的事件发生的时间到威廉在他的《Gesta pontificum Anglorum》(1125)中第一次讲述这个故事的日期已经过去了四个多世纪从时间的角度来看，这就像今天有人第一次以一种令人信服的方式写下莎士比亚如何在泰晤士河岸边弹奏琵琶吸引伦敦人进入剧院的故事。马姆斯伯里的威廉也是一位历史学家，他对阿尔弗雷德大帝(约871-899年)曾经伪装成一名专业艺人的信息负责。(他是一名教授)以便潜入他的丹麦敌人的营地，暗中监视他们威廉告诉我们，这个伪装大师、擅长吟唱艺术的阿尔弗雷德是同一个人，在这次冒险前不久，当他和他的母亲在阿瑟尔尼岛上躲避丹麦人的劫掠时，做了同样的梦，他的精神就振奋起来了。他们每个人轮流，似乎是由圣卡斯伯特(公元687年)的精神访问，林迪斯法恩的隐士主教，谁向他们承诺，撒克逊人将很快取得伟大的胜利，“这我将给你一个惊人的标志，”他告诉阿尔弗雷德和他的母亲。他预测，当地的渔民将在当天晚些时候带着大量的鱼回来，“这将是更加引人注目的，因为这些天寒冷的河流被冰覆盖，没有任何希望”(Mynors 1998:182-83)。就像所有的文学梦想和预言一样，这个承诺很快就被证明是真实的。渔民们捕到了大量的鱼，不久，阿尔弗雷德的军队就击溃了丹麦人。3自从《盎格鲁-撒克逊编年史》在那一年写了一些比较冷静的条目之后，历史就在不断进步，因为那些条目没有提到这些事件。阿尔弗雷德是伪装的吟游诗人阿尔弗雷德和他的母亲是受启发的同步做梦的人这两个形象在现代读者看来似乎是差不多的。当马姆斯伯里的威廉(William of Malmesbury)开始用他娴熟的拉丁散文重述《盎格鲁的母亲》(la matiere d’angleterre)时，他的目的一定是为了取悦大众。因此，主教奥尔德海姆和国王阿尔弗雷德大帝是两位可以从历史记录中删除的吟游诗人。…
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In this study of roadside crosses, the first of its kind, Holly Everett presents the history of these unique commemoratives and their relationship to contemporary memorial culture. The meaning of these markers is presented in the words of grieving parents, high school students, public officials, and private individuals whom the author interviewed during her fieldwork in Texas.
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The Scottish ballad tradition has always been a tradition of both sexes; since ballads started to be collected in the eighteenth century, at least, both men and women have learned and passed on these traditional songs.1 According to the recordings made of traditional singers by the School of Scottish Studies at the University of Edinburgh, however, men and women do not necessarily sing the same songs. The ten songs in the School's sound archives most often recorded from female singers between 1951 and 1997, for example, have only two titles in common with the ten songs most often recorded from men.2 Analysis of the specific ballad narratives that were most popular among female singers in twentieth-century Scotland suggests certain buried themes that may underlie that popularity; these particular themes may have appealed more than others to many women singers. I must preface this study with three vital caveats. First, it would certainly be foolhardy to imply that any singer would never choose to learn a song whose lyrics did not appeal to him or her. Certainly many other factors play into that decision, such as a pleasing melody or the social context with which the song is associated.3 Second, this discussion is based primarily on the number of times that a ballad was recorded and the most common version of each ballad.4 Although this essay does look at specific versions of songs that the School of Scottish Studies has transcribed, many recordings remain untranscribed, and it is possible that certain recordings may contain variations that change the meaning of the song. Finally, it must be noted that the traditional songs that are most often recorded from any particular group of people are not necessarily the most popular among that group or even the favorites of individual singers. Fieldworkers may request certain songs more than others, or singers might sing songs they think the fieldworker wants to hear. Nevertheless, the decision to learn and remember a song does require that a singer find the song appealing or meaningful in some way; the fact that a song has been learned by a particular singer means that that singer found the song worth learning. Thus, it is significant that the songs that appear most often in the repertoires of women-the songs that significant numbers of women found worth learning-show similar patterns in their portrayal of gender roles. These patterns are especially noteworthy because they are at odds with patterns in the larger corpus of traditional ballads in Scotland. This essay looks specifically at the way the ballads popular among twentieth-century women singers construct both male and female gender roles. What sort of women people these ballads, and what type of men? Though on the surface these ballad narratives seem to describe women who are either pathetic victims or heartless hussies, many can be seen as addressing issues of female power. These narratives not only deal with a woman's lack of control over her own l
{"title":"Controlling women: Reading gender in the ballads Scottish women sang","authors":"L. Wollstadt","doi":"10.2307/1500424","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/1500424","url":null,"abstract":"The Scottish ballad tradition has always been a tradition of both sexes; since ballads started to be collected in the eighteenth century, at least, both men and women have learned and passed on these traditional songs.1 According to the recordings made of traditional singers by the School of Scottish Studies at the University of Edinburgh, however, men and women do not necessarily sing the same songs. The ten songs in the School's sound archives most often recorded from female singers between 1951 and 1997, for example, have only two titles in common with the ten songs most often recorded from men.2 Analysis of the specific ballad narratives that were most popular among female singers in twentieth-century Scotland suggests certain buried themes that may underlie that popularity; these particular themes may have appealed more than others to many women singers. I must preface this study with three vital caveats. First, it would certainly be foolhardy to imply that any singer would never choose to learn a song whose lyrics did not appeal to him or her. Certainly many other factors play into that decision, such as a pleasing melody or the social context with which the song is associated.3 Second, this discussion is based primarily on the number of times that a ballad was recorded and the most common version of each ballad.4 Although this essay does look at specific versions of songs that the School of Scottish Studies has transcribed, many recordings remain untranscribed, and it is possible that certain recordings may contain variations that change the meaning of the song. Finally, it must be noted that the traditional songs that are most often recorded from any particular group of people are not necessarily the most popular among that group or even the favorites of individual singers. Fieldworkers may request certain songs more than others, or singers might sing songs they think the fieldworker wants to hear. Nevertheless, the decision to learn and remember a song does require that a singer find the song appealing or meaningful in some way; the fact that a song has been learned by a particular singer means that that singer found the song worth learning. Thus, it is significant that the songs that appear most often in the repertoires of women-the songs that significant numbers of women found worth learning-show similar patterns in their portrayal of gender roles. These patterns are especially noteworthy because they are at odds with patterns in the larger corpus of traditional ballads in Scotland. This essay looks specifically at the way the ballads popular among twentieth-century women singers construct both male and female gender roles. What sort of women people these ballads, and what type of men? Though on the surface these ballad narratives seem to describe women who are either pathetic victims or heartless hussies, many can be seen as addressing issues of female power. These narratives not only deal with a woman's lack of control over her own l","PeriodicalId":44624,"journal":{"name":"WESTERN FOLKLORE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2002-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/1500424","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68839861","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The recent meeting of the California Folklore Society at Utah State University, the first time in its 61-year history that it has assembled outside the Golden State, causes me to reflect on another meeting held in the same location 34 years earlier. Once upon a time the Utah Folklore Society joined with the American Folklore Society for a regional meeting designed to consider material culture and customs exclusively. The meeting was organized by Austin E. Fife of Utah State University at Logan, his wife, Alta, Henry Classic and Jan Harold Brunvand. The Fifes were experts on cowboy songs and material culture, especially that of the Rocky Mountain West. Glassie was interested in folk architecture and was on the American Folklore Society's folklife committee. Brunvand was newly a professor at the University of Utah. The conference was held in Logan, July 26 and 27, 1968, and it followed an intensive week-long course entitled "American Folk Cultures and Their Crafts" that had been taught by Austin Fife and Henry Classic. In conjunction with the course and the conference was an exhibit of "American Folk Arts and Folk Life" in the Merrill Art Gallery and the Special Collections Library of the University. The exhibit consisted mainly of photographs and artifacts with explanatory labels. Austin Fife also wrote a short description of the exhibit, including not only reproductions of the photographs but also texts from some of the placards that accompanied the thirty-some components of the exhibition. He took this opportunity to introduce what were, at that time, the little known fields of Folklife and Folk Art by calling attention to the objects of material culture and their uses, such as woodsman's tools-axes for felling trees and spuds for stripping bark-and house types from dugouts to rock houses with their fences, often of barbed wire, and the mailboxes which connected them to society. Fife pointed out the stereotype of the old West that still exists in popular belief aided by the mass media. As an example he mentioned the Landor Hotel in Wyoming with its "Western" furniture utilizing cowhide, Indian-woven fabric and native wood. Fife also described the braiding of horsehair to make hackamores, hatbands and lariats as well as the braiding of human hair, which was at one time made into jewelry. He commented on gravestones and gravestone rubbings. He mentioned the use of native plants as folk remedies, an old practice but one that continues into the twenty-first century. The preceding topics were rarely, if ever, dealt with by folklorists at this time. In contrast, Fife himself had devoted articles to them before and after the exhibition, several of which were reprinted in Exploring Western Americana (1988). According to Henry Classic the conference at Logan was the first meeting in the United States to have its range defined by material and social tradition. In 1969 a report of the conference was published in a paperback, Forms on the Frontier, Folklife
最近，加州民俗学会在犹他州立大学召开了会议，这是该协会61年历史上第一次在金州以外的地方召开会议，这让我想起了34年前在同一地点举行的另一次会议。从前，犹他州民俗学会与美国民俗学会联合召开了一次专门讨论物质文化和习俗的地区性会议。这次会议是由犹他州立大学洛根分校的Austin E. Fife、他的妻子Alta、Henry Classic和Jan Harold Brunvand组织的。他们是牛仔歌曲和物质文化方面的专家，尤其是落基山脉西部的文化。格拉西对民间建筑很感兴趣，是美国民俗协会民间生活委员会的成员。布伦万德刚刚成为犹他大学的教授。会议于1968年7月26日和27日在洛根举行，随后是一个为期一周的密集课程，名为“美国民间文化和他们的手工艺”，由奥斯汀·法夫和亨利·Classic教授。与课程和会议相结合的是在梅里尔美术馆和大学特别藏书图书馆举办的“美国民间艺术和民间生活”展览。展览主要由照片和带有解释性标签的文物组成。奥斯汀·法伊夫还写了一篇简短的展览描述，不仅包括照片的复制品，还包括一些标书的文字，这些标书伴随着展览的三十个组成部分。他借此机会介绍了当时鲜为人知的民间生活和民间艺术领域，并提请人们注意物质文化的对象及其用途，例如樵夫的工具——砍伐树木的斧头和剥树皮的锄头——以及房屋类型，从防空壕到带有栅栏的岩石房屋(通常是铁丝网)，以及将它们与社会联系起来的邮箱。法伊夫指出，在大众媒体的帮助下，人们对旧西部的刻板印象仍然存在。举个例子，他提到了怀俄明州的兰多酒店，它的“西部”家具使用牛皮、印第安编织的织物和当地的木材。法伊夫还描述了将马毛编成辫子来制作帽子、帽子带和项圈，以及将人的头发编成辫子，这一度被制作成珠宝。他评论墓碑和墓碑拓片。他提到使用本地植物作为民间疗法，这是一种古老的做法，但一直延续到21世纪。在这个时期，民俗学家很少涉及上述话题。相比之下，法伊夫本人在展览前后都有专门的文章，其中有几篇被转载在《探索美国西部》(1988)上。根据Henry Classic的说法，洛根的会议是美国第一次以物质和社会传统来定义其范围的会议。1969年，会议的一份报告以平装本的形式出版，由奥斯汀、阿尔塔·法伊夫和亨利·Classic编辑的《美国边疆的形式、民间生活和民间艺术》。部分原因是由于出版数量有限，这本书今天的知名度不如它应有的高。在编辑报告时，经典决定论文在物质民俗文化领域和习俗信仰领域之间或多或少地均匀分布。接着，他把物质文化分为两个部分:第一，建筑;第二，艺术和工艺。同样，他把民俗和信仰分开;第一，医学和食谱，第二，民俗，风俗和民族。该卷包括十二篇摘要和六份所读论文的全文(以及大量的脚注)。“建筑”项下的五个展示中有四个是抽象的。第一本是《乔治亚形式对美国民居的影响》，作者是Henry H. Glassie，他当时是宾夕法尼亚州的国家民俗学家，宾夕法尼亚州历史和博物馆委员会的民族文化调查主任以及Keystone民俗季刊的编辑。…
{"title":"Logan, 1968: A Reminiscence","authors":"Frances Cattermole-Tally","doi":"10.2307/1500425","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/1500425","url":null,"abstract":"The recent meeting of the California Folklore Society at Utah State University, the first time in its 61-year history that it has assembled outside the Golden State, causes me to reflect on another meeting held in the same location 34 years earlier. Once upon a time the Utah Folklore Society joined with the American Folklore Society for a regional meeting designed to consider material culture and customs exclusively. The meeting was organized by Austin E. Fife of Utah State University at Logan, his wife, Alta, Henry Classic and Jan Harold Brunvand. The Fifes were experts on cowboy songs and material culture, especially that of the Rocky Mountain West. Glassie was interested in folk architecture and was on the American Folklore Society's folklife committee. Brunvand was newly a professor at the University of Utah. The conference was held in Logan, July 26 and 27, 1968, and it followed an intensive week-long course entitled \"American Folk Cultures and Their Crafts\" that had been taught by Austin Fife and Henry Classic. In conjunction with the course and the conference was an exhibit of \"American Folk Arts and Folk Life\" in the Merrill Art Gallery and the Special Collections Library of the University. The exhibit consisted mainly of photographs and artifacts with explanatory labels. Austin Fife also wrote a short description of the exhibit, including not only reproductions of the photographs but also texts from some of the placards that accompanied the thirty-some components of the exhibition. He took this opportunity to introduce what were, at that time, the little known fields of Folklife and Folk Art by calling attention to the objects of material culture and their uses, such as woodsman's tools-axes for felling trees and spuds for stripping bark-and house types from dugouts to rock houses with their fences, often of barbed wire, and the mailboxes which connected them to society. Fife pointed out the stereotype of the old West that still exists in popular belief aided by the mass media. As an example he mentioned the Landor Hotel in Wyoming with its \"Western\" furniture utilizing cowhide, Indian-woven fabric and native wood. Fife also described the braiding of horsehair to make hackamores, hatbands and lariats as well as the braiding of human hair, which was at one time made into jewelry. He commented on gravestones and gravestone rubbings. He mentioned the use of native plants as folk remedies, an old practice but one that continues into the twenty-first century. The preceding topics were rarely, if ever, dealt with by folklorists at this time. In contrast, Fife himself had devoted articles to them before and after the exhibition, several of which were reprinted in Exploring Western Americana (1988). According to Henry Classic the conference at Logan was the first meeting in the United States to have its range defined by material and social tradition. In 1969 a report of the conference was published in a paperback, Forms on the Frontier, Folklife","PeriodicalId":44624,"journal":{"name":"WESTERN FOLKLORE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2002-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/1500425","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68839951","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Legends develop and change in relation to changes in the surrounding culture. That, of course, is part of their essence as folklore. Accordingly, legends get updated to reflect new styles: The spiders in the beehive hairdos of the 1950s and early sixties migrated to the hippies' long hair of the late sixties and early seventies, then inhabited the dreadlocks of the eighties and nineties and eventually the punk mohawk at the turn of the century, in each case with an implicit comment on the questionable hygiene of a marginal group. Legends kept pace with new technologies, as ill-fated pets moved from the oven to the clothes drier to the microwave and announced new perils when AIDS became part of our world. Going beyond material changes, legends present society's judgments (even if, at times, ambiguously) on behavior, and these, too, reflect cultural changes. The forms of change and the factors effecting those changes are many and varied, but here I will examine one type of change that I have observed in certain contemporary legends, namely an escalation of danger-both in the behavior that puts one in jeopardy and in the penalty.1 Changes in punishable behavior appear clearly linked to changes in a group's morals. For example, in legends of a couple becoming stuck together during sexual intercourse, the ironic punishment has remained constant, but the "sin" has changed. In the fourteenth-century manual Handling Synne, a married couple is punished by becoming locked together when they have intercourse too close to a church (Mannyng, 1. 8937-9014; Lindahl 1999). Mere proximity to a church no longer offends our general sensibilities; it takes far more to incur retribution. Two modern (1990s) legends told by members of Black Baptist churches indicate how much more. In one case, rather than being married, the couple is gay and they are having sex on one of the pews inside the church. In the other case, the couple is heterosexual, but their behavior is one step more sacrilegious as they have intercourse on the altar. The punishment remains the same-the couple becomes locked together. The same punishment applies also to others who have crossed a certain boundary with their sexual activity. In the legendry of young teens and pre-teens, even necking is a big step; the kissing couple's braces become interlocked. In the legendry told by and about an older group, a couple in the back seat of a car become locked together when startled by a patrolling police officer, and they have to be taken to the emergency room for extrication. I have heard this latter one told about both married and unmarried couples; their offense appears to be in the misuse of public space. While Americans generally prefer that sexual activity, even the most sanctioned kind, be done out of sight, legendary punishment drags it into the public gaze, a matter ensured by the couple becoming locked in flagrante. There can be no doubting for what act they are being punished, since they suffer not
{"title":"Escalating Danger in Contemporary Legends","authors":"Elissa R. Henken","doi":"10.2307/1500422","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/1500422","url":null,"abstract":"Legends develop and change in relation to changes in the surrounding culture. That, of course, is part of their essence as folklore. Accordingly, legends get updated to reflect new styles: The spiders in the beehive hairdos of the 1950s and early sixties migrated to the hippies' long hair of the late sixties and early seventies, then inhabited the dreadlocks of the eighties and nineties and eventually the punk mohawk at the turn of the century, in each case with an implicit comment on the questionable hygiene of a marginal group. Legends kept pace with new technologies, as ill-fated pets moved from the oven to the clothes drier to the microwave and announced new perils when AIDS became part of our world. Going beyond material changes, legends present society's judgments (even if, at times, ambiguously) on behavior, and these, too, reflect cultural changes. The forms of change and the factors effecting those changes are many and varied, but here I will examine one type of change that I have observed in certain contemporary legends, namely an escalation of danger-both in the behavior that puts one in jeopardy and in the penalty.1 Changes in punishable behavior appear clearly linked to changes in a group's morals. For example, in legends of a couple becoming stuck together during sexual intercourse, the ironic punishment has remained constant, but the \"sin\" has changed. In the fourteenth-century manual Handling Synne, a married couple is punished by becoming locked together when they have intercourse too close to a church (Mannyng, 1. 8937-9014; Lindahl 1999). Mere proximity to a church no longer offends our general sensibilities; it takes far more to incur retribution. Two modern (1990s) legends told by members of Black Baptist churches indicate how much more. In one case, rather than being married, the couple is gay and they are having sex on one of the pews inside the church. In the other case, the couple is heterosexual, but their behavior is one step more sacrilegious as they have intercourse on the altar. The punishment remains the same-the couple becomes locked together. The same punishment applies also to others who have crossed a certain boundary with their sexual activity. In the legendry of young teens and pre-teens, even necking is a big step; the kissing couple's braces become interlocked. In the legendry told by and about an older group, a couple in the back seat of a car become locked together when startled by a patrolling police officer, and they have to be taken to the emergency room for extrication. I have heard this latter one told about both married and unmarried couples; their offense appears to be in the misuse of public space. While Americans generally prefer that sexual activity, even the most sanctioned kind, be done out of sight, legendary punishment drags it into the public gaze, a matter ensured by the couple becoming locked in flagrante. There can be no doubting for what act they are being punished, since they suffer not","PeriodicalId":44624,"journal":{"name":"WESTERN FOLKLORE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2002-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/1500422","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68840148","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Women's Oral History: The Frontiers Reader. Edited by Susan H. Armitage with Patricia Hart and Karen Weathermon. (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2002. Pp. xii + 392, introduction, photographs, illustrations, notes, index. $29.95 paper) At the conclusion of her article, "Digging Beneath the Surface: Oral History Techniques," Sherry Thomas writes, "Absolutely ordinary people matter and count, their stories are important, and we need all of their stories" (60). Thomas's statement could well serve as the underlying credo for the anthology Women's Oral History: The Frontiers Reader. Since its founding in 1975, the thrice-yearly Frontiers: A Journal of Women Studies has been regarded as a publication interested in recording and examining the lives of all women in ways which reach beyond academia and into the community at large (ix). This collection of well-selected, well-researched, and well-written essays carries on the Frontiers tradition in its careful and respectful treatment of the experiences of a multiplicity of women whose stories the editors and contributors obviously believe are narratives which definitely "matter and count." With articles concerning everything from the life of a North Carolina millworker to the fluctuating roles of Palestinian camp women to the history of illegal abortions in Montana, Women's Oral History: The Frontiers Reader offers readers a wide variety of topics and approaches from which to choose. The selections are unified, though, not just by the consistently fine research which supports them but also by their engaging, thoroughly readable presentations. In the first portion of the volume, the Women's Oral History: Resource Section and Judy Yung's article, "Giving Voice to Chinese American Women," provide valuable advice on conducting oral history interviews, including sample questions and release forms. Additional articles in this section and elsewhere in the anthology explore other methodological issues, including the need for creative questioning techniques (Strobel 47), the ethical concerns involved in recording the words and lives of others (Broughton 175), and the conditions that must be addressed when dealing with outside sources of funding (Kesselman et al. 162; Broughton 177; Marchant 184). Such matters, often obscured by pedantic language elsewhere, are expressed clearly and concisely in these cases. This concern for clarity and quality research is evident in other essays as well. Anne M. Butler and Gerri W. Sorenson's "Patching the Past: Students and Oral History," for instance, describes in detail how oral history can be effectively used in the classroom and presents this information from the viewpoints of both teacher and student. Other essays, such as Dolores Delgado Bernal's "Grassroots Leadership Reconceptualized: Chicana Oral Histories and the 1968 East Los Angeles School Blowouts," Jean Calterone Williams's "Domestic Violence and Poverty: The Narratives of Homeless Women," and Harriet Wrye an
《女性口述历史:前沿读本》由苏珊·h·阿米蒂奇与帕特里夏·哈特和凯伦·威瑟蒙编辑。林肯:内布拉斯加大学出版社，2002年。Pp. xii + 392，引言，照片，插图，注释，索引。雪莉·托马斯在她的文章《挖掘表面之下:口述历史技巧》的结语中写道:“普通人绝对是重要的，他们的故事很重要，我们需要他们所有的故事。”托马斯的这句话可以作为选集《女性口述历史:前沿读者》的基本信条。自1975年创刊以来，每年三届的《前沿》:《妇女研究杂志》被认为是一本有兴趣记录和研究所有妇女生活的出版物，其方式超越了学术界，进入了整个社会(九)。写得好的文章继承了《边疆》的传统，对众多女性的经历进行了谨慎和尊重的处理，编辑和撰稿人显然认为，这些女性的故事绝对是“重要和有价值的”叙述。文章涉及从北卡罗来纳州磨坊工人的生活到巴勒斯坦难民营妇女的波动角色，再到蒙大拿州非法堕胎的历史，《妇女口述历史:前沿读者》为读者提供了各种各样的主题和方法可供选择。然而，这些选择是统一的，不仅因为支持它们的一贯优秀的研究，而且还因为它们引人入胜，完全可读的演示文稿。在本书的第一部分，“女性口述历史:资源部分”和容祖丽的文章“给美国华裔女性发声”为进行口述历史采访提供了宝贵的建议，包括样本问题和发放表格。本节和选集其他部分的其他文章探讨了其他方法论问题，包括创造性提问技术的需求(Strobel 47)，记录他人话语和生活所涉及的伦理问题(Broughton 175)，以及处理外部资金来源时必须解决的条件(Kesselman et al. 162;布劳顿177;Marchant 184)。这些在其他地方常常被迂腐的语言所掩盖的事情，在这些案例中被清晰而简洁地表达出来。这种对清晰度和质量研究的关注在其他文章中也很明显。例如，Anne M. Butler和Gerri W. Sorenson的《修补过去:学生和口述历史》详细描述了如何在课堂上有效地使用口述历史，并从教师和学生的角度展示了这些信息。其他文章，如多洛雷斯·德尔加多·伯纳尔的《基层领导重新定义:墨西哥裔口述历史和1968年东洛杉矶学校爆炸》，让·卡尔特隆·威廉姆斯的《家庭暴力和贫困:无家可归妇女的叙述》，以及哈丽特·雷伊和杰奎琳·Churilla的《向内看，向后看》。《回忆与生活回顾》一书探讨了通常被忽视的事件和群体，并令人信服地论证了口述历史的叙述具有社会学、政治和治疗价值。…
{"title":"Women's Oral History: The Frontiers Reader","authors":"D. Hanson, S. Armitage, P. Hart, Karen Weathermon","doi":"10.2307/1500428","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/1500428","url":null,"abstract":"Women's Oral History: The Frontiers Reader. Edited by Susan H. Armitage with Patricia Hart and Karen Weathermon. (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2002. Pp. xii + 392, introduction, photographs, illustrations, notes, index. $29.95 paper) At the conclusion of her article, \"Digging Beneath the Surface: Oral History Techniques,\" Sherry Thomas writes, \"Absolutely ordinary people matter and count, their stories are important, and we need all of their stories\" (60). Thomas's statement could well serve as the underlying credo for the anthology Women's Oral History: The Frontiers Reader. Since its founding in 1975, the thrice-yearly Frontiers: A Journal of Women Studies has been regarded as a publication interested in recording and examining the lives of all women in ways which reach beyond academia and into the community at large (ix). This collection of well-selected, well-researched, and well-written essays carries on the Frontiers tradition in its careful and respectful treatment of the experiences of a multiplicity of women whose stories the editors and contributors obviously believe are narratives which definitely \"matter and count.\" With articles concerning everything from the life of a North Carolina millworker to the fluctuating roles of Palestinian camp women to the history of illegal abortions in Montana, Women's Oral History: The Frontiers Reader offers readers a wide variety of topics and approaches from which to choose. The selections are unified, though, not just by the consistently fine research which supports them but also by their engaging, thoroughly readable presentations. In the first portion of the volume, the Women's Oral History: Resource Section and Judy Yung's article, \"Giving Voice to Chinese American Women,\" provide valuable advice on conducting oral history interviews, including sample questions and release forms. Additional articles in this section and elsewhere in the anthology explore other methodological issues, including the need for creative questioning techniques (Strobel 47), the ethical concerns involved in recording the words and lives of others (Broughton 175), and the conditions that must be addressed when dealing with outside sources of funding (Kesselman et al. 162; Broughton 177; Marchant 184). Such matters, often obscured by pedantic language elsewhere, are expressed clearly and concisely in these cases. This concern for clarity and quality research is evident in other essays as well. Anne M. Butler and Gerri W. Sorenson's \"Patching the Past: Students and Oral History,\" for instance, describes in detail how oral history can be effectively used in the classroom and presents this information from the viewpoints of both teacher and student. Other essays, such as Dolores Delgado Bernal's \"Grassroots Leadership Reconceptualized: Chicana Oral Histories and the 1968 East Los Angeles School Blowouts,\" Jean Calterone Williams's \"Domestic Violence and Poverty: The Narratives of Homeless Women,\" and Harriet Wrye an","PeriodicalId":44624,"journal":{"name":"WESTERN FOLKLORE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2002-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/1500428","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68840188","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Imagined States: Nationalism, Utopia and Longing in Oral Cultures. Edited by Luisa Del Giudice and Gerald Porter. (Logan: Utah State University Press, 2001. Pp. 224, introduction, illustrations, photographs, index. $22.95 paper) This is a hugely enjoyable collection, extending Benedict Anderson's notion of imagined communities into a treatment of "imagined states." It is a topical subject of more than disciplinary interest (similar studies in my field include David McCrone's Understanding Scotland and Devine and Logue's Being Scottish). Imagined States will be valued by all those interested in the construction of national and regional identities, including literary critics and historians, but it is particularly useful for the folklorist. Imagined States shows that landscapes of the mind depend on comparing personal experience with that of "the other" (whether through social class, ethnic origin or family unit). The first section, "Idealized States," opens with Luisa Del Giudice's "Mountains of Cheese and Rivers of Wine: Paesi di Cuccagna and other Gastronomic Utopias" (11-63). This essay explores the sense-satisfying land of Cuccagna (Cockayne), in Italy and beyond, from the sixteenth century onwards. Scholarly and convincing-illustrations include broadsides, paintings and festival recreations of Cuccagna-Del Giudice sheds light on how mental Utopias (and their formation in relation to less perfect realities) shape expectations for the future and are thereby altered, and demonstrates that "Italians came to associate Cuccagna with America as it was imagined and as immigrant propaganda-and immigrant narrative itself-came to depict it: the land of plenty" (48). Paradoxically, by enacting Cuccagna, they rendered the phenomenon "never actually a place but the desire for place-obsolete" (53). It is an intriguing premise which deserves further investigation; Del Giudice draws attention to her forthcoming work, In Search of Abundance: Mountains of Cheese, Rivers of Wine and other Italian Gastronomic Utopias. The following piece, Sadhand Naithan's "Prefaced Space: Tales of the Colonial British Collectors of Indian Folklore" (64-79), shows that "British colonial officers and missionaries created in the second half of the nineteenth century a tale about India suited to the interests of the colonial state" (77). Reimund Kvideland and Gerald Porter, in "Working the Railways, Constructing Navvy Identity" (80-97), look at how Norwegians constructed, through song, "a compensatory territory" relating to their physical environment (88). Parallels could be drawn-as the writers point out-with songs from the British and American traditions; the virile poetry of the Scottish Alexander Anderson "Surfaceman" (1845-1909) springs to mind in this context. In his Song of Labour Anderson celebrates his "toiling Brothers": "The God above hath made us one in flesh and blood with kings, / But the lower use is ours, and all the force of rougher things" (1). His, too, is an imagi
{"title":"Imagined states : nationalism, utopia, and longing in oral cultures","authors":"Luisa del Giudice, Gerald Porter","doi":"10.2307/1500439","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/1500439","url":null,"abstract":"Imagined States: Nationalism, Utopia and Longing in Oral Cultures. Edited by Luisa Del Giudice and Gerald Porter. (Logan: Utah State University Press, 2001. Pp. 224, introduction, illustrations, photographs, index. $22.95 paper) This is a hugely enjoyable collection, extending Benedict Anderson's notion of imagined communities into a treatment of \"imagined states.\" It is a topical subject of more than disciplinary interest (similar studies in my field include David McCrone's Understanding Scotland and Devine and Logue's Being Scottish). Imagined States will be valued by all those interested in the construction of national and regional identities, including literary critics and historians, but it is particularly useful for the folklorist. Imagined States shows that landscapes of the mind depend on comparing personal experience with that of \"the other\" (whether through social class, ethnic origin or family unit). The first section, \"Idealized States,\" opens with Luisa Del Giudice's \"Mountains of Cheese and Rivers of Wine: Paesi di Cuccagna and other Gastronomic Utopias\" (11-63). This essay explores the sense-satisfying land of Cuccagna (Cockayne), in Italy and beyond, from the sixteenth century onwards. Scholarly and convincing-illustrations include broadsides, paintings and festival recreations of Cuccagna-Del Giudice sheds light on how mental Utopias (and their formation in relation to less perfect realities) shape expectations for the future and are thereby altered, and demonstrates that \"Italians came to associate Cuccagna with America as it was imagined and as immigrant propaganda-and immigrant narrative itself-came to depict it: the land of plenty\" (48). Paradoxically, by enacting Cuccagna, they rendered the phenomenon \"never actually a place but the desire for place-obsolete\" (53). It is an intriguing premise which deserves further investigation; Del Giudice draws attention to her forthcoming work, In Search of Abundance: Mountains of Cheese, Rivers of Wine and other Italian Gastronomic Utopias. The following piece, Sadhand Naithan's \"Prefaced Space: Tales of the Colonial British Collectors of Indian Folklore\" (64-79), shows that \"British colonial officers and missionaries created in the second half of the nineteenth century a tale about India suited to the interests of the colonial state\" (77). Reimund Kvideland and Gerald Porter, in \"Working the Railways, Constructing Navvy Identity\" (80-97), look at how Norwegians constructed, through song, \"a compensatory territory\" relating to their physical environment (88). Parallels could be drawn-as the writers point out-with songs from the British and American traditions; the virile poetry of the Scottish Alexander Anderson \"Surfaceman\" (1845-1909) springs to mind in this context. In his Song of Labour Anderson celebrates his \"toiling Brothers\": \"The God above hath made us one in flesh and blood with kings, / But the lower use is ours, and all the force of rougher things\" (1). His, too, is an imagi","PeriodicalId":44624,"journal":{"name":"WESTERN FOLKLORE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2002-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/1500439","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68840337","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
As Jan Harold Brunvand points out (Brunvand 1998:591), folk foods (in which category we can also include the kinds of ethnic and national foods I will discuss here) are unique among traditional expressions because they are so "quickly and wholly consumed" by their makers and eaters (their performers and audiences, in folklore terms). Since traditional foods appear and disappear so constantly, a proper study of food folklore must focus not only on the foods themselves, but also on the cultural codes that determine how and why they are produced, and on the customs, assumptions, and shared tastes on which these codes are founded. Virtually all studies of foodlore that go beyond regional recipe books take the contextual, culturally constructed dimension to be at least as important as the resultant foods themselves-often more so, as a look through Brunvand's extensive bibliography indicates (1998:609-614). Most of the essays in the special foodways issue of Western Folklore (vol. 40 [1981]) are also related to the cultural, rather than the metabolic, aspects of food, as are the essays by Yvonne R. and William G. Lockwood, Janet S. Theophano, David Shuldiner, Carolyn Lipson-Walker, Larry Danielson, Olivia Cadaval, and Susan Auerbach in Stephen Stern's and John Allan Cicala's Creative Ethnicity: Symbols and Strategies of Contemporary Ethnic Life (1991). By now, that is, the ethnic dimension of folk foods is more often assumed than questioned. Even so, many studies are shaped by outside inquirers who, though fascinated by the food customs and convinced of their importance, approach their topics without deep personal experience in the assumptions that lie behind the customs they seek to document and discuss. The insider, on the other hand (and several of the articles indicated above were written by members of the community being studied), faces another problem: deep personal acquaintance makes it difficult to be objective about the details of the tradition-a dilemma resolved in part by access to the nuances of language not available to the outsider. The present essay lies somewhere between these two positions for, although the author is a native-born Chinese, the American Chinese traditions discussed here are not exactly what a Chinese "insider" might initially expect to find. For one thing, while many Chinese dishes in America reflect their regional origins in China with great accuracy, others are new or modified. Thus, in addition to the topic of cultural maintenance or cultural identity through food (which we more or less expect to see), we have a record of modification and change in response to the American cultural environment, which provides evidence of subtle cultural pressures expressed in food more fully than in words. We will also see that Chinese food in American restaurant form plays an important role in active, ongoing cultural relations-as is the case with many national cuisines now resident in the United States. One can hardly find a town i
正如Jan Harold Brunvand所指出的(Brunvand 1998:591)，民间食品(在这一类别中，我们也可以包括我将在这里讨论的各种民族和国家食品)在传统表达中是独一无二的，因为它们是如此“迅速和完全地被它们的制造者和食客(用民俗术语来说，它们的表演者和观众)消耗殆尽。由于传统食物的出现和消失如此频繁，对食物民俗的适当研究不仅要关注食物本身，还要关注决定如何和为什么生产这些食物的文化规范，以及这些规范所依据的习俗、假设和共同口味。事实上，所有超越地区食谱的关于食物的研究，都认为语境、文化建构的维度至少和食物本身一样重要——通常更重要，正如Brunvand广泛的参考书目所表明的那样(1998:609-614)。《西方民俗》(第40卷[1981])美食特刊中的大多数文章也与文化有关，而不是食物的代谢方面，正如伊冯·R.和威廉·g·洛克伍德、珍妮特·s·西奥菲诺、大卫·舒尔丁纳、卡罗琳·利普森-沃克、拉里·丹尼尔森、奥利维亚·卡达瓦尔和苏珊·奥尔巴赫在斯蒂芬·斯特恩和约翰·艾伦·西卡拉的《创造性民族:当代民族生活的符号和策略》(1991)中的文章一样。也就是说，到目前为止，民间食品的民族维度更多的是假设而不是质疑。即便如此，许多研究都是由外部调查者塑造的，他们虽然对食物习俗很着迷，也相信它们的重要性，但在研究主题时，却没有对他们试图记录和讨论的习俗背后的假设有深刻的个人经验。另一方面，圈内人(上面提到的几篇文章都是由被研究的社区成员写的)面临着另一个问题:深入的个人了解使他们很难客观地了解传统的细节——这个困境在一定程度上是由局外人无法获得的语言细微差别来解决的。这篇文章介于这两种立场之间，尽管作者是土生土长的中国人，但这里讨论的美国华人传统并不完全是中国“圈内人”最初可能期望发现的。一方面，虽然美国的许多中国菜非常准确地反映了它们在中国的地域起源，但也有一些是新的或经过改良的。因此，除了通过食物维持文化或文化认同的话题(这是我们或多或少希望看到的)之外，我们还记录了对美国文化环境的修改和变化，这提供了食物比语言更充分地表达微妙文化压力的证据。我们还将看到，美国餐馆形式的中餐在积极的、持续的文化关系中扮演着重要的角色——就像现在居住在美国的许多民族菜系一样。在美国西部，你几乎找不到一个城镇没有至少一家中国餐馆。和意大利菜一样，中餐在美国人的日常生活中几乎无处不在:美国人带着约会对象去中餐馆吃饭，周末晚上带全家出去吃丰盛的中餐，或者在工作需要加班的时候叫外卖。然而，美国的中餐馆不仅仅是餐馆的功能，还代表着中国文化，帮助华裔美国人或海外华人重新体验和保持他们的许多文化价值观。中国食物及其功能代表了中国的传统、习俗、个人观点、技能和经验。中国菜很好吃，但做起来很麻烦，因为做好中国菜就像创造一件艺术品，对中国人来说，这需要中国人的手。这可能会带来一些问题:中餐在美国真的是“正宗的”吗?…
{"title":"Cultural and intercultural functions of Chinese restaurants in the Mountain West: An insider's perspective","authors":"L. Li","doi":"10.2307/1500426","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/1500426","url":null,"abstract":"As Jan Harold Brunvand points out (Brunvand 1998:591), folk foods (in which category we can also include the kinds of ethnic and national foods I will discuss here) are unique among traditional expressions because they are so \"quickly and wholly consumed\" by their makers and eaters (their performers and audiences, in folklore terms). Since traditional foods appear and disappear so constantly, a proper study of food folklore must focus not only on the foods themselves, but also on the cultural codes that determine how and why they are produced, and on the customs, assumptions, and shared tastes on which these codes are founded. Virtually all studies of foodlore that go beyond regional recipe books take the contextual, culturally constructed dimension to be at least as important as the resultant foods themselves-often more so, as a look through Brunvand's extensive bibliography indicates (1998:609-614). Most of the essays in the special foodways issue of Western Folklore (vol. 40 [1981]) are also related to the cultural, rather than the metabolic, aspects of food, as are the essays by Yvonne R. and William G. Lockwood, Janet S. Theophano, David Shuldiner, Carolyn Lipson-Walker, Larry Danielson, Olivia Cadaval, and Susan Auerbach in Stephen Stern's and John Allan Cicala's Creative Ethnicity: Symbols and Strategies of Contemporary Ethnic Life (1991). By now, that is, the ethnic dimension of folk foods is more often assumed than questioned. Even so, many studies are shaped by outside inquirers who, though fascinated by the food customs and convinced of their importance, approach their topics without deep personal experience in the assumptions that lie behind the customs they seek to document and discuss. The insider, on the other hand (and several of the articles indicated above were written by members of the community being studied), faces another problem: deep personal acquaintance makes it difficult to be objective about the details of the tradition-a dilemma resolved in part by access to the nuances of language not available to the outsider. The present essay lies somewhere between these two positions for, although the author is a native-born Chinese, the American Chinese traditions discussed here are not exactly what a Chinese \"insider\" might initially expect to find. For one thing, while many Chinese dishes in America reflect their regional origins in China with great accuracy, others are new or modified. Thus, in addition to the topic of cultural maintenance or cultural identity through food (which we more or less expect to see), we have a record of modification and change in response to the American cultural environment, which provides evidence of subtle cultural pressures expressed in food more fully than in words. We will also see that Chinese food in American restaurant form plays an important role in active, ongoing cultural relations-as is the case with many national cuisines now resident in the United States. One can hardly find a town i","PeriodicalId":44624,"journal":{"name":"WESTERN FOLKLORE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2002-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/1500426","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68839995","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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