In the true folktale world, God needs not to be troubled to put everything in order, but this order comes about by itself. Max Luthi One of the aspects of genre theory is concerned with the problem of the border between two different genres that share some common features. It would not be exaggerating to state that this particular aspect becomes crucially important when differentiating myth and folktale-due to the undeniable similarities, acknowledged by folklore scholars since the brothers Grimm-between these two genres. The difficulty in drawing a border between myth and folktale has led to various cases of misunderstanding in folklore theory. Probably, the most famous is the Propp/Levi- Strauss debate where one of the points of disagreement is concerned with the genre of the material under study. According to Levi-Strauss, the difference between myth and folktale is not qualitative but rather a "difference of degree": "Tales are miniature myths, in which the same oppositions are transposed to a smaller scale, and that is what makes them difficult to study in the first place" (Levi-Strauss 1976:30); that's why myths rather than folktales (fairytales in Propp's case) are the primary choice for structural analysis. Propp defends himself but his reply, as distinct from his arguments on Levi-Strauss's other charges, is based on the general observation of a scholar's right to decide what to study and on the nature of the process of theoretical thinking: "According to Levi- Strauss, a scholar first finds a method and then begins to think where to apply it; in my case it has been applied, regrettably, to wondertales,1 an area of little interest to the philosopher. But things never happen so in science; nor did they happen this way in my case" (Propp 1984:9). Propp's pathos is justified; however, to the real question posed by Levi-Strauss-is it possible to apply the morphological sequence discovered in fairytales to myths-Propp himself gives an affirmative answer. "There are myths based on the same morphological and compositional system as the wondertale. . . . At times they correspond, down to minute details, to the compositional system studied in Morphology of the Folktale. In some cases myth and wondertales have the same form" (Propp 1984:79). But if the structure-although only in some cases-is the same for both genres, Levi-Strauss's reproach makes sense: Propp's discovery of the morphological model is to a certain degree accidental regarding the genre of the analyzed material and could have been made on the material of myths as well. Thirty years later, Alan Dundes suggests "a form of constructive mediation" between the two great scholars who are "talking past one another" (Dundes 1997). As far as Levi- Strauss's argument regarding Propp's choice of fairytales instead of myths is concerned, Dundes is obviously on Propp's side: "The idea that a professional folklorist, a professor of folklore, did not know enough about myths to analyze them is, of
{"title":"On the metahistorical roots of the fairytale","authors":"Victoria Somoff","doi":"10.2307/1500423","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/1500423","url":null,"abstract":"In the true folktale world, God needs not to be troubled to put everything in order, but this order comes about by itself. Max Luthi One of the aspects of genre theory is concerned with the problem of the border between two different genres that share some common features. It would not be exaggerating to state that this particular aspect becomes crucially important when differentiating myth and folktale-due to the undeniable similarities, acknowledged by folklore scholars since the brothers Grimm-between these two genres. The difficulty in drawing a border between myth and folktale has led to various cases of misunderstanding in folklore theory. Probably, the most famous is the Propp/Levi- Strauss debate where one of the points of disagreement is concerned with the genre of the material under study. According to Levi-Strauss, the difference between myth and folktale is not qualitative but rather a \"difference of degree\": \"Tales are miniature myths, in which the same oppositions are transposed to a smaller scale, and that is what makes them difficult to study in the first place\" (Levi-Strauss 1976:30); that's why myths rather than folktales (fairytales in Propp's case) are the primary choice for structural analysis. Propp defends himself but his reply, as distinct from his arguments on Levi-Strauss's other charges, is based on the general observation of a scholar's right to decide what to study and on the nature of the process of theoretical thinking: \"According to Levi- Strauss, a scholar first finds a method and then begins to think where to apply it; in my case it has been applied, regrettably, to wondertales,1 an area of little interest to the philosopher. But things never happen so in science; nor did they happen this way in my case\" (Propp 1984:9). Propp's pathos is justified; however, to the real question posed by Levi-Strauss-is it possible to apply the morphological sequence discovered in fairytales to myths-Propp himself gives an affirmative answer. \"There are myths based on the same morphological and compositional system as the wondertale. . . . At times they correspond, down to minute details, to the compositional system studied in Morphology of the Folktale. In some cases myth and wondertales have the same form\" (Propp 1984:79). But if the structure-although only in some cases-is the same for both genres, Levi-Strauss's reproach makes sense: Propp's discovery of the morphological model is to a certain degree accidental regarding the genre of the analyzed material and could have been made on the material of myths as well. Thirty years later, Alan Dundes suggests \"a form of constructive mediation\" between the two great scholars who are \"talking past one another\" (Dundes 1997). As far as Levi- Strauss's argument regarding Propp's choice of fairytales instead of myths is concerned, Dundes is obviously on Propp's side: \"The idea that a professional folklorist, a professor of folklore, did not know enough about myths to analyze them is, of ","PeriodicalId":44624,"journal":{"name":"WESTERN FOLKLORE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2002-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/1500423","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68839840","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Jacqueline S. Thursby, A. Hodder, R. Meagher, J. Foley, Gregory Schrempp, William M. Hansen
The Epic Voice. Edited by Alan D. Hodder and Robert E. Meagher. (Westport, CT: Praeger, 2002. Pp. 157, introduction, illustrations, maps, notes, index. $54.95 cloth, $15.00 paper); How to Read an Oral Poem. By John Miles Foley. (Champaign: University of Illinois Press, 2002. Pp xviii + 256, prologue, photographs, notes, bibliography, index. $44.95 cloth, $19.95 paper); Myth: A New Symposium. Edited by Gregory Schrempp and William Hansen. (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2002. Pp. vii + 262, acknowledgments, introduction, illustrations, photographs, notes, bibliographies, index. $49.95 cloth) All three of these books, like ancient lamps, light familiar, well-worn paths to guide us to new comprehension of myth (or-to borrow a term used by Barre Toelken in his contribution to the third of the volumes under discussion-of "fictional traditional narrative" [88]). The Epic Voice sets a thoughtful tone for the discussion. Here the editors have assembled essays written by five senior scholars, in which "decades of learning and thought [are used] to open the reader's mind to the fullness of the work at hand" (1). The five works discussed are from five different venues of the ancient world: Mesopotamia (The Epic of Gilgamesh), Israel (stories of David), Greece (The Odyssey), India (The Ramayana), and Ireland (The Cattle-Raid of Cooley [Tain Bo Cuailnge]). Taken as a whole, these essays bring the reader to dramatic new levels of understanding through use of multiple examples to illustrate the cross-fertilization of oral and written narrative. The volume is a "course-in-a-text." How to Read an Oral Poem, by John Miles Foley, is an engaging work based on both fieldwork and archival research, whose playful title announces a discussion of relations between orality and literacy. The volume illuminates words, meanings, and usage in the work of four different oral poets representing four different oral poetic traditions both ancient and contemporary: a Tibetan paper-singer, a North American slam poet, a South African praise poet, and an ancient Greek poet. As Foley suggests, "Our challenge is to fashion a model for oral poetry that realistically portrays, in both its unity and its diversity, a kind of biology that allows for species differentiation within the composite genus" (38). He proposes a system of media categories (38) and discusses them. Foley's well-informed book carries the reader through eight chapters addressing, respectively, oral poetry; contexts and reading; performance theory; ethnopoetics; traditional implications; types of proverbs; examples of readings; and South Slavic oral poetry-an extended discussion in which he draws parallels to other examples in the text. Foley's afterword engages the reader in a fascinating comparative discussion of oral poetry and electronic media, specifically the Internet. "The key to these possibilities," he says, "is to recognize that-like the Internet we browse, learn from, and purchase on-oral poetry amount
{"title":"The Epic Voice","authors":"Jacqueline S. Thursby, A. Hodder, R. Meagher, J. Foley, Gregory Schrempp, William M. Hansen","doi":"10.2307/1500441","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/1500441","url":null,"abstract":"The Epic Voice. Edited by Alan D. Hodder and Robert E. Meagher. (Westport, CT: Praeger, 2002. Pp. 157, introduction, illustrations, maps, notes, index. $54.95 cloth, $15.00 paper); How to Read an Oral Poem. By John Miles Foley. (Champaign: University of Illinois Press, 2002. Pp xviii + 256, prologue, photographs, notes, bibliography, index. $44.95 cloth, $19.95 paper); Myth: A New Symposium. Edited by Gregory Schrempp and William Hansen. (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2002. Pp. vii + 262, acknowledgments, introduction, illustrations, photographs, notes, bibliographies, index. $49.95 cloth) All three of these books, like ancient lamps, light familiar, well-worn paths to guide us to new comprehension of myth (or-to borrow a term used by Barre Toelken in his contribution to the third of the volumes under discussion-of \"fictional traditional narrative\" [88]). The Epic Voice sets a thoughtful tone for the discussion. Here the editors have assembled essays written by five senior scholars, in which \"decades of learning and thought [are used] to open the reader's mind to the fullness of the work at hand\" (1). The five works discussed are from five different venues of the ancient world: Mesopotamia (The Epic of Gilgamesh), Israel (stories of David), Greece (The Odyssey), India (The Ramayana), and Ireland (The Cattle-Raid of Cooley [Tain Bo Cuailnge]). Taken as a whole, these essays bring the reader to dramatic new levels of understanding through use of multiple examples to illustrate the cross-fertilization of oral and written narrative. The volume is a \"course-in-a-text.\" How to Read an Oral Poem, by John Miles Foley, is an engaging work based on both fieldwork and archival research, whose playful title announces a discussion of relations between orality and literacy. The volume illuminates words, meanings, and usage in the work of four different oral poets representing four different oral poetic traditions both ancient and contemporary: a Tibetan paper-singer, a North American slam poet, a South African praise poet, and an ancient Greek poet. As Foley suggests, \"Our challenge is to fashion a model for oral poetry that realistically portrays, in both its unity and its diversity, a kind of biology that allows for species differentiation within the composite genus\" (38). He proposes a system of media categories (38) and discusses them. Foley's well-informed book carries the reader through eight chapters addressing, respectively, oral poetry; contexts and reading; performance theory; ethnopoetics; traditional implications; types of proverbs; examples of readings; and South Slavic oral poetry-an extended discussion in which he draws parallels to other examples in the text. Foley's afterword engages the reader in a fascinating comparative discussion of oral poetry and electronic media, specifically the Internet. \"The key to these possibilities,\" he says, \"is to recognize that-like the Internet we browse, learn from, and purchase on-oral poetry amount","PeriodicalId":44624,"journal":{"name":"WESTERN FOLKLORE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2002-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/1500441","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68840504","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Colleen M. Fitzgerald, R. Benedict, William Blackwater, Thomas Vanyiko, Clara Ahiel, William Stevens, Oliver Wellington, Kisto, D. Bahr
O'odham Creation and Related Events, As Told to Ruth Benedict in 1927 in Prose, Oratory, and Song by the Pimas William Blackwater, Thomas Vanyiko, Clara Ahiel, William Stevens, Oliver Wellington, and Kisio. Edited by Donald Bahr, Foreword by Barbara Babcock. (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2001. Pp. xxvii + 227, foreword, acknowledgments, introduction, bibliography, index. $45.00 cloth) The desert landscape of southern Arizona is home to the Akimel and Tohono O'odham, also known as the Pimas and the Papagos, both well-studied by anthropologists, linguists and ethnomusicologists. O'odham Creation and Related Events (OCRE) is a very significant addition to work on the O'odham, for it is a previously unpublished body of oral literature collected in Sacaton, Arizona in 1927, primarily from narrators William Blackwater and Thomas Vanyiko, by Ruth Benedict. OCRE began as a collaboration between Donald Bahr and John Bierhost, but the latter, who found the papers, had to leave the project. The completed edition, a collection of songs, stories, and ritual speeches relating to the O'odham creation stories, is probably the most complete of the published O'odham mythologies (Russell 1908, Saxton and Saxton 1973, and Bahr et al. 1994). Especially noteworthy is that the stories are usually accompanied by information about the source. At times, the contributions of the two principal narrators, Blackwater and Vanyiko, are presented in OCRE in a "duet" (or "duel") type format. In this and other ways, Bahr has given a structure and a context to Benedict's manuscript. The book's organization into five chapters is Bahr's, as are the chapter titles, the chapter introductions, and the supplementary notes and textual comments-these are mostly about mistakes in O'odham words and names, but they also include ethnobotanical material (using Rea 1997 as a resource), and they make significant comparisons with previously published collections. Bahr's own knowledge of O'odham oral literature-a life's work-is a valuable and essential component of OCRE. Of the book's five sections-1) The Rafter Hauled: The Long Telling of Ancient Times; 2) Pieces Left Out; 3) Pieces Afterward, on War; 4) Coyote Tales; 5) Oratory-the first two are devoted to stories set in the Edenic time before "normal" marriage and procreation. The stories in "The Rafter Hauled" relate how creation proceeded from nothingness to the Pimas before the Apache wars, and the stories begin with Earth Doctor (and later, with Elder Brother): "In the beginning there was darkness. Darkness spun round upon itself and from it was born Earth Doctor. He went west, south, east, north, up, and down, looking everywhere, but there was nothing" (5). Stories in the second section, "Pieces Left Out," speak of ancient times in which Earth Doctor and Elder Brother play minor roles or none at all, and include versions (here told by Blackwater) of the rafter stories. Section two also presents, with an editor's synopsis, "The Feud,
《奥哈姆的创作及相关事件:1927年对露丝·本尼迪克特的讲述》，作者:威廉·黑水、托马斯·万伊科、克拉拉·阿希尔、威廉·史蒂文斯、奥利弗·威灵顿和基西奥。唐纳德·巴尔编辑，芭芭拉·巴布科克序。图森:亚利桑那大学出版社，2001。第xxvii + 227页，前言，致谢，引言，参考书目，索引。亚利桑那州南部的沙漠景观是阿基梅尔人和托霍诺·奥厄姆人的家园，也被称为皮马斯人和帕帕戈斯人，人类学家、语言学家和民族音乐学家对这两种人都进行了深入研究。奥厄姆创作和相关事件(OCRE)是对奥厄姆作品的一个非常重要的补充，因为它是一个以前未出版的口头文学体，于1927年在亚利桑那州的萨克顿收集，主要来自叙述者威廉·黑水和托马斯·凡尼科，由露丝·本尼迪克特撰写。OCRE最初是Donald Bahr和John Bierhost的合作，但后者发现了这些文件，不得不离开这个项目。完整版收录了与奥厄姆创造故事有关的歌曲、故事和仪式演讲，可能是已出版的奥厄姆神话中最完整的(Russell 1908, Saxton and Saxton 1973, Bahr et al. 1994)。特别值得注意的是，这些报道通常附有有关消息来源的信息。有时，两位主要叙述者黑水和万尼科的贡献在OCRE中以“二重唱”(或“决斗”)的形式呈现。通过这样或那样的方式，巴尔为本笃的手稿提供了一个结构和背景。这本书分为五章的组织是Bahr的，章节标题，章节介绍，补充注释和文本注释也是如此-这些大多是关于奥哈姆的单词和名称的错误，但它们也包括民族植物学材料(使用Rea 1997作为资源)，它们与以前出版的集合进行了重要的比较。巴尔自己对奥德姆口头文学的了解——这是他一生的工作——是OCRE的一个有价值和重要的组成部分。在全书的五个部分中:1)拖着的椽子:古代的长篇讲述;2)遗漏件;3)战后作品，关于战争;4)土狼故事;5)演讲——前两部讲述的是发生在“正常”婚姻和生育之前的伊甸园时代的故事。《拖椽子》中的故事讲述了造物是如何从虚无到阿帕奇战争之前的皮马人，故事从地球博士开始(后来是哥哥):“起初是黑暗的。黑暗在自己身上旋转，由此诞生了地球博士。他去了西、南、东、北、上、下，到处都找遍了，但什么也没有找到。”第二部分的故事“遗漏的碎片”讲述的是远古时代，地球博士和哥哥只扮演次要角色，或者根本没有角色，还包括了椽子故事的版本(这里由黑水公司讲述)。第二部分还以编辑的简介介绍了《世袭》(The Feud)，这是一个重要的故事，在奥哈姆的任何其他叙事记录中都没有，但正如巴尔所指出的，它与《波波尔·乌》(Popol Vuh)有相似之处，不是在神话元素上，而是在打球、自焚、兄弟俩和他们的转变等元素上:“‘我要把自己变成一条蜥蜴，把自己绑在这根木棍上。你回家后，把它扔到灰堆上。”他们知道他是明智的，他们把木头拿进去，扔在灰堆上。…
{"title":"O'odham Creation and Related Events, as Told to Ruth Benedict in 1927 in Prose, Oratory, and Song by the Pimas William Blackwater, Thomas Vanyiko, Clara Ahiel, William Stevens, Oliver Wellington, and Kisto","authors":"Colleen M. Fitzgerald, R. Benedict, William Blackwater, Thomas Vanyiko, Clara Ahiel, William Stevens, Oliver Wellington, Kisto, D. Bahr","doi":"10.2307/1500436","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/1500436","url":null,"abstract":"O'odham Creation and Related Events, As Told to Ruth Benedict in 1927 in Prose, Oratory, and Song by the Pimas William Blackwater, Thomas Vanyiko, Clara Ahiel, William Stevens, Oliver Wellington, and Kisio. Edited by Donald Bahr, Foreword by Barbara Babcock. (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2001. Pp. xxvii + 227, foreword, acknowledgments, introduction, bibliography, index. $45.00 cloth) The desert landscape of southern Arizona is home to the Akimel and Tohono O'odham, also known as the Pimas and the Papagos, both well-studied by anthropologists, linguists and ethnomusicologists. O'odham Creation and Related Events (OCRE) is a very significant addition to work on the O'odham, for it is a previously unpublished body of oral literature collected in Sacaton, Arizona in 1927, primarily from narrators William Blackwater and Thomas Vanyiko, by Ruth Benedict. OCRE began as a collaboration between Donald Bahr and John Bierhost, but the latter, who found the papers, had to leave the project. The completed edition, a collection of songs, stories, and ritual speeches relating to the O'odham creation stories, is probably the most complete of the published O'odham mythologies (Russell 1908, Saxton and Saxton 1973, and Bahr et al. 1994). Especially noteworthy is that the stories are usually accompanied by information about the source. At times, the contributions of the two principal narrators, Blackwater and Vanyiko, are presented in OCRE in a \"duet\" (or \"duel\") type format. In this and other ways, Bahr has given a structure and a context to Benedict's manuscript. The book's organization into five chapters is Bahr's, as are the chapter titles, the chapter introductions, and the supplementary notes and textual comments-these are mostly about mistakes in O'odham words and names, but they also include ethnobotanical material (using Rea 1997 as a resource), and they make significant comparisons with previously published collections. Bahr's own knowledge of O'odham oral literature-a life's work-is a valuable and essential component of OCRE. Of the book's five sections-1) The Rafter Hauled: The Long Telling of Ancient Times; 2) Pieces Left Out; 3) Pieces Afterward, on War; 4) Coyote Tales; 5) Oratory-the first two are devoted to stories set in the Edenic time before \"normal\" marriage and procreation. The stories in \"The Rafter Hauled\" relate how creation proceeded from nothingness to the Pimas before the Apache wars, and the stories begin with Earth Doctor (and later, with Elder Brother): \"In the beginning there was darkness. Darkness spun round upon itself and from it was born Earth Doctor. He went west, south, east, north, up, and down, looking everywhere, but there was nothing\" (5). Stories in the second section, \"Pieces Left Out,\" speak of ancient times in which Earth Doctor and Elder Brother play minor roles or none at all, and include versions (here told by Blackwater) of the rafter stories. Section two also presents, with an editor's synopsis, \"The Feud,","PeriodicalId":44624,"journal":{"name":"WESTERN FOLKLORE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2002-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/1500436","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68840557","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Perspectives on the Jack Tales and Other North American Marchen. Edited by Carl Lindahl. (Bloomington: Folklore Institute, 2002. Pp. vii + 179, foreword, photographs, notes, bibliography. $17.95 paper) Sixty years after Richard Chase cast his spell in folklore circles and the general public with The Jack Tales, the subgenre continues to beguile us: if, in fact, there is such an identifiable subgenre as "a Jack tale" (which in turn raises the question of whether "genre" and "subgenre" are still useful concepts). According to Carl Lindahl and other contributors to this anthology of articles and stories, genre is still a vital folkloristic concept and both Marchen and Jack tale are alive and well in spite of Chase, not because of him. Rather, as Lindahl makes clear, they are alive and are exceedingly richer and more varied than what Chase delivered. Lindahl's book comprises four essays (two by Lindahl), six transcripts of Jack tales (three of which are presented in two versions), and a memorial note on folklorist Herbert Halpert, whose research notes graced both Chase's Appalachian collection and Vance Randolph's Ozark tales (WAo Blowed Up the Church House), and whose spirit hovers, no doubt bemused, throughout. Lindahl's introduction gives a short survey of North American Marchen studies, focusing particularly on the question of why the academy has let them fall into neglect. He also examines Chase's influence on the academy and the public, as well as the careers of other scholars of the genre, including Leonard W. Roberts, Vance Randolph, Herbert Halpert, Chuck Perdue, and others. In his second essay, "Sounding a Shy Tradition: Oral and Written Styles of American Mountain Marchen," Lindahl continues his examination of Chase, Randolph, and Roberts, comparing versions of tales included in the present collection, and concluding that Roberts's versions were vastly more faithful to the oral styles of the tellers than either Chase's literary versions or those of Randolph, who tended to present them, in Lindahl's view, as legends or jokes. Charles L. Perdue Jr., in his essay, "Is Old Jack Really Richard Chase?" compares Chase's published version of Jack tales with their unaltered transcripts and analyzes the eleven tales published by Isabel Gordon Carter in 1925, demonstrating that Chase's versions were "less emblematic of the narrators he claimed to represent and more a reflection of himself." Chase, a shameless self-promoter, had a well-developed talent for appropriation, as he subsequently came to assume "ownership" of the tales he published-one might almost say, of the genre itself-becoming not merely a collector but a performer. After collecting tales in North Carolina in the late 30s, he attached himself to James Taylor Adams, and the two of them collected Jack tales from tellers in Wise County, Virginia. The present work gives both Adams's and Chase's simultaneous transcripts of a single tale, "Jack and the Bull," as told in 1941 by Polly Johnson.
《杰克故事集》和其他北美小说的视角。卡尔·林达尔编辑。布卢明顿:民俗研究所，2002。第vii + 179页，前言，照片，注释，参考书目。在理查德·蔡斯以《杰克的故事》在民间传说界和普通大众中施展他的魔力60年后，这个亚类型继续吸引着我们:如果事实上存在这样一个可识别的亚类型，即“杰克的故事”(这反过来又提出了“类型”和“亚类型”是否仍然是有用的概念的问题)。根据卡尔·林达尔和其他撰稿人的文章和故事选集，类型仍然是一个重要的民俗学概念，Marchen和Jack的故事都很生动，尽管蔡斯，不是因为他。相反，正如林达尔明确指出的那样，它们是活生生的，而且比蔡斯的作品更加丰富多彩。林达尔的书包括四篇散文(两篇由林达尔撰写)，六篇杰克故事的抄本(其中三篇以两个版本呈现)，以及一篇民俗学家赫伯特·哈尔珀特的纪念笔记，他的研究笔记为蔡斯的《阿巴拉契亚故事集》和万斯·伦道夫的《奥扎克故事集》(WAo炸毁了教堂)增色不少，他的精神无疑在整个过程中徘徊，令人困惑。林达尔的引言对北美的马尔钦研究做了一个简短的调查，特别关注为什么学院让他们陷入忽视的问题。他还研究了蔡斯对学术界和公众的影响，以及其他流派学者的职业生涯，包括伦纳德·w·罗伯茨、万斯·伦道夫、赫伯特·哈尔珀特、查克·珀杜等人。在他的第二篇文章中，“聆听一个害羞的传统:美国山地马晨的口头和书面风格，”林达尔继续他对蔡斯，伦道夫和罗伯茨的研究，比较了目前收集的故事版本，得出的结论是罗伯茨的版本比蔡斯的文学版本或伦道夫的版本更忠实于讲述者的口头风格，在林达尔看来，伦道夫倾向于把它们呈现为传说或笑话。小查尔斯·l·珀杜(Charles L. Perdue Jr.)在他的文章《老杰克真的是理查德·蔡斯吗?》中，将蔡斯出版的杰克故事版本与未经修改的文本进行了比较，并分析了伊莎贝尔·戈登·卡特(Isabel Gordon Carter)于1925年出版的11个故事，证明蔡斯的版本“与其说是他声称要代表的叙述者的象征，不如说是他自己的反映”。蔡斯，一个无耻的自我推销者，在挪用方面有着高超的天赋，因为他后来开始承担起他所出版的故事的“所有权”——人们几乎可以说，是这一类型本身——不仅是一个收藏家，而且是一个表演者。30年代末，他在北卡罗来纳州收集故事后，与詹姆斯·泰勒·亚当斯(James Taylor Adams)结缘，两人从弗吉尼亚州怀斯县(Wise County)的讲述者那里收集杰克故事。这本书提供了亚当斯和蔡斯对同一个故事的同时抄本，《杰克与公牛》(Jack and The Bull)由波莉·约翰逊(Polly Johnson)于1941年讲述。…
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Lafcadio Hearn's America: Ethnographic Sketches and Editorials. Edited by Simon J. Bronner. (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 2002. Pp. x + 242, acknowledgments, introduction, photographs, illustrations, bibliography, index. $35.00 cloth) In a world of 24-hour cable news channels, endless talk-radio programs, and high- speed Internet access, the newspaper may be nearly forgotten. Though we curl up with a Sunday edition and a leisurely cup of tea, or hurriedly leaf through a daily while commuting to our jobs, the paper is far from our sole source of news and entertainment. A hundred years ago, however, such a claim would have been unthinkable. Journalists in that Golden Age of Print wrote for audiences that relied almost exclusively on print resources-newspapers and magazines-for understanding their world. While a few journalists of the era used the print medium to expand that world by elucidating the lives of "Others," of people outside the mainstream of American life, no journalist achieved that goal more skillfully than Lafcadio Hearn. In the present collection, Simon J. Bronner forefronts Hearn's ethnographically centered journalistic work on the Others of the age. As Bronner shows in the introduction, Hearn's work has been valued for its local color and its literary worth and has been praised for its journalistic merits, but here Bronner makes the further case that "much of [Hearn's] journalism was ethnographic because he chew symbolic significance from the communication behavior he directly observed" (1). For Bronner, Hearn's ethnographic sketches are panes through which we can see into the lives of Jews, African Americans, Creoles, and other Others during the turbulent times when American was dealing with industrialization, modernization, and immigration-a time when the developing nation needed to challenge traditional practices in order to accommodate unprecedented change. The works collected here date from the years 1873 and 1894, with Cincinnati (America's largest city at the time) and New Orleans as the contextual backdrops. Bronner divides the collection in thirds. The first section, "Communities and the 'Under Side' of America," contains engaging pieces detailing the lives of those who lived on the levee in Cincinnati; the Cincinnati Fire Department; the workings of the county jail; and the city's poor. The second section, "'Enormous and Lurid Facts': Language, Folklife, and Culture," consists of interesting, pointed studies of, for example, superstitions in New Orleans; black minstrels; Hearn's own experience with a medium; and-an outstanding comparative piece-Jewish and gentile butchering methods. …
拉夫卡迪奥·赫恩的《美国:民族志札记与社论》。西蒙·j·布朗纳编辑。列克星敦:肯塔基大学出版社，2002。页x + 242，致谢，介绍，照片，插图，参考书目，索引。在一个24小时有线新闻频道、没完没了的广播谈话节目和高速互联网接入的世界里，报纸可能几乎被遗忘了。尽管我们蜷缩在报纸上，悠闲地喝着茶，或者在上班的路上匆匆翻阅日报，但报纸远不是我们唯一的新闻和娱乐来源。然而，在一百年前，这样的主张是不可想象的。在那个印刷的黄金时代，记者为那些几乎完全依赖印刷资源——报纸和杂志——来了解他们的世界的读者写作。虽然那个时代的一些记者利用印刷媒体，通过阐释美国主流生活之外的“他者”的生活来扩大这个世界，但没有一个记者比拉夫卡迪奥·赫恩更熟练地实现了这一目标。在本作品集中，西蒙·j·布朗纳(Simon J. Bronner)将赫恩以人种学为中心的新闻工作放在了这个时代的他者的前面。正如Bronner在介绍中所展示的那样，Hearn的作品因其地方色彩和文学价值而受到重视，并因其新闻价值而受到赞扬，但Bronner在这里进一步提出了“(Hearn的)大部分新闻都是民族志的，因为他从他直接观察到的交流行为中吸取了象征意义”(1)。对于Bronner来说，Hearn的民族志速写是窗格，通过它我们可以看到犹太人，非洲裔美国人，克里奥尔人，在美国处理工业化、现代化和移民问题的动荡时期，这个发展中国家需要挑战传统做法，以适应前所未有的变化。这里收集的作品可以追溯到1873年和1894年，以辛辛那提(当时美国最大的城市)和新奥尔良为背景。布朗纳将藏品分成三份。第一部分，“社区和美国的“底面”，包含了详细描述那些住在辛辛那提大堤上的人的生活的引人入胜的作品;辛辛那提消防部门;县监狱的运作;还有这个城市的穷人。第二部分，“庞大而骇人的事实:语言、民间生活和文化”，包括一些有趣而有针对性的研究，例如新奥尔良的迷信;黑人音乐家;Hearn自己对媒介的体验;以及犹太人和非犹太人的屠宰方式的比较。…
{"title":"Lafcadio Hearn's America: Ethnographic Sketches and Editorials","authors":"L. Hearn, Simon J. Bronner","doi":"10.2307/1500437","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/1500437","url":null,"abstract":"Lafcadio Hearn's America: Ethnographic Sketches and Editorials. Edited by Simon J. Bronner. (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 2002. Pp. x + 242, acknowledgments, introduction, photographs, illustrations, bibliography, index. $35.00 cloth) In a world of 24-hour cable news channels, endless talk-radio programs, and high- speed Internet access, the newspaper may be nearly forgotten. Though we curl up with a Sunday edition and a leisurely cup of tea, or hurriedly leaf through a daily while commuting to our jobs, the paper is far from our sole source of news and entertainment. A hundred years ago, however, such a claim would have been unthinkable. Journalists in that Golden Age of Print wrote for audiences that relied almost exclusively on print resources-newspapers and magazines-for understanding their world. While a few journalists of the era used the print medium to expand that world by elucidating the lives of \"Others,\" of people outside the mainstream of American life, no journalist achieved that goal more skillfully than Lafcadio Hearn. In the present collection, Simon J. Bronner forefronts Hearn's ethnographically centered journalistic work on the Others of the age. As Bronner shows in the introduction, Hearn's work has been valued for its local color and its literary worth and has been praised for its journalistic merits, but here Bronner makes the further case that \"much of [Hearn's] journalism was ethnographic because he chew symbolic significance from the communication behavior he directly observed\" (1). For Bronner, Hearn's ethnographic sketches are panes through which we can see into the lives of Jews, African Americans, Creoles, and other Others during the turbulent times when American was dealing with industrialization, modernization, and immigration-a time when the developing nation needed to challenge traditional practices in order to accommodate unprecedented change. The works collected here date from the years 1873 and 1894, with Cincinnati (America's largest city at the time) and New Orleans as the contextual backdrops. Bronner divides the collection in thirds. The first section, \"Communities and the 'Under Side' of America,\" contains engaging pieces detailing the lives of those who lived on the levee in Cincinnati; the Cincinnati Fire Department; the workings of the county jail; and the city's poor. The second section, \"'Enormous and Lurid Facts': Language, Folklife, and Culture,\" consists of interesting, pointed studies of, for example, superstitions in New Orleans; black minstrels; Hearn's own experience with a medium; and-an outstanding comparative piece-Jewish and gentile butchering methods. …","PeriodicalId":44624,"journal":{"name":"WESTERN FOLKLORE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2002-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/1500437","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68840724","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Native American Oral Traditions: Collaboration and Interpretation. Edited by Larry Evers and Barre Toelken. Foreword by John Miles Foley. (Logan: Utah State University Press, 2001. Pp. xvi + 242. $39.95 cloth, $19.95 paper) In Native American Oral Traditions (NAOT), editors Larry Evers and Barre Toelken bring together the work of seven pairs of Native and non-Native collaborative writers from the western United States. Wanting to "publish essays that explore dimensions of perspective, discovery, and meaning which emerge when Native and non-Natives work together on oral texts," the editors propose that their work will serve as a "benchmark of the collaborative work that is being done with Native American communities at this time" (1, 4). Each chapter includes an oral narrative, usually in both the Native language and in English; a discussion of the narrative; and a consideration of the collaborative venture. Represented are traditions from the Yaqui, Tlingit, Lushootseed, Tohono O'odham, Atsuge-wi, Coos and Coquelle, and Yup'ik. Beyond providing a benchmark, this edition offers a first-rate collection of Native American tales and asks provocative questions important to all interested in oral narrative. Major issues provide centers of discussion: What is collaboration? What forms does it take? How can researchers encourage more collaborations? Why and how do authors work collaboratively? How do cross-cultural partners navigate the rock-strewn waters of the collaborative way? How can the "insider/outsider" concept be reconfigured? How can partners enact collaboration in the texts they produce? How do cross-cultural partners accomplish the work of interpretation? In their Introduction, Evers and Toelken discuss collaboration by offering a brief history of Native and non-Native joint projects, citing those that are and those that are not collaborative. Longtime co-authors Felipe S. Molina and Larry Evers propose ways for researchers to work collaboratively in the future. In "Like this it stays in your hands," they present a talk by Yoeme deer singer Miki Maaso and suggest that in community- and school-based bicultural/bilingual programs community-based American Indian intellectuals and university-based non-Native scholars can pursue collaborative work (29). Since all the authors comment on their partnerships, NAOT offers a wealth of details on the collaborative venture. Darryl Babe Wilson of San Francisco State University writes of his labors to help preserve and present Susan Bradenstein Park's never-published fieldwork with his Atsugewi people done in 1920 when she was a brand-new Berkeley anthropology B.A. The limits of collaboration run like a subtext through the essay by Marya Moses and Toby C. S. Langen as they present a Snohomish story, but they do not discuss their challenges as fully as do others, such as the Dauenhauers. Husband and wife team Nora Marks Dauenhauer and Richard Dauenhauer, in their article about their continuing search for var
美国原住民口述传统:合作与诠释。拉里·埃弗斯和巴雷·托尔肯编辑。约翰·迈尔斯·弗利作序。洛根:犹他州立大学出版社，2001。第16 + 242页。布39.95美元，纸19.95美元)在《美国原住民口述传统》(NAOT)一书中，编辑拉里·埃弗斯和巴雷·托尔肯汇集了来自美国西部的七对原住民和非原住民合作作家的作品。编辑们希望“发表文章，探索土著和非土著共同研究口头文本时出现的视角、发现和意义的维度”，他们建议他们的作品将作为“此时与美洲土著社区合作工作的基准”(1,4)。每章都包括口头叙述，通常用土著语言和英语;对叙事的讨论;以及对合作企业的考虑。代表是来自雅基人、特林吉人、Lushootseed人、Tohono O'odham人、Atsuge-wi人、Coos和Coquelle人以及Yup'ik人的传统。除了提供一个基准，这个版本提供了一个一流的美国土著故事集，并提出了对所有对口头叙事感兴趣的人都很重要的挑衅性问题。主要问题提供了讨论的中心:什么是协作?它有什么形式?研究人员如何鼓励更多的合作?作者为什么要协同工作?如何协同工作?跨文化合作伙伴如何在合作方式的岩石水域中航行?如何重新配置“内部/外部”概念?合作伙伴如何在他们编写的文本中实施合作?跨文化合作伙伴如何完成口译工作?在他们的引言中，Evers和Toelken通过提供土著和非土著联合项目的简史来讨论合作，并列举了哪些是合作的，哪些不是合作的。长期合作作者菲利普·s·莫利纳和拉里·埃弗斯提出了研究人员未来合作的方法。在“就像这样，它留在你的手中”一文中，他们介绍了Yoeme鹿歌手Miki Maaso的演讲，并建议在社区和学校为基础的双文化/双语项目中，以社区为基础的美国印第安人知识分子和大学为基础的非土著学者可以进行合作(29)。由于所有作者都评论了他们的合作关系，因此NAOT提供了有关合作企业的丰富细节。旧金山州立大学的Darryl Babe Wilson写了他的工作，帮助保存和展示Susan Bradenstein Park从未发表过的田野调查，她在1920年做的，当时她是伯克利大学的一名新人类学学士。合作的限制就像潜潜语一样贯穿在maria Moses和Toby C. S. Langen的文章中，他们展示了一个斯诺霍米什人的故事，但他们没有像其他人那样充分地讨论他们面临的挑战，比如daenhauer。诺拉·马克斯·道恩豪尔(Nora Marks Dauenhauer)和理查德·道恩豪尔(Richard Dauenhauer)夫妇在他们的文章中解释了他们是如何分工合作工作的，这篇文章是关于他们继续寻找“Yuwan Gageets”(俄罗斯版《青蛙公主》的罕见的特林吉特翻译版本，AT402)的变体。．..
{"title":"Native American Oral Traditions: Collaboration and Interpretation","authors":"Barre Toelken, L. Evers","doi":"10.2307/1500342","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/1500342","url":null,"abstract":"Native American Oral Traditions: Collaboration and Interpretation. Edited by Larry Evers and Barre Toelken. Foreword by John Miles Foley. (Logan: Utah State University Press, 2001. Pp. xvi + 242. $39.95 cloth, $19.95 paper) In Native American Oral Traditions (NAOT), editors Larry Evers and Barre Toelken bring together the work of seven pairs of Native and non-Native collaborative writers from the western United States. Wanting to \"publish essays that explore dimensions of perspective, discovery, and meaning which emerge when Native and non-Natives work together on oral texts,\" the editors propose that their work will serve as a \"benchmark of the collaborative work that is being done with Native American communities at this time\" (1, 4). Each chapter includes an oral narrative, usually in both the Native language and in English; a discussion of the narrative; and a consideration of the collaborative venture. Represented are traditions from the Yaqui, Tlingit, Lushootseed, Tohono O'odham, Atsuge-wi, Coos and Coquelle, and Yup'ik. Beyond providing a benchmark, this edition offers a first-rate collection of Native American tales and asks provocative questions important to all interested in oral narrative. Major issues provide centers of discussion: What is collaboration? What forms does it take? How can researchers encourage more collaborations? Why and how do authors work collaboratively? How do cross-cultural partners navigate the rock-strewn waters of the collaborative way? How can the \"insider/outsider\" concept be reconfigured? How can partners enact collaboration in the texts they produce? How do cross-cultural partners accomplish the work of interpretation? In their Introduction, Evers and Toelken discuss collaboration by offering a brief history of Native and non-Native joint projects, citing those that are and those that are not collaborative. Longtime co-authors Felipe S. Molina and Larry Evers propose ways for researchers to work collaboratively in the future. In \"Like this it stays in your hands,\" they present a talk by Yoeme deer singer Miki Maaso and suggest that in community- and school-based bicultural/bilingual programs community-based American Indian intellectuals and university-based non-Native scholars can pursue collaborative work (29). Since all the authors comment on their partnerships, NAOT offers a wealth of details on the collaborative venture. Darryl Babe Wilson of San Francisco State University writes of his labors to help preserve and present Susan Bradenstein Park's never-published fieldwork with his Atsugewi people done in 1920 when she was a brand-new Berkeley anthropology B.A. The limits of collaboration run like a subtext through the essay by Marya Moses and Toby C. S. Langen as they present a Snohomish story, but they do not discuss their challenges as fully as do others, such as the Dauenhauers. Husband and wife team Nora Marks Dauenhauer and Richard Dauenhauer, in their article about their continuing search for var","PeriodicalId":44624,"journal":{"name":"WESTERN FOLKLORE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2002-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/1500342","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68838073","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Latter-day Saints and Russia's Indigenous New Religious Movements In 1990, when The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints established its first mission in Russia, Mormon1 missionaries almost immediately began hearing and passing on stories from native Russians about long-established "Mormon" communities already there (Browning 1997). "Whole tribes of native Siberians call themselves Mormons. Many people in villages around Orenburg and Samara are Mormons but will deny it if you ask them. My grandfather was a Mormon, but he died long ago," are paraphrases of the more common story types. These rumors intrigued missionaries and Latter-day Saint scholars alike, since the limited missionary resources of the early Church and the effectiveness of both Tsarist and Communist opposition to foreign missionaries kept Latter-day Saints from establishing an official presence in Russia until Gorbachev's reforms in the late 1980s. There is no known historical evidence that the LDS church had any converts in Russia before 1989, except for one pre-Soviet-era family that left the country. Nevertheless, for over a decade, many Latter-day Saint missionaries and members, scholars, and various Russians have assumed a historical link of some sort between reported indigenous Russian "Mormons" and the newly arrived Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. Some sort of link seemed plausible since locals explained that besides sharing a name, the Russian "Mormons" also often did not smoke or drink, had strong family values, held secret worship services, and may have once practiced something like polygamy. The rumors even alluded to secretly transcribed copies of the Book of Mormon circulating in Russia for decades. Based on such parallels, some Latter-day Saint missionaries tried to reintroduce the local "Mormons" to the official Church but had difficulty finding them. At times they seemed ephemeral. It seemed most stories of "lost Mormons" in Russia would be best understood simply as new additions to a vibrant body of Latter-day Saint missionary folklore about independent "Mormon" groups in remote areas.2 Such folklore arises despite the Church's great care to "go through the front door" and obey local laws. For example, eager young missionaries occasionally circulate rumors about secret Church organizational efforts in countries closed to missionaries, such as the Soviet Union to the 1990s and China to the present.3 However, the whole body of stories about Russian "Mormons" cannot be readily dismissed as enthusiastic but spurious rumor. The existence of "Mormons" in various places in Russia long before 1990 is alluded to in the works of early twentieth-century Russian religious studies scholars such as S. V. Bulgakov and Timofei Ivanovich Butkevich.4 In the 1950s, Russian "Mormons" came to the attention of John Noble. After World War II, this American, who was accused of spying, served time in Vortuka, a Soviet labor camp incarcerating many "religious criminals"
1990年，当耶稣基督后期圣徒教会在俄罗斯建立了第一个宣教团时，摩门教传教士几乎立即开始从当地的俄罗斯人那里听到并传递关于已经在那里建立已久的“摩门教”社区的故事(Browning 1997)。“整个西伯利亚土著部落都自称摩门教徒。奥伦堡和萨马拉附近村庄的许多人都是摩门教徒，但如果你问他们，他们会否认。我祖父是摩门教徒，但他很久以前就去世了，”这是对更常见的故事类型的解释。这些谣言引起了传教士和后期圣徒学者的兴趣，因为早期教会有限的传教士资源，以及沙皇和共产党对外国传教士的有效反对，使得后期圣徒在20世纪80年代末戈尔巴乔夫改革之前，一直没有在俄罗斯建立正式的存在。没有已知的历史证据表明，在1989年之前，LDS教会在俄罗斯有任何人皈依，除了一个前苏联时代的家庭离开了这个国家。然而，十多年来，许多后期圣徒传教士和成员、学者和各种各样的俄罗斯人都认为，在当地的俄罗斯“摩门教徒”和新到来的耶稣基督后期圣徒教会之间存在某种历史联系。某种联系似乎是可信的，因为当地人解释说，除了共享一个名字，俄罗斯的“摩门教徒”通常也不抽烟或喝酒，有强烈的家庭观念，举行秘密的礼拜仪式，可能曾经实行过一夫多妻制。谣言甚至暗指秘密抄录的《摩门经》在俄罗斯流传了几十年。基于这样的相似之处，一些后期圣徒传教士试图将当地的“摩门教徒”重新介绍给官方教会，但很难找到他们。有时它们似乎是短暂的。在俄罗斯，大多数关于“迷失的摩门教徒”的故事似乎最好被简单地理解为一个充满活力的后期圣徒传教民间传说的新补充，这些民间传说是关于偏远地区独立的“摩门教”团体的尽管教会非常小心地“走前门”并遵守当地法律，但这种民间传说还是出现了。例如，热心的年轻传教士偶尔会在对传教士关闭的国家散布关于秘密教会组织努力的谣言，如20世纪90年代的苏联和现在的中国然而，关于俄罗斯“摩门教徒”的整个故事不能轻易被视为热情但虚假的谣言。早在1990年之前，“摩门教徒”就在俄罗斯各地的存在，这在20世纪初的俄罗斯宗教研究学者，如S. V. Bulgakov和Timofei Ivanovich butkevich的著作中有所提及。4在20世纪50年代，俄罗斯的“摩门教徒”引起了约翰·诺布尔的注意。第二次世界大战后，这位被指控从事间谍活动的美国人在沃图卡(Vortuka)劳改营服刑。沃图卡是一座位于北极圈附近的苏联劳改营，关押着许多“宗教罪犯”。诺布尔写道:在储藏室里协助(门诺派)主教的是另一位年长的摩门教徒。摩门教徒在苏俄及其卫星国是一个非常小的群体。他们也受到无情的迫害，因为摩门教的信仰起源于美国…耶稣基督后期圣徒教会的国际总部位于犹他州盐湖城. . . .我们的院子里只有几个摩门教徒，但在他们休息的日子里，他们总是聚在一起冥想和祈祷(Noble and Everett 1959: 124,126)。诺布尔认为，他接触到的“摩门教徒”就是在美国有这个绰号的人。然而，布尔加科夫和布特科维奇都声称，1990年以前的一些俄罗斯“摩门教徒”，尤其是萨马拉附近的那些人，在历史上与总部位于犹他州的耶稣基督后期圣徒教会没有任何关系，他们之所以被称为摩门教徒，只是因为他们实行了类似于一夫多妻制的做法。．..
{"title":"Crypto-Mormons or pseudo-Mormons?: Latter-day Saints and Russia's indigenous new religious movements","authors":"Eric A. Eliason, Gary L. Browning","doi":"10.2307/1500336","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/1500336","url":null,"abstract":"Latter-day Saints and Russia's Indigenous New Religious Movements In 1990, when The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints established its first mission in Russia, Mormon1 missionaries almost immediately began hearing and passing on stories from native Russians about long-established \"Mormon\" communities already there (Browning 1997). \"Whole tribes of native Siberians call themselves Mormons. Many people in villages around Orenburg and Samara are Mormons but will deny it if you ask them. My grandfather was a Mormon, but he died long ago,\" are paraphrases of the more common story types. These rumors intrigued missionaries and Latter-day Saint scholars alike, since the limited missionary resources of the early Church and the effectiveness of both Tsarist and Communist opposition to foreign missionaries kept Latter-day Saints from establishing an official presence in Russia until Gorbachev's reforms in the late 1980s. There is no known historical evidence that the LDS church had any converts in Russia before 1989, except for one pre-Soviet-era family that left the country. Nevertheless, for over a decade, many Latter-day Saint missionaries and members, scholars, and various Russians have assumed a historical link of some sort between reported indigenous Russian \"Mormons\" and the newly arrived Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. Some sort of link seemed plausible since locals explained that besides sharing a name, the Russian \"Mormons\" also often did not smoke or drink, had strong family values, held secret worship services, and may have once practiced something like polygamy. The rumors even alluded to secretly transcribed copies of the Book of Mormon circulating in Russia for decades. Based on such parallels, some Latter-day Saint missionaries tried to reintroduce the local \"Mormons\" to the official Church but had difficulty finding them. At times they seemed ephemeral. It seemed most stories of \"lost Mormons\" in Russia would be best understood simply as new additions to a vibrant body of Latter-day Saint missionary folklore about independent \"Mormon\" groups in remote areas.2 Such folklore arises despite the Church's great care to \"go through the front door\" and obey local laws. For example, eager young missionaries occasionally circulate rumors about secret Church organizational efforts in countries closed to missionaries, such as the Soviet Union to the 1990s and China to the present.3 However, the whole body of stories about Russian \"Mormons\" cannot be readily dismissed as enthusiastic but spurious rumor. The existence of \"Mormons\" in various places in Russia long before 1990 is alluded to in the works of early twentieth-century Russian religious studies scholars such as S. V. Bulgakov and Timofei Ivanovich Butkevich.4 In the 1950s, Russian \"Mormons\" came to the attention of John Noble. After World War II, this American, who was accused of spying, served time in Vortuka, a Soviet labor camp incarcerating many \"religious criminals\" ","PeriodicalId":44624,"journal":{"name":"WESTERN FOLKLORE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2002-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/1500336","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68837886","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Contes tendres, contes cruels du Sahel nigerien. By Genevieve Calame-Griaule. (Paris: Gallimard, 2002. Pp. 293, photographs, bibliography, index. 22.50 paper) In this book, the dean of French Africanist folklorists has revisited the treeless, drought-ridden West Africa of her early fieldwork, with its "landscapes of infinite horizons, the soil crackled by drought, the iridescence of the salt-pans, the tents of matting in the encampments, and the elegant veiled silhouettes of the nomads, the clay towns peopled with black-robed women and turbaned men" (283). These landscapes became familiar to Genevieve Calame-Griaule when she first visited the arid Sahel with her father, the anthropologist Marcel Griaule. In those years, Griaule created the first great masterpiece of collaboration between a European and an African sage, Dieu d'eau (1948, translated 1965 as Conversations with Ogotemmtti), the elaborate account of the mythico-religious system of the Dogon of Mali. After that beginning, Genevieve Calame-Griaule deepened and extended research into the relation between Dogon worldview and verbal art. The result was her magisterial Ethnologie et langage, a classic of African folkloristics (1965, translated 1986 as Words and the Dogon World). She brought together a team of four more researchers into a number of West African societies in Mali, Upper Volta (now Burkina Faso), Niger, and Togo. The team has produced numerous papers and books studying the meaning(s) of West African narratives through comparative analysis, interrelating texts with ethnographic data. Under her leadership they have founded an Africanist discipline of ethnolinguistics, based on the principles that "certain significations can only be discerned through textual and contextual analysis, whereas others require recourse to ethnographic and extra-textual exploration" (translated from a 1984 essay). Their regular seminars provide for the exchange of research findings. With other scholars they edit and produce the principal French folklore journal, Cahiers de litterature orale. Also a leader of the Societe des Africanistes, Genevieve Calame-Griaule has made significant studies of both linguistic and paralinguistic codes. Research for this book was carried out in Niger, among the group called Isawaghen, between 1970 and 1978. Two members of the research team are dead, Pierre Francis Lacroix and Suzanne Bernus; the two principal storytellers, Taheera and Aminata, are also gone. Thus the book becomes a memorial to them as well as a memoir of their expedition, a scientific study, and a continuation of the Griaule tradition. Itself a personal experience narrative, the book is a model of presentation of African tales, their tellers, and their setting. The author's introduction, clearly and agreeably written, describes Isawaghen society and its dry surroundings. …
尼日尔萨赫勒地区的暴力冲突。作者:Genevieve Calame-Griaule(巴黎:Gallimard出版社，2002年)第293页，照片，参考书目，索引。(22.50页)在这本书中，这位法国非洲民俗学家的教头重新审视了她早期田野调查中没有树木、干旱严重的西非，那里“地平线无限的风景，干旱开裂的土壤，盐田的彩虹色，营地里的帐篷，游牧民族优雅的面纱剪影，粘土城镇里住着黑袍女人和缠头巾的男人”(283页)。当吉纳维芙·卡莱-格里奥尔(Genevieve Calame-Griaule)和她的父亲、人类学家马塞尔·格里奥尔(Marcel Griaule)第一次访问干旱的萨赫勒时，这些风景对她来说很熟悉。在那些年里，格里奥尔创作了欧洲和非洲圣人合作的第一部伟大杰作《与奥戈特姆蒂的对话》(1948年，1965年翻译为《与奥戈特姆蒂的对话》)，详细描述了马里多贡人的神话宗教体系。此后，吉纳维夫·卡莱-格里奥尔对多贡世界观与语言艺术关系的研究进行了深化和拓展。结果是她的权威民族学和语言，非洲民俗学的经典(1965年，1986年翻译成文字和多贡世界)。她将另外四名研究人员组成的小组带到马里、上沃尔特(现在的布基纳法索)、尼日尔和多哥等西非社会。该小组已经发表了大量论文和书籍，通过比较分析，将文本与民族志数据相互联系，研究西非叙事的意义。在她的领导下，他们建立了一门非洲主义的民族语言学学科，其原则是“某些意义只能通过文本和上下文分析来辨别，而其他意义则需要求助于民族志和文本外的探索”(翻译自1984年的一篇文章)。他们定期举行研讨会，交流研究成果。他们与其他学者一起编辑和制作了主要的法国民俗学杂志，Cahiers de literature orale。作为非洲学家协会的领导者，吉纳维夫·卡莱-格里奥尔对语言和副语言密码都进行了重要的研究。这本书的研究是在1970年至1978年期间在尼日尔的Isawaghen小组中进行的。研究小组的两名成员皮埃尔·弗朗西斯·拉克鲁瓦和苏珊娜·伯努斯已经死亡;两位主要的讲述者塔希拉和阿米娜塔也不在了。因此，这本书既是对他们的纪念，也是对他们探险的回忆，是一项科学研究，也是格里奥尔传统的延续。这本书本身就是一种个人经历叙事，是非洲故事、讲述者和故事背景的展示模式。作者的引言，写得清晰而愉快，描述了Isawaghen社会及其干燥的环境。．..
{"title":"Contes tendres, contes cruels du Sahel nigérien","authors":"G. Calame-Griaule","doi":"10.2307/1500340","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/1500340","url":null,"abstract":"Contes tendres, contes cruels du Sahel nigerien. By Genevieve Calame-Griaule. (Paris: Gallimard, 2002. Pp. 293, photographs, bibliography, index. 22.50 paper) In this book, the dean of French Africanist folklorists has revisited the treeless, drought-ridden West Africa of her early fieldwork, with its \"landscapes of infinite horizons, the soil crackled by drought, the iridescence of the salt-pans, the tents of matting in the encampments, and the elegant veiled silhouettes of the nomads, the clay towns peopled with black-robed women and turbaned men\" (283). These landscapes became familiar to Genevieve Calame-Griaule when she first visited the arid Sahel with her father, the anthropologist Marcel Griaule. In those years, Griaule created the first great masterpiece of collaboration between a European and an African sage, Dieu d'eau (1948, translated 1965 as Conversations with Ogotemmtti), the elaborate account of the mythico-religious system of the Dogon of Mali. After that beginning, Genevieve Calame-Griaule deepened and extended research into the relation between Dogon worldview and verbal art. The result was her magisterial Ethnologie et langage, a classic of African folkloristics (1965, translated 1986 as Words and the Dogon World). She brought together a team of four more researchers into a number of West African societies in Mali, Upper Volta (now Burkina Faso), Niger, and Togo. The team has produced numerous papers and books studying the meaning(s) of West African narratives through comparative analysis, interrelating texts with ethnographic data. Under her leadership they have founded an Africanist discipline of ethnolinguistics, based on the principles that \"certain significations can only be discerned through textual and contextual analysis, whereas others require recourse to ethnographic and extra-textual exploration\" (translated from a 1984 essay). Their regular seminars provide for the exchange of research findings. With other scholars they edit and produce the principal French folklore journal, Cahiers de litterature orale. Also a leader of the Societe des Africanistes, Genevieve Calame-Griaule has made significant studies of both linguistic and paralinguistic codes. Research for this book was carried out in Niger, among the group called Isawaghen, between 1970 and 1978. Two members of the research team are dead, Pierre Francis Lacroix and Suzanne Bernus; the two principal storytellers, Taheera and Aminata, are also gone. Thus the book becomes a memorial to them as well as a memoir of their expedition, a scientific study, and a continuation of the Griaule tradition. Itself a personal experience narrative, the book is a model of presentation of African tales, their tellers, and their setting. The author's introduction, clearly and agreeably written, describes Isawaghen society and its dry surroundings. …","PeriodicalId":44624,"journal":{"name":"WESTERN FOLKLORE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2002-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/1500340","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68837987","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The first of April, some do say, Is set apart for all Fools' Day. But why the people call it so, Nor I, nor they themselves do know. But on this day are people sent On purpose for pure merriment. Poor Robin's Almanac (1760) As I sift through childhood memories of holidays and family traditions, the first day of April comes to mind. I can see my mother, a reserved and proper New Englander, watching my father dip into the sugar bowl and put a spoonful of salt into his coffee at breakfast. "April fool!" she says, as he tastes the bitter surprise. My brother and I cannot contain our mirth as we watch him fumble towards the sink, desperate for a quick gulp of water. "Priscilla!" he says, shaking his head as he refills the glass. "You did it again." On any other day, for my mother to substitute salt for sugar and wait for her husband to begin his day as a fool would be absurd. Quiet and patient, she was not known as a prankster. But on that one day and that day alone, this unexpected change in her behavior was oddly acceptable. In North America, Europe, Iceland, New Zealand, and Australia, the first day in April is an unofficial holiday that is marked by pranks and lies. It is a time when untruths are expected. April Fools' Day is also known as all Fools' Day and April Noddy. Addison and Steele's Spectator describes April 1st as "the merriest day in the year in England" (1760: 1:47), presumably referring to the merriment of conducting April Fools' pranks. In the north of England and in Scotland, April 1st is called Huntigowk Day and it is the day of the fool's errand. A person is sent off to deliver a letter. When the recipient reads the letter, he or she tells the naive deliverer to take it to someone else who lives-always-farther down the road. The letter actually reads, "It's the first of April! Hunt the gowk another mile." Eventually the gowk,1 which means a cuckoo or simpleton, is sent back to where the delivery began, a place where friends have gathered to shout "April gowk! April gowk!" (Santino 1995:100; Dundes 1989:99). An April gowk text collected in northeastern Scotland by Peter and Iona Opie cautions each person who reads the letter to keep a straight face and thus guard the joke: "Don't you laugh, and don't you smile; Hunt the gowk another mile" (Opie and Opie 1959:245; Bundes 1989:99).2 Icelanders make reference to cases of hlaupa april ("running April"), seemingly derived from the Danish lobe april, or fool's errand. The April Fools' Day hoax is only valid if the victim "could be tricked into taking three steps" (or, alternatively, crossing three thresholds) before realizing the hoax (Bjornsson 1995:110). In France and Italy the term April Fish (poisson d'Avril; pesce d'Aprile) refers to a wide range of ritual pranks.3 The fish, or fool, is often marked by the sign of a fish (Dundes 1989:102). Confectioners' windows display chocolate fish on April 1st, and friends anonymously send each other humorous postcards imprinted with pictures of
有些人说，4月1日是专门用来开愚人节的。至于人们为什么这样称呼它，我和他们自己都不知道。但在这一天，人们被派来是为了纯粹的快乐。当我翻阅童年关于假日和家庭传统的记忆时，四月的第一天浮现在我的脑海中。我可以看到我的母亲，一个保守而得体的新英格兰人，看着我的父亲在早餐时蘸着糖碗，在他的咖啡里放一勺盐。“愚人节傻瓜!”她说，他尝到了痛苦的惊喜。我弟弟和我看着他摸索着走向水池，迫切地想要喝一口水，无法抑制我们的欢笑。“普丽西拉!”他一边说，一边摇着头给杯子倒满酒。“你又这样做了。”在其他任何一天，我母亲用盐代替糖，等着她丈夫像个傻瓜一样开始新的一天，这是荒谬的。她安静而耐心，不是个爱恶作剧的人。但就在那一天，也就在那一天，她行为上的这种意想不到的变化是可以接受的。在北美、欧洲、冰岛、新西兰和澳大利亚，四月的第一天是一个非官方的节日，以恶作剧和谎言为标志。这是一个谎言被期待的时代。愚人节也被称为愚人节和四月节。艾迪生和斯蒂尔的《旁观者》将4月1日描述为“英国一年中最快乐的一天”(1760:1:47)，大概是指进行愚人节恶作剧的欢乐。在英格兰北部和苏格兰，4月1日被称为狩猎日，这是愚人跑腿的日子。一个人被派去送信。当收信人读到信的时候，他或她会让天真的送信人把信送给住在这条路上更远的人。信上写着:“今天是四月一日!再找一英里。”最后，这只“布谷鸟”(意为布谷鸟或傻瓜)被送回了发货开始的地方，在那里，朋友们聚集在一起高喊“四月的布谷鸟!”4月呆子!”(迈克1995:100;Dundes 1989:99)。彼得·奥佩和爱奥娜·奥佩在苏格兰东北部收集了一份4月份的工作文本，警告每个读这封信的人都要板着脸，这样才能避免开玩笑:“不要大笑，也不要微笑;再走一英里”(Opie and Opie 1959:245;外滩1989:99)。2冰岛人提到了hlaupa april(“奔跑的四月”)的例子，这个词似乎来源于丹麦语“april”，意为“傻瓜的差事”。只有当受害者在意识到这个骗局之前“被骗走了三步”(或者，跨过了三个门槛)，愚人节的骗局才有效(Bjornsson 1995:110)。在法国和意大利，四月鱼(poisson d'Avril;“四月和平”指的是各种各样的仪式恶作剧鱼，或傻瓜，通常被标记为鱼的标志(Dundes 1989:102)。在4月1日，糖果店的橱窗里陈列着巧克力鱼，朋友们互相匿名寄送印有鱼的图片的幽默明信片(Spicer 1958:34-35)。根据Jack Santino的说法，“Poisson d' avril在法国仍然是现在的说法，在那里，鱼对愚人节的意义就像三叶草对圣帕特里克节的意义一样——圣帕特里克节是这个节日的主要象征”(1995:97)。4月1日，法国学校的孩子们很高兴有机会愚弄他们的同学和老师，他们把鱼剪下来贴在衣服的背面。只有在这一天，四月的“鱼”，或“吸盘”，确实被一个耐心和诱捕的恶作剧者抓住，并陷入尴尬的境地，就像“离开水的鱼”。Alan Dundes注意到鱼的恶作剧在荷兰也有，在那里，一个纸鲱鱼被贴在傻瓜的衣服后面(1989:102)。再往北，瑞典爱恶作剧的人会在愚人节那天背诵下面的诗句:四月，四月，你这个傻鱼，我可以随心所欲地愚弄你。(Liman 1985:71)圣经与愚人节的联系似乎不令人信服(Dundes 1989:101)。．..
{"title":"Purposeful deceptions of the April fool","authors":"N. Mcentire","doi":"10.2307/1500334","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/1500334","url":null,"abstract":"The first of April, some do say, Is set apart for all Fools' Day. But why the people call it so, Nor I, nor they themselves do know. But on this day are people sent On purpose for pure merriment. Poor Robin's Almanac (1760) As I sift through childhood memories of holidays and family traditions, the first day of April comes to mind. I can see my mother, a reserved and proper New Englander, watching my father dip into the sugar bowl and put a spoonful of salt into his coffee at breakfast. \"April fool!\" she says, as he tastes the bitter surprise. My brother and I cannot contain our mirth as we watch him fumble towards the sink, desperate for a quick gulp of water. \"Priscilla!\" he says, shaking his head as he refills the glass. \"You did it again.\" On any other day, for my mother to substitute salt for sugar and wait for her husband to begin his day as a fool would be absurd. Quiet and patient, she was not known as a prankster. But on that one day and that day alone, this unexpected change in her behavior was oddly acceptable. In North America, Europe, Iceland, New Zealand, and Australia, the first day in April is an unofficial holiday that is marked by pranks and lies. It is a time when untruths are expected. April Fools' Day is also known as all Fools' Day and April Noddy. Addison and Steele's Spectator describes April 1st as \"the merriest day in the year in England\" (1760: 1:47), presumably referring to the merriment of conducting April Fools' pranks. In the north of England and in Scotland, April 1st is called Huntigowk Day and it is the day of the fool's errand. A person is sent off to deliver a letter. When the recipient reads the letter, he or she tells the naive deliverer to take it to someone else who lives-always-farther down the road. The letter actually reads, \"It's the first of April! Hunt the gowk another mile.\" Eventually the gowk,1 which means a cuckoo or simpleton, is sent back to where the delivery began, a place where friends have gathered to shout \"April gowk! April gowk!\" (Santino 1995:100; Dundes 1989:99). An April gowk text collected in northeastern Scotland by Peter and Iona Opie cautions each person who reads the letter to keep a straight face and thus guard the joke: \"Don't you laugh, and don't you smile; Hunt the gowk another mile\" (Opie and Opie 1959:245; Bundes 1989:99).2 Icelanders make reference to cases of hlaupa april (\"running April\"), seemingly derived from the Danish lobe april, or fool's errand. The April Fools' Day hoax is only valid if the victim \"could be tricked into taking three steps\" (or, alternatively, crossing three thresholds) before realizing the hoax (Bjornsson 1995:110). In France and Italy the term April Fish (poisson d'Avril; pesce d'Aprile) refers to a wide range of ritual pranks.3 The fish, or fool, is often marked by the sign of a fish (Dundes 1989:102). Confectioners' windows display chocolate fish on April 1st, and friends anonymously send each other humorous postcards imprinted with pictures of","PeriodicalId":44624,"journal":{"name":"WESTERN FOLKLORE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2002-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/1500334","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68837861","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
A Tree Accurst: Bobby McMillan and Stones of Frankie Silver. By Daniel W. Patterson. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2000. Pp. xii + 224, acknowledgments, photographs, illustrations, appendices, notes, bibliography, index. $49.95 cloth, $18.95 paper) A Tree Accurst is a landmark in folkloristic literature whose analytical strength draws power from collaborations among performers and scholars of expressive folk culture. Bobby McMillan, award-winning traditional singer and storyteller, and Daniel W. Patterson, Kenan Professor Emeritus of English and Folklore at UNC-Chapel Hill, have been friends since 1974, when a high school buddy of McMillan's, then Patterson's student, brought Bobby to the folk song class as a guest. "As soon as he started singing and talking about ballads," Patterson remembers, "it was obvious to me that he was one of the most important Appalachian tradition bearers of his generation in North Carolina" (2). Founded in long-standing mutual regard, the Patterson-McMillan collaboration gives us here a carefully detailed, multi-faceted, award-winning study (Chicago Folklore Prize, 2001) of a complex of traditional ideas and expressive forms that carry forward to our time several stories of the terrible events surrounding the ax murder of Charles Silver in 1831, and the 1833 hanging execution of his wife, Frankie Stewart Silver. A study of southern Appalachian social class and politics as represented through traditional arts and performance, A Tree Accurst has breadth of meaning beyond the Toe River area, where the murder and execution occurred, and where Bobby McMillan grew to a man learning to revere and perform the tales and songs of his neighbors and kin, women and men. Unanswered questions linger long after Charlie Silver's notorious murder, Frankie Silver's conviction for the crime, and her public hanging attended by ancestors of the western North Carolina folks who retell and dramatically recreate the history and legend in school play projects, a family museum, and a world wide web site (www.frankiesilver.com). Contested elements of the story still fascinate local and family historians; horrific and sympathetic aspects still inspire fiction writers, poets, classical music composers, and dance choreographers. Patterson addresses concepts of legend construction in community context; profiles the biographic resources for traditional performance and esthetics; explores issues of class and gender, family connection and conflict, for historical legend interpretation. And he comments on the often troubled relations between academic folklore and other formative cultural influences on public attitudes toward folk culture, notably public television and grant-funding agencies. The cursed tree grew near the murder site where once stood Charlie and Frankie's cabin. "They claimed that if you got up in [that tree], . . . you couldn't get out" (iii), McMillan explains, and sets the metaphor for his life long involvement wit
{"title":"A Tree Accurst: Bobby McMillan and Stories of Frankie Silver","authors":"K. Baldwin, D. Patterson","doi":"10.2307/1500339","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/1500339","url":null,"abstract":"A Tree Accurst: Bobby McMillan and Stones of Frankie Silver. By Daniel W. Patterson. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2000. Pp. xii + 224, acknowledgments, photographs, illustrations, appendices, notes, bibliography, index. $49.95 cloth, $18.95 paper) A Tree Accurst is a landmark in folkloristic literature whose analytical strength draws power from collaborations among performers and scholars of expressive folk culture. Bobby McMillan, award-winning traditional singer and storyteller, and Daniel W. Patterson, Kenan Professor Emeritus of English and Folklore at UNC-Chapel Hill, have been friends since 1974, when a high school buddy of McMillan's, then Patterson's student, brought Bobby to the folk song class as a guest. \"As soon as he started singing and talking about ballads,\" Patterson remembers, \"it was obvious to me that he was one of the most important Appalachian tradition bearers of his generation in North Carolina\" (2). Founded in long-standing mutual regard, the Patterson-McMillan collaboration gives us here a carefully detailed, multi-faceted, award-winning study (Chicago Folklore Prize, 2001) of a complex of traditional ideas and expressive forms that carry forward to our time several stories of the terrible events surrounding the ax murder of Charles Silver in 1831, and the 1833 hanging execution of his wife, Frankie Stewart Silver. A study of southern Appalachian social class and politics as represented through traditional arts and performance, A Tree Accurst has breadth of meaning beyond the Toe River area, where the murder and execution occurred, and where Bobby McMillan grew to a man learning to revere and perform the tales and songs of his neighbors and kin, women and men. Unanswered questions linger long after Charlie Silver's notorious murder, Frankie Silver's conviction for the crime, and her public hanging attended by ancestors of the western North Carolina folks who retell and dramatically recreate the history and legend in school play projects, a family museum, and a world wide web site (www.frankiesilver.com). Contested elements of the story still fascinate local and family historians; horrific and sympathetic aspects still inspire fiction writers, poets, classical music composers, and dance choreographers. Patterson addresses concepts of legend construction in community context; profiles the biographic resources for traditional performance and esthetics; explores issues of class and gender, family connection and conflict, for historical legend interpretation. And he comments on the often troubled relations between academic folklore and other formative cultural influences on public attitudes toward folk culture, notably public television and grant-funding agencies. The cursed tree grew near the murder site where once stood Charlie and Frankie's cabin. \"They claimed that if you got up in [that tree], . . . you couldn't get out\" (iii), McMillan explains, and sets the metaphor for his life long involvement wit","PeriodicalId":44624,"journal":{"name":"WESTERN FOLKLORE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2002-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/1500339","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68837934","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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