Grammaticalization is characterized by robust directional asymmetries (e.g., Kuteva et al. 2019). For instance, body-part nominals develop into spatial adpositions, minimizers develop into negation markers and subject pronouns become agreement markers. Changes in the opposite direction are either rare or unattested (Garrett 2012: 52). Such robust cross-linguistic asymmetries have led some scholars to reify grammaticalization trajectories as universal mechanistic forces (Heath 1998: 729). One consequence of such a view is that the ambient morphosyntax of a language has little or even no relevance for grammaticalization. This paper uses Bayesian phylogenetic methods to demonstrate the critical role that pre-existing morphosyntax can play in grammaticalization. The empirical basis for this claim is the grammaticalization of definite and indefinite articles in the history of Indo-European: indefinite articles developed at a faster rate among languages in which a definite article had already emerged compared to those lacking a definite article. The two changes are thus correlated. The results of this case study suggest that there is much more to be learned about when and why grammaticalization occurs by investigating its relationship to the pre-existing linguistic system (cf. Reinöhl and Himmelmann 2017: 381).
{"title":"Correlated grammaticalization","authors":"D. Goldstein","doi":"10.1075/dia.20033.gol","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/dia.20033.gol","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Grammaticalization is characterized by robust directional asymmetries (e.g., Kuteva et al. 2019). For instance, body-part nominals develop into spatial adpositions, minimizers develop into\u0000 negation markers and subject pronouns become agreement markers. Changes in the opposite direction are either rare or unattested\u0000 (Garrett 2012: 52). Such robust cross-linguistic asymmetries have led some scholars\u0000 to reify grammaticalization trajectories as universal mechanistic forces (Heath\u0000 1998: 729). One consequence of such a view is that the ambient morphosyntax of a language has little or even no relevance\u0000 for grammaticalization. This paper uses Bayesian phylogenetic methods to demonstrate the critical role that pre-existing\u0000 morphosyntax can play in grammaticalization. The empirical basis for this claim is the grammaticalization of definite and\u0000 indefinite articles in the history of Indo-European: indefinite articles developed at a faster rate among languages in which a\u0000 definite article had already emerged compared to those lacking a definite article. The two changes are thus correlated. The\u0000 results of this case study suggest that there is much more to be learned about when and why grammaticalization occurs by\u0000 investigating its relationship to the pre-existing linguistic system (cf. Reinöhl and\u0000 Himmelmann 2017: 381).","PeriodicalId":44637,"journal":{"name":"Diachronica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46189198","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Victoria Chen, Jonathan Kuo, Maria Kristina S. Gallego, Isaac Stead
An understudied morphosyntactic innovation, reanalysis of the Proto-Austronesian (PAn) stative intransitive prefix *ma- as a transitive affix, offers new insights into Austronesian higher-order subgrouping. Malayo-Polynesian is currently considered a primary branch of Austronesian, with no identifiably closer relationship with any linguistic subgroup in the homeland (Blust 1999, 2009/2013; Ross 2005). However, the fact that it displays the same innovative use of ma- with Amis, Siraya, Kavalan and Basay-Trobiawan and shares the merger of PAn *C/t with this group suggests that Malayo-Polynesian and East Formosan may share a common origin – the subgroup that comprises the four languages noted above. This observation points to a revised subgrouping more consistent with a socio-historical picture where the out-of-Taiwan population descended from a seafaring community expanding to the Batanes and Luzon after having developed a seafaring tradition. It also aligns with recent findings in archaeology and genetics that (i) eastern Taiwan is the most likely starting point of Austronesian dispersal (Hung 2005, 2008, 2019; Bellwood 2017; Bellwood & Dizon 2008; Carson & Hung 2018) and (ii) that the Amis bear a significantly closer relationship with Austronesian communities outside Taiwan (Capelli et al. 2001; Trejaut et al. 2005; McColl et al. 2018; Pugach et al. 2021; Tätte et al. 2021). Future investigation of additional shared innovations between Malayo-Polynesian and East Formosan could shed further light on their interrelationships.
对原始南岛语(PAn)静态不及物前缀*ma-作为及物词缀的重新分析，为南岛语高阶亚群的研究提供了新的见解。马来亚-波利尼西亚语目前被认为是南岛语的一个主要分支，与本土的任何语言分支都没有明显的密切关系(Blust 1999,2009 /2013;罗斯2005)。然而，它与Amis、Siraya语、Kavalan语和Basay-Trobiawan语显示出相同的ma创新用法，并与这一群体共享PAn *C/t的合并，这表明马来亚-波利尼西亚语和东台湾语可能有共同的起源——这一亚群包含了上述四种语言。这一观察指向了一个修订后的亚群，更符合社会历史的画面，即台湾以外的人口来自一个航海社区，在发展航海传统后扩展到巴丹岛和吕宋岛。这也与考古学和遗传学的最新发现相一致，即:(1)台湾东部最有可能是南岛人扩散的起点(Hung 2005, 2008, 2019;Bellwood 2017;Bellwood & dizone 2008;Carson & Hung 2018)和(ii)阿美族与台湾以外的南岛人社区有着更密切的关系(Capelli et al. 2001;Trejaut等人，2005;McColl et al. 2018;Pugach et al. 2021;Tätte et al. 2021)。未来对马来亚-波利尼西亚和东台湾之间共同创新的进一步调查可以进一步阐明它们之间的相互关系。
{"title":"Is Malayo-Polynesian a primary branch of Austronesian?","authors":"Victoria Chen, Jonathan Kuo, Maria Kristina S. Gallego, Isaac Stead","doi":"10.1075/dia.21019.che","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/dia.21019.che","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 An understudied morphosyntactic innovation, reanalysis of the Proto-Austronesian (PAn) stative intransitive prefix\u0000 *ma- as a transitive affix, offers new insights into Austronesian higher-order subgrouping. Malayo-Polynesian is currently\u0000 considered a primary branch of Austronesian, with no identifiably closer relationship with any linguistic subgroup in the homeland\u0000 (Blust 1999, 2009/2013; Ross 2005). However, the fact that it displays the same innovative use of\u0000 ma- with Amis, Siraya, Kavalan and Basay-Trobiawan and shares the merger of PAn *C/t with this group\u0000 suggests that Malayo-Polynesian and East Formosan may share a common origin – the subgroup that comprises the four languages noted\u0000 above. This observation points to a revised subgrouping more consistent with a socio-historical picture where the out-of-Taiwan\u0000 population descended from a seafaring community expanding to the Batanes and Luzon after having developed a seafaring tradition.\u0000 It also aligns with recent findings in archaeology and genetics that (i) eastern Taiwan is the most likely starting point of\u0000 Austronesian dispersal (Hung 2005, 2008,\u0000 2019; Bellwood 2017; Bellwood & Dizon\u0000 2008; Carson & Hung 2018) and (ii) that the Amis bear a significantly\u0000 closer relationship with Austronesian communities outside Taiwan (Capelli et al. 2001;\u0000 Trejaut et al. 2005; McColl et al. 2018;\u0000 Pugach et al. 2021; Tätte et al. 2021).\u0000 Future investigation of additional shared innovations between Malayo-Polynesian and East Formosan could shed further light on\u0000 their interrelationships.","PeriodicalId":44637,"journal":{"name":"Diachronica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-05-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43018115","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
R. Grünthal, V. Heyd, S. Holopainen, J. Janhunen, O. Khanina, Matti Miestamo, J. Nichols, Janne Saarikivi, Kaius Sinnemäki
The widespread Uralic family offers several advantages for tracing prehistory: a firm absolute chronological anchor point in an ancient contact episode with well-dated Indo-Iranian; other points of intersection or diagnostic non-intersection with early Indo-European (the Late Proto-Indo-European-speaking Yamnaya culture of the western steppe, the Afanasievo culture of the upper Yenisei, and the Fatyanovo culture of the middle Volga); lexical and morphological reconstruction sufficient to establish critical absences of sharings and contacts. We add information on climate, linguistic geography, typology, and cognate frequency distributions to reconstruct the Uralic origin and spread. We argue that the Uralic homeland was east of the Urals and initially out of contact with Indo-European. The spread was rapid and without widespread shared substratal effects. We reconstruct its cause as the interconnected reactions of early Uralic and Indo-European populations to a catastrophic climate change episode and interregionalization opportunities which advantaged riverine hunter-fishers over herders.
{"title":"Drastic demographic events triggered the Uralic spread","authors":"R. Grünthal, V. Heyd, S. Holopainen, J. Janhunen, O. Khanina, Matti Miestamo, J. Nichols, Janne Saarikivi, Kaius Sinnemäki","doi":"10.1075/dia.20038.gru","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/dia.20038.gru","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The widespread Uralic family offers several advantages for tracing prehistory: a firm absolute chronological\u0000 anchor point in an ancient contact episode with well-dated Indo-Iranian; other points of intersection or diagnostic\u0000 non-intersection with early Indo-European (the Late Proto-Indo-European-speaking Yamnaya culture of the western steppe, the\u0000 Afanasievo culture of the upper Yenisei, and the Fatyanovo culture of the middle Volga); lexical and morphological reconstruction\u0000 sufficient to establish critical absences of sharings and contacts. We add information on climate, linguistic geography, typology,\u0000 and cognate frequency distributions to reconstruct the Uralic origin and spread. We argue that the Uralic homeland was east of the\u0000 Urals and initially out of contact with Indo-European. The spread was rapid and without widespread shared substratal effects. We\u0000 reconstruct its cause as the interconnected reactions of early Uralic and Indo-European populations to a catastrophic climate\u0000 change episode and interregionalization opportunities which advantaged riverine hunter-fishers over herders.","PeriodicalId":44637,"journal":{"name":"Diachronica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-04-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48042315","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Formally similar grammatical features in a creole and its genetic or areal relatives may indicate substrate transfer, lexifier influence, or grammaticalization. Against this backdrop, the present study investigates the origin(s) of the preverbal past marker a in Palenquero Creole (Colombia). Results from distributional analysis and tests for significance indicate that several diachronically-related meanings are a-marked at rates approaching obligatory, suggesting advanced grammaticalization. Comparative results for Peninsular haber + PP suggest that past marking has grammaticalized much further in half the time in Palenquero Creole than in its lexifier, Spanish. Why? I argue, against traditional accounts about the origins of a, that, given the contact history of Palenquero speakers, most likely a pre-existing Kikongo prefixal form merged with an already grammaticalizing haber, thus propelling grammaticalization in the creole. The synchronic patterning shows adherence to typological patterns observed for perfectives in line with well-known constraints on competition and selection in contact languages, such as their grammatical congruence or particular social ecologies.
{"title":"Preverbal a-marking in Palenquero Creole","authors":"Hiram L. Smith","doi":"10.1075/dia.20072.smi","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/dia.20072.smi","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Formally similar grammatical features in a creole and its genetic or areal relatives may indicate substrate transfer, lexifier influence, or grammaticalization. Against this backdrop, the present study investigates the origin(s) of the preverbal past marker a in Palenquero Creole (Colombia). Results from distributional analysis and tests for significance indicate that several diachronically-related meanings are a-marked at rates approaching obligatory, suggesting advanced grammaticalization. Comparative results for Peninsular haber + PP suggest that past marking has grammaticalized much further in half the time in Palenquero Creole than in its lexifier, Spanish. Why? I argue, against traditional accounts about the origins of a, that, given the contact history of Palenquero speakers, most likely a pre-existing Kikongo prefixal form merged with an already grammaticalizing haber, thus propelling grammaticalization in the creole. The synchronic patterning shows adherence to typological patterns observed for perfectives in line with well-known constraints on competition and selection in contact languages, such as their grammatical congruence or particular social ecologies.","PeriodicalId":44637,"journal":{"name":"Diachronica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-03-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43637427","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Language contact between migrating Bantu speakers and resident Khoisan speakers has resulted in the adoption of clicks in various southern African Bantu languages. This paper uses the comparative method to show that for one particular cluster of Bantu click languages, the Nguni languages, a large number of phonemic clicks can be reconstructed to its putative ancestor Proto-Nguni, including a palatal click rarely found in Bantu languages and no longer used as such in any living Nguni language. Although clicks have undergone subsequent developments in individual Nguni languages, no new click phonemes were acquired through language contact, showing that clicks were already present very early in the history of the Nguni languages. This relative chronology provides new insights into how the relations between Bantu- and Khoisan-speaking communities in southern Africa developed over time.
{"title":"The early history of clicks in Nguni","authors":"Hilde Gunnink","doi":"10.1075/dia.19061.gun","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/dia.19061.gun","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Language contact between migrating Bantu speakers and resident Khoisan speakers has resulted in the adoption of clicks in various southern African Bantu languages. This paper uses the comparative method to show that for one particular cluster of Bantu click languages, the Nguni languages, a large number of phonemic clicks can be reconstructed to its putative ancestor Proto-Nguni, including a palatal click rarely found in Bantu languages and no longer used as such in any living Nguni language. Although clicks have undergone subsequent developments in individual Nguni languages, no new click phonemes were acquired through language contact, showing that clicks were already present very early in the history of the Nguni languages. This relative chronology provides new insights into how the relations between Bantu- and Khoisan-speaking communities in southern Africa developed over time.","PeriodicalId":44637,"journal":{"name":"Diachronica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-03-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45152679","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Apparently disparate sound changes in Latin, involving both vowels and consonants but sensitive to /r/, can be explained by reconstructing a positional clear/dark contrast in /r/, motivated by the seldom-mentioned “liquid polarity” effect. Examining these diachronic processes together allows us to see a larger picture, providing evidence for the reconstruction of successive past synchronic states. Latin /r/ mirrored the behaviour of Latin /l/ up to the first century BC: /l/ was dark and /r/ was clear in codas, and /r/ was dark and /l/ was underspecified for tongue body position in onsets. Darkness in /r/ was partly implemented through the selection of r-type: dark onset approximant and clear coda tap. Later, coda /r/ became an approximant like onset /r/, and subsequently both became trills, resulting in the erosion of the positional contrast and the liquid polarity effect.
{"title":"Liquid polarity, positional contrast, and diachronic change","authors":"Ranjan Sen, N. Zair","doi":"10.1075/dia.17032.sen","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/dia.17032.sen","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Apparently disparate sound changes in Latin, involving both vowels and consonants but sensitive to /r/, can be explained by reconstructing a positional clear/dark contrast in /r/, motivated by the seldom-mentioned “liquid polarity” effect. Examining these diachronic processes together allows us to see a larger picture, providing evidence for the reconstruction of successive past synchronic states. Latin /r/ mirrored the behaviour of Latin /l/ up to the first century BC: /l/ was dark and /r/ was clear in codas, and /r/ was dark and /l/ was underspecified for tongue body position in onsets. Darkness in /r/ was partly implemented through the selection of r-type: dark onset approximant and clear coda tap. Later, coda /r/ became an approximant like onset /r/, and subsequently both became trills, resulting in the erosion of the positional contrast and the liquid polarity effect.","PeriodicalId":44637,"journal":{"name":"Diachronica","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-01-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41562906","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this article, we investigate the diachronic developments that gave rise to final auxiliaries – a hallmark of head-final syntax – in Asia Minor Greek, a cluster of Greek varieties originally spoken in the area historically known as Asia Minor (present-day Anatolia, Turkey) within the recent developments of the generative framework, i.e., the minimalist program. We propose that the original source for the final auxiliaries in Asia Minor Greek is to be found in Hellenistic Greek conditionals, whereas it can be traced back to Medieval Greek pluperfects. The role of contact with Anatolian Turkish is limited to rendering the available – albeit pragmatically marked – Verb-Auxiliary as the only available order. Importantly, this bottom-up change did not switch Asia Minor Greek from harmonic head-initial to harmonic head-final, but, rather, made it a mixed-directionality language. In minimalist terms, we propose that attrition, one of the ways that language contact manifests itself, targets SEM-uninterpretable features; from this point onwards contact may or may not ensue depending on the feature (mis)match between the two languages.
{"title":"Never just contact","authors":"Nicolaos Neocleous, Ioanna Sitaridou","doi":"10.1075/dia.17048.neo","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/dia.17048.neo","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 In this article, we investigate the diachronic developments that gave rise to final auxiliaries – a hallmark of\u0000 head-final syntax – in Asia Minor Greek, a cluster of Greek varieties originally spoken in the area historically known as Asia\u0000 Minor (present-day Anatolia, Turkey) within the recent developments of the generative framework, i.e., the minimalist program. We\u0000 propose that the original source for the final auxiliaries in Asia Minor Greek is to be found in Hellenistic Greek conditionals,\u0000 whereas it can be traced back to Medieval Greek pluperfects. The role of contact with Anatolian Turkish is limited to rendering\u0000 the available – albeit pragmatically marked – Verb-Auxiliary as the only available order. Importantly, this bottom-up change did not\u0000 switch Asia Minor Greek from harmonic head-initial to harmonic head-final, but, rather, made it a mixed-directionality language.\u0000 In minimalist terms, we propose that attrition, one of the ways that language contact manifests itself, targets\u0000 SEM-uninterpretable features; from this point onwards contact may or may not ensue depending on the feature (mis)match between the\u0000 two languages.","PeriodicalId":44637,"journal":{"name":"Diachronica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-01-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48168110","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Selibu is a Mandarin-Khams Tibetan mixed language with about 900 native speakers in northwest Yunnan, People’s Republic of China. As a Form-Semantics mixed language, it derives most of its lexicon and grammatical morphemes from Southwest Mandarin and borrows its morphosyntactic and semantic structure from Alangu Tibetan. This article examines the contact-induced emergence of a five-category complex evidential system in Selibu with a detailed comparison with its source system in the model language, Alangu Tibetan. Our discussion focuses on the hybrid features of Selibu evidentiality in both forms and functions and also on its structural formation, which does not represent a Form-Semantics mixed type in this particular domain.
{"title":"Evidentiality in Selibu","authors":"Yang Zhou, Hiroyuki Suzuki","doi":"10.1075/dia.19055.zho","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/dia.19055.zho","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Selibu is a Mandarin-Khams Tibetan mixed language with about 900 native speakers in northwest Yunnan, People’s Republic of China. As a Form-Semantics mixed language, it derives most of its lexicon and grammatical morphemes from Southwest Mandarin and borrows its morphosyntactic and semantic structure from Alangu Tibetan. This article examines the contact-induced emergence of a five-category complex evidential system in Selibu with a detailed comparison with its source system in the model language, Alangu Tibetan. Our discussion focuses on the hybrid features of Selibu evidentiality in both forms and functions and also on its structural formation, which does not represent a Form-Semantics mixed type in this particular domain.","PeriodicalId":44637,"journal":{"name":"Diachronica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-11-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48184505","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Review of Daniels (2020): Grammatical reconstruction: The Sogeram languages of New Guinea","authors":"Russell Barlow","doi":"10.1075/dia.21032.bar","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/dia.21032.bar","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44637,"journal":{"name":"Diachronica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-10-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47260980","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper investigates category changes among imperative particles in Ancient Greek. Using diachronic evidence from the category change of the imperative ἀμέλει ( amélei ‘don’t worry’>‘of course’) and similar imperative particles (ἄγε áge , ἴθι íthi , φέρε fére , εἰπέ μοι eipé moi and ἰδού idoú ), this paper investigates the diachronic interdependence of intersubjectification, grammaticalization and language change in general. It does this in four ways. First, the intersubjectification of ἀμέλει confirms that intersubjectification can take place without subjectification ( pace Traugott 2003: 134). Second, I detail the intersubjectification of ἀμέλει with changes in the cognitive domain (no practical>no epistemic worries), the pragmatic domain (responsively resolving>independently assuming resolved worries) and contextual conditions (creating intersubjective alignment>assuming it). Third, I tease apart the various diachronic origins of changes which have affected ἀμέλει. Finally, using contrastive evidence from parallel category changes of Ancient Greek imperative particles, I argue that whereas the imperative particles can be variously affected by structural grammaticalization changes, they all display signs of context change (as shown by illocutionary extensions to occurrence with declarative and interrogative illocutions). Thus, the diverse threads of category change can be woven together by tracing the diverse of contexts of change as well as the diverse diachronic processes shaping them.
{"title":"Weaving together the diverse threads of category change: Intersubjective ἀμέλει ‘of course’ and imperative particles in Ancient Greek","authors":"Ezra la Roi","doi":"10.1075/DIA.20031.LAR","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/DIA.20031.LAR","url":null,"abstract":"This paper investigates category changes among imperative particles in Ancient Greek. Using diachronic evidence from the category change of the imperative ἀμέλει ( amélei ‘don’t worry’>‘of course’) and similar imperative particles (ἄγε áge , ἴθι íthi , φέρε fére , εἰπέ μοι eipé moi and ἰδού idoú ), this paper investigates the diachronic interdependence of intersubjectification, grammaticalization and language change in general. It does this in four ways. First, the intersubjectification of ἀμέλει confirms that intersubjectification can take place without subjectification ( pace Traugott 2003: 134). Second, I detail the intersubjectification of ἀμέλει with changes in the cognitive domain (no practical>no epistemic worries), the pragmatic domain (responsively resolving>independently assuming resolved worries) and contextual conditions (creating intersubjective alignment>assuming it). Third, I tease apart the various diachronic origins of changes which have affected ἀμέλει. Finally, using contrastive evidence from parallel category changes of Ancient Greek imperative particles, I argue that whereas the imperative particles can be variously affected by structural grammaticalization changes, they all display signs of context change (as shown by illocutionary extensions to occurrence with declarative and interrogative illocutions). Thus, the diverse threads of category change can be woven together by tracing the diverse of contexts of change as well as the diverse diachronic processes shaping them.","PeriodicalId":44637,"journal":{"name":"Diachronica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-09-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41862344","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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