Middle markers are characterized by a distribution halfway between grammar and the lexicon: with some verbs, middle marking encodes valency change, while with others it obligatorily occurs with no obvious synchronic motivation. Despite the existing cross-linguistic work on middle markers, their history is still largely unknown. In the typological literature, the standard view is that middle markers predominantly have their origin in reflexive markers, and that, in their development, it is invariantly the grammatical component that expands to the lexical component. In this paper, I challenge these assumptions based on the analysis of a sample of 129 middle marking languages. As I show, the sources and pathways whereby middle markers come about are much more numerous and varied than what has been reported in the literature. By taking a source-oriented approach, I also discuss how recurrent cross-linguistic trends in the distribution of middle markers can in part be explained by looking at their history.
{"title":"The rise of middle voice systems","authors":"G. Inglese","doi":"10.1075/dia.20058.ing","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/dia.20058.ing","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Middle markers are characterized by a distribution halfway between grammar and the lexicon: with some verbs,\u0000 middle marking encodes valency change, while with others it obligatorily occurs with no obvious synchronic motivation. Despite the\u0000 existing cross-linguistic work on middle markers, their history is still largely unknown. In the typological literature, the\u0000 standard view is that middle markers predominantly have their origin in reflexive markers, and that, in their development, it is\u0000 invariantly the grammatical component that expands to the lexical component. In this paper, I challenge these assumptions based on\u0000 the analysis of a sample of 129 middle marking languages. As I show, the sources and pathways whereby middle markers come about\u0000 are much more numerous and varied than what has been reported in the literature. By taking a source-oriented approach, I also\u0000 discuss how recurrent cross-linguistic trends in the distribution of middle markers can in part be explained by looking at their\u0000 history.","PeriodicalId":44637,"journal":{"name":"Diachronica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-01-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44068760","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Traditionally, historical phonologists have relied on tedious manual derivations to sequence the sound changes that have shaped the phonological evolution of languages. However, humans are prone to errors, and cannot track thousands of parallel derivations in any efficient manner. We demonstrate computerized forward reconstruction (CFR), deriving each etymon in parallel, as a task with metrics to optimize, and as a tool which drastically facilitates inquiry. To this end we present DiaSim, an application which simulates “cascades” of diachronic developments over a language’s lexicon and provides various diagnostics for “debugging” those cascades. We test our method on a Latin-to-French reflex prediction task, using a newly compiled, publicly available dataset FLLex consisting of 1368 paired Latin and Modern French forms. We also introduce a second dataset, FLLAPS, which maps 310 reflexes from Latin through five attested intermediate stages up to Modern French, derived from Pope’s (1934) periodic development tables. We present publicly available rule cascades: the baseline BaseCLEF and BaseCLEF* cascades, based on Pope’s (1934) widely-cited view of French development, and DiaCLEF, made from incremental corrections to BaseCLEF aided by DiaSim’s diagnostics. DiaCLEF outperforms the baselines by large margins, improving raw accuracy on FLLex from 3.2% to 84.9% of etyma, with similarly large improvements for each of FLLAPS’ periods. Changes were made to build DiaCLEF considering only the baseline and DiaSim’s diagnostics, but they often independently reproduced past work in French diachronic phonology, corroborating both our procedure and past endeavors; we discuss the implications of some of our findings in detail.
{"title":"Large-scale computerized forward reconstruction yields new perspectives in French diachronic phonology","authors":"Clayton Marr, David R. Mortensen","doi":"10.1075/dia.20027.mar","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/dia.20027.mar","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Traditionally, historical phonologists have relied on tedious manual derivations to sequence the sound changes that have shaped the phonological evolution of languages. However, humans are prone to errors, and cannot track thousands of parallel derivations in any efficient manner. We demonstrate computerized forward reconstruction (CFR), deriving each etymon in parallel, as a task with metrics to optimize, and as a tool which drastically facilitates inquiry. To this end we present DiaSim, an application which simulates “cascades” of diachronic developments over a language’s lexicon and provides various diagnostics for “debugging” those cascades. We test our method on a Latin-to-French reflex prediction task, using a newly compiled, publicly available dataset FLLex consisting of 1368 paired Latin and Modern French forms. We also introduce a second dataset, FLLAPS, which maps 310 reflexes from Latin through five attested intermediate stages up to Modern French, derived from Pope’s (1934) periodic development tables. We present publicly available rule cascades: the baseline BaseCLEF and BaseCLEF* cascades, based on Pope’s (1934) widely-cited view of French development, and DiaCLEF, made from incremental corrections to BaseCLEF aided by DiaSim’s diagnostics. DiaCLEF outperforms the baselines by large margins, improving raw accuracy on FLLex from 3.2% to 84.9% of etyma, with similarly large improvements for each of FLLAPS’ periods. Changes were made to build DiaCLEF considering only the baseline and DiaSim’s diagnostics, but they often independently reproduced past work in French diachronic phonology, corroborating both our procedure and past endeavors; we discuss the implications of some of our findings in detail.","PeriodicalId":44637,"journal":{"name":"Diachronica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-11-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46589913","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Ernst Frideryk Konrad Koerner","authors":"Brian D. Joseph, Joseph Salmons","doi":"10.1075/dia.22044.jos","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/dia.22044.jos","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44637,"journal":{"name":"Diachronica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-11-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49622980","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Multiple exponence is a phenomenon in which morphemes that encode a given piece of information are realized multiple times within a single word. Unlike other members of the Siouan language family spoken across North America, Crow possesses a set of modal auxiliaries that display multiple exponence of subject person agreement. I show that one source of multiple exponence in Crow is the grammaticalization of the inflectional future from the motion verb arrive there, which brings with it its own agreement prefixes. Multiple exponence then extended to compound modals containing the inflectional future and finally to a morphologically unrelated modal – a distinct case of multiple exponence begetting additional multiple exponence. Thus, this study contributes to the broader understanding of the diachronic pathways to multiple exponence.
{"title":"On the origins of multiple exponence in Crow","authors":"Edwin Ko","doi":"10.1075/dia.22003.ko","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/dia.22003.ko","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Multiple exponence is a phenomenon in which morphemes that encode a given piece of information are realized\u0000 multiple times within a single word. Unlike other members of the Siouan language family spoken across North America, Crow\u0000 possesses a set of modal auxiliaries that display multiple exponence of subject person agreement. I show that one source of\u0000 multiple exponence in Crow is the grammaticalization of the inflectional future from the motion verb arrive there, which\u0000 brings with it its own agreement prefixes. Multiple exponence then extended to compound modals containing the inflectional future\u0000 and finally to a morphologically unrelated modal – a distinct case of multiple exponence begetting additional multiple exponence.\u0000 Thus, this study contributes to the broader understanding of the diachronic pathways to multiple exponence.","PeriodicalId":44637,"journal":{"name":"Diachronica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-11-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49422537","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper uses the tools of distributional semantics to investigate the semantic change of algo from a noun meaning ‘goods, possessions’ and an indefinite pronoun ‘something’ in the Medieval/Classical period of Spanish to an indefinite pronoun and degree adverb ‘a bit’ in contemporary Spanish. We compare the results of a previous corpus-based study (Amaral 2016) on the semantic change of algo with an analysis using word embeddings models with two goals: (i) to show how word embeddings can help identify different synchronic values of a word, and (ii) to provide measures of change through distributional semantic methods. We discuss the challenges of a study with this methodology using limited data from older periods of a language, hence putting into focus decisions that have to be made and their implications for the analysis. In this way, we hope to contribute to a fruitful integration of more traditional studies in diachronic semantics with the methodology of word embeddings.
{"title":"Tracing semantic change with distributional methods","authors":"Patrícia Amaral, Hai Hu, Sandra Kübler","doi":"10.1075/dia.21012.ama","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/dia.21012.ama","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000This paper uses the tools of distributional semantics to investigate the semantic change of algo from a noun meaning ‘goods, possessions’ and an indefinite pronoun ‘something’ in the Medieval/Classical period of Spanish to an indefinite pronoun and degree adverb ‘a bit’ in contemporary Spanish. We compare the results of a previous corpus-based study (Amaral 2016) on the semantic change of algo with an analysis using word embeddings models with two goals: (i) to show how word embeddings can help identify different synchronic values of a word, and (ii) to provide measures of change through distributional semantic methods. We discuss the challenges of a study with this methodology using limited data from older periods of a language, hence putting into focus decisions that have to be made and their implications for the analysis. In this way, we hope to contribute to a fruitful integration of more traditional studies in diachronic semantics with the methodology of word embeddings.","PeriodicalId":44637,"journal":{"name":"Diachronica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-11-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47089710","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Krongo, a member of the Kadu family (Nuba Mountains, Sudan), has four agreement classes: feminine, masculine, neuter and plural (Reh 1985). Nominal number-marking prefixes play a key role in class assignment: productive plural prefixes trigger plural agreement, and productive singular prefixes trigger neuter agreement. In most other Kadu languages, there is no distinction between plural and neuter classes. Comparative and typological evidence shows that Krongo’s system represents the older state of affairs. It is argued that the motivation for the merger of these two classes was a morphosyntactic abstraction over agreement rules. Two distinct rules, one for singular prefixes and one for plural prefixes, were replaced by a single rule that assigned the same agreement class to all productive number prefixes, regardless of whether they mark singular or plural. The result is the morphosyntactic mirror-image of an inverse number system, such as is found in, for example, Dagaare (Grimm 2012).
{"title":"Agreement in Kadu","authors":"M. Baerman","doi":"10.1075/dia.20068.bae","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/dia.20068.bae","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Krongo, a member of the Kadu family (Nuba Mountains, Sudan), has four agreement classes: feminine, masculine,\u0000 neuter and plural (Reh 1985). Nominal number-marking prefixes play a key role in class\u0000 assignment: productive plural prefixes trigger plural agreement, and productive singular prefixes trigger neuter agreement. In\u0000 most other Kadu languages, there is no distinction between plural and neuter classes. Comparative and typological evidence shows\u0000 that Krongo’s system represents the older state of affairs. It is argued that the motivation for the merger of these two classes\u0000 was a morphosyntactic abstraction over agreement rules. Two distinct rules, one for singular prefixes and one for plural prefixes,\u0000 were replaced by a single rule that assigned the same agreement class to all productive number prefixes, regardless of whether\u0000 they mark singular or plural. The result is the morphosyntactic mirror-image of an inverse number system, such as is found in, for\u0000 example, Dagaare (Grimm 2012).","PeriodicalId":44637,"journal":{"name":"Diachronica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-09-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42279889","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper presents new proposals for the reconstruction of Proto-Basque accentuation, as well as the development and chronology of the main accentual systems of the modern dialects, grounded in phonetic, historical and typological evidence. It is the first attempt to reconstruct Basque accentuation from a pre-Roman stage to the dialectalization that followed Common Basque. We suggest that Old Proto-Basque had prosodic prominence in the root, i.e., [(C)V.'CVC]. This system evolved into phrase-level prominence in Modern Proto-Basque, giving rise to unaccentedness in non-phrase final positions, with marked stress only introduced later, through Latin loanwords (2nd–3rd century CE). This would become the common system, which still persists in the west. Not long after the dialectification, word-level systems developed in non-western areas, first as peninitial and then as penultimate stress (in eastern dialects). Finally, we propose that the Goizueta prosodic system can be derived from the Central system, which is an alternative view to Hualde (in press).
{"title":"A history of the Basque prosodic systems","authors":"Ander Egurtzegi, Gorka Elordieta","doi":"10.1075/dia.20066.egu","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/dia.20066.egu","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper presents new proposals for the reconstruction of Proto-Basque accentuation, as well as the development\u0000 and chronology of the main accentual systems of the modern dialects, grounded in phonetic, historical and typological evidence. It\u0000 is the first attempt to reconstruct Basque accentuation from a pre-Roman stage to the dialectalization that followed Common\u0000 Basque. We suggest that Old Proto-Basque had prosodic prominence in the root, i.e., [(C)V.'CVC]. This system evolved into\u0000 phrase-level prominence in Modern Proto-Basque, giving rise to unaccentedness in non-phrase final positions, with marked stress\u0000 only introduced later, through Latin loanwords (2nd–3rd century CE). This would become the common system, which still persists in\u0000 the west. Not long after the dialectification, word-level systems developed in non-western areas, first as peninitial and then as\u0000 penultimate stress (in eastern dialects). Finally, we propose that the Goizueta prosodic system can be derived from the Central\u0000 system, which is an alternative view to Hualde (in press).","PeriodicalId":44637,"journal":{"name":"Diachronica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-08-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44691301","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Competing schools of thought on the reconstruction of Proto-Austronesian stress contend that primary stress was either regular (falling on the penultimate syllable with possible phonetic conditions that triggered stress shift to the final syllable) or lexical (falling unpredictably either on the penult or ultima). In this study, I argue that the comparative evidence supports the first position: that primary stress fell regularly on the penultimate syllable and was not lexical. Further, primary stress was repelled to the final syllable if the penultimate syllable was open and contained a schwa nucleus. Three Austronesian first-order subgroups, Malayo-Polynesian, Western Formosan, and Paiwan, are shown to directly continue the reconstructed stress system of Proto-Austronesian, with stress falling regularly on the penultimate syllable but shifting to the final syllable after a schwa. I also argue that the inability of schwa to hold stress is a result not of quality, but rather of quantity, as it is shown that schwa was a zero-weight vowel in Proto-Austronesian. Words with a schwa in the penultimate syllable, CəCVC, are shown to be sub-minimal, containing only a single mora. Daughter languages in Malayo-Polynesian underwent multiple cases of phonologically motivated drift, including consonant gemination, the deletion of penultimate schwa in three-syllable words, and vowel shift. These sound changes are argued to be part of a phonological conspiracy whose outcome is the addition of a mora to sub-minimal words. This study therefore offers both a reconstruction of Proto-Austronesian stress as well as a phonological explanation for these various sound changes in Malayo-Polynesian.
{"title":"Reconstructing non-contrastive stress in Austronesian and the role of the mora in stress shift, gemination and vowel shift","authors":"Alexander D. Smith","doi":"10.1075/dia.20032.smi","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/dia.20032.smi","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Competing schools of thought on the reconstruction of Proto-Austronesian stress contend that primary stress was\u0000 either regular (falling on the penultimate syllable with possible phonetic conditions that triggered stress shift to the final\u0000 syllable) or lexical (falling unpredictably either on the penult or ultima). In this study, I argue that the comparative evidence\u0000 supports the first position: that primary stress fell regularly on the penultimate syllable and was not lexical. Further, primary\u0000 stress was repelled to the final syllable if the penultimate syllable was open and contained a schwa nucleus. Three Austronesian\u0000 first-order subgroups, Malayo-Polynesian, Western Formosan, and Paiwan, are shown to directly continue the reconstructed stress\u0000 system of Proto-Austronesian, with stress falling regularly on the penultimate syllable but shifting to the final syllable after a\u0000 schwa.\u0000 I also argue that the inability of schwa to hold stress is a result not of quality, but rather of quantity, as it\u0000 is shown that schwa was a zero-weight vowel in Proto-Austronesian. Words with a schwa in the penultimate syllable, CəCVC, are\u0000 shown to be sub-minimal, containing only a single mora. Daughter languages in Malayo-Polynesian underwent multiple cases of\u0000 phonologically motivated drift, including consonant gemination, the deletion of penultimate schwa in three-syllable words, and\u0000 vowel shift. These sound changes are argued to be part of a phonological conspiracy whose outcome is the addition of a mora to\u0000 sub-minimal words. This study therefore offers both a reconstruction of Proto-Austronesian stress as well as a phonological\u0000 explanation for these various sound changes in Malayo-Polynesian.","PeriodicalId":44637,"journal":{"name":"Diachronica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-08-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42480960","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This present study contributes to research on the structure of yes-no questions in French. Informed by previous historical linguistic research tracing developments from the Old French period onwards, we focus on qualitative analysis of grammatical commentary and variationist analysis of Acadian French spoken-language data. We compare the evolution of yes-no questions in Acadian, Metropolitan, and Quebec French, reconstructing the history of variants up to the present. While in most cases we encounter slow-moving change, we do find inter-varietal differences in degree of retention of individual variants, including outright loss; in development of stylistic differentiation; and in analogically based innovation. We also find inter-varietal differences in grammatical constraints governing usage and in the fine detail regarding sentential polarity, illuminated in terms of the semantico-pragmatic functions of negative yes-no questions. The overall results underline the importance of considering sociolinguistic histories, including histories of dialect contact, along with local linguistic markets.
{"title":"Continuity and change in the evolution of French yes-no questions","authors":"Philip Comeau, Ruth King, Carmen L. LeBlanc","doi":"10.1075/dia.20029.com","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/dia.20029.com","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000This present study contributes to research on the structure of yes-no questions in French. Informed by previous historical linguistic research tracing developments from the Old French period onwards, we focus on qualitative analysis of grammatical commentary and variationist analysis of Acadian French spoken-language data. We compare the evolution of yes-no questions in Acadian, Metropolitan, and Quebec French, reconstructing the history of variants up to the present. While in most cases we encounter slow-moving change, we do find inter-varietal differences in degree of retention of individual variants, including outright loss; in development of stylistic differentiation; and in analogically based innovation. We also find inter-varietal differences in grammatical constraints governing usage and in the fine detail regarding sentential polarity, illuminated in terms of the semantico-pragmatic functions of negative yes-no questions. The overall results underline the importance of considering sociolinguistic histories, including histories of dialect contact, along with local linguistic markets.","PeriodicalId":44637,"journal":{"name":"Diachronica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-06-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45016893","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Like other complex morphosyntactic and morphophonological structures that are endemic to single language families, Dogon NP tonosyntax is the result of the fortuitous interlocking of diachronically unrelated processes and constructions. It arose due to the following combination: (a) right-headed prosodic pattern in noun-modifier sequences; (b) loss of numeral classifiers which had previously protected nouns from the right-headed prosodic pattern when followed by numerals; and (c) transfer of tones from possessors to following possessums. Although none of these phenomena were semantically driven, the resulting configuration could only be reinterpreted by native speakers in semantic terms, creating a completely new system unique to Dogon. In spite of having arisen accidentally, this tonosyntactic system is quite stable. One of its benefits is the unusual solution it provided (at no extra charge) to a perennial problem in the design of relative constructions.
{"title":"Origins of Dogon NP tonosyntax","authors":"J. Heath","doi":"10.1075/dia.20071.hea","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/dia.20071.hea","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Like other complex morphosyntactic and morphophonological structures that are endemic to single language families, Dogon NP tonosyntax is the result of the fortuitous interlocking of diachronically unrelated processes and constructions. It arose due to the following combination: (a) right-headed prosodic pattern in noun-modifier sequences; (b) loss of numeral classifiers which had previously protected nouns from the right-headed prosodic pattern when followed by numerals; and (c) transfer of tones from possessors to following possessums. Although none of these phenomena were semantically driven, the resulting configuration could only be reinterpreted by native speakers in semantic terms, creating a completely new system unique to Dogon. In spite of having arisen accidentally, this tonosyntactic system is quite stable. One of its benefits is the unusual solution it provided (at no extra charge) to a perennial problem in the design of relative constructions.","PeriodicalId":44637,"journal":{"name":"Diachronica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43847736","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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