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The Coptic Act of Peter in Late Antiquity: Virginity, Disability, Intertextuality 古代晚期科普特人的《彼得法》:童贞、残疾、互文性
IF 0.2 3区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-12-18 DOI: 10.1353/earl.2023.a915032
Luke Drake

Abstract:

In this essay, I argue that the Coptic Act of Peter (Papyrus Berolinensis 8502.4) is a late ancient Christian reformulation of an early Jewish temple tradition preserved in the book of 3 Maccabees, according to which God preserves the sanctity of his temple by means of divine paralysis. I argue further that the implications of this intertextual relationship ought to influence how we interpret the Act of Peter—its narrative, themes, and theology—as well as how and where we might situate this apocryphal account in history. Instead of placing the Greek original in the second or third centuries, I locate it closer to the fourth or fifth, alongside a contemporaneous surge of orthodox exhortations and treatises on virginity—most likely in the context of the varieties of "household asceticism" that were prevalent in late ancient Syria and Asia Minor.

摘要:在这篇文章中,我认为科普特人的《彼得法》(Papyrus Berolinensis 8502.4)是古代基督教晚期对《马加比三书》中保留的早期犹太圣殿传统的重新诠释,根据这一传统,上帝通过神圣的瘫痪来维护其圣殿的神圣性。我进一步认为,这种互文关系的含义应该影响我们如何解释《彼得行传》--它的叙事、主题和神学--以及我们如何以及在何处将这一启示录置于历史之中。我没有将希腊文原著置于第二或第三世纪,而是将其置于更接近第四或第五世纪的位置,与同时代涌现的正统劝诫和关于贞操的论文一起--很可能是在古叙利亚晚期和小亚细亚盛行的各种 "家庭禁欲主义 "的背景下。
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引用次数: 0
Converting after Constantine: Firmicus Maternus and the Scriptures 君士坦丁之后的皈依弗尔米库斯-马特努斯与圣经
IF 0.2 3区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-12-18 DOI: 10.1353/earl.2023.a915031
Mattias Gassman

Abstract:

The two extant works by the senator Julius Firmicus Maternus, a manual of astrology (Mathesis, ca. 337) and a ferocious attack on senatorial paganism (De errore profanarum religionum, 343–50), offer exceptional insight into the transformation of a convert's beliefs in the era of Constantine. Study of Firmicus's Christianity has long been hampered by distaste for his desire to see pagan cult annihilated and by the belief that he took essentially all of his scriptural knowledge from Cyprian's Ad Quirinum and Ad Fortunatum. Recent scholarship has dealt with the first issue. This article focuses on the second. Surveying Firmicus's biblical quotations and allusions, it demonstrates that he had extensive knowledge of biblical passages that Cyprian does not cite, ranging far beyond the Psalms (which Firmicus is generally thought to have known independently). He interprets Cyprianic texts in light of non-Cyprianic parallels, cites surrounding context, weaves in references to liturgical custom, and deploys well-known exegetical motifs such as the interpretation of Psalm 23 (LXX) in reference to Christ's descent and ascension. Combined with his heavy reliance on Cyprian for quotations, Firmicus's use of biblical passages and extrabiblical theological ideas suggests that he was widely read in scripture, but that had to hand only Cyprian's collections, with whose explanatory headings his ideas about coercion and his Christology engage. Firmicus's engagement with scripture, in part through Cyprian's mediation, thus illustrates the processes by which an upper-class convert could assimilate Christian ideas. His integration of astral language into his description of Christianity, in turn, undercuts modern generalizations about the Christianity of the Constantinian era. Far from being at home with pagan conceptions of the universe, Firmicus reworks them to exalt Christ and the cross above the stars themselves.

摘要:参议员朱利叶斯-菲尔米库斯-马特努斯(Julius Firmicus Maternus)现存的两部作品,一部是占星术手册(Mathesis,约 337 年),另一部是对参议员异教的猛烈抨击(De errore profanarum religionum,343-50 年),为我们了解君士坦丁时代皈依者信仰的转变提供了独特的视角。长期以来,对弗尔米库斯基督教的研究一直受阻于对他希望消灭异教的厌恶,以及认为他的所有经文知识基本上都来自塞浦路斯的《Ad Quirinum》和《Ad Fortunatum》。最近的学术研究涉及了第一个问题。本文主要讨论第二个问题。通过研究弗尔米库斯的圣经引文和典故,我们发现他对塞浦路斯人没有引用的圣经经文有着广泛的了解,其范围远远超出了《诗篇》(一般认为弗尔米库斯是独立了解这些经文的)。他根据非塞浦路斯的相似之处来解释塞浦路斯的经文,引用周围的上下文,引用礼仪习俗,并运用众所周知的训诂学主题,如用基督的降生和升天来解释《诗篇》第 23 篇(LXX)。弗尔米库斯对《圣经》经文和《圣经》外神学思想的使用,再加上他对塞浦路斯语录的高度依赖,表明他广泛阅读经文,但手头只有塞浦路斯的文集,他关于强制的思想和他的基督论都与这些文集的解释性标题有关。因此,弗尔米库斯与经文的接触,部分是通过塞浦路斯的调解,说明了上层皈依者吸收基督教思想的过程。反过来,他将星象语言融入对基督教的描述中,也削弱了现代人对君士坦丁时代基督教的概括。弗尔米库斯对异教的宇宙观并不陌生,他对这些观念进行了再加工,使基督和十字架凌驾于恒星之上。
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引用次数: 0
Fallen Angels in the Theology of Saint Augustine by Gregory D. Wiebe (review) 圣奥古斯丁神学中的堕落天使》,作者 Gregory D. Wiebe(评论)
IF 0.2 3区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-12-18 DOI: 10.1353/earl.2023.a915039
Travis Proctor
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span><p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Fallen Angels in the Theology of Saint Augustine</em> by Gregory D. Wiebe <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Travis Proctor </li> </ul> Gregory D. Wiebe <em>Fallen Angels in the Theology of Saint Augustine</em> Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2021 Pp. xviii + 258. $100. <p>This book offers a thorough exploration of Augustine's understanding of fallen angels and demons, with special attention to their ancient demonological, angelological, and anthropological underpinnings. Wiebe focuses on three of Augustine's most important demonological works: <em>The City of God, The Literal Meaning of Genesis</em>, and <em>The Trinity</em>. Wiebe also gives due attention to the potential sources for Augustine's angelology and demonology, noting both Christian and non-Christian inspirations. Importantly, Wiebe pushes back against suggestions that Augustine's reflections on the moral import of demons resulted in their "psychologizing" (read: dis-embodiment); rather, Wiebe argues that "Augustine's basic insight … [is] that the moral struggle with demons is only properly contained within the ecclesial body" (3).</p> <p>Chapter One, "The Angels of God," explores the creation and distinctive nature of angels, with Wiebe judiciously tracing how these beings are situated within Augustine's broader understanding of God and creation. Chapter Two, "The Fall of the Angels," analyzes the causes and consequences of the angels' rebellion against God, with vigilant attention to the logical consequences of the fall for angelic and demonic modes of embodiment and influence upon humans.</p> <p>Chapter Three, "Demonic Bodies," details demonic embodiment further. Notably, Wiebe analyzes how the embodiment of fallen angels and demons emerges as part of Augustine's discussion of their interaction with and temptation of humans. Chapter Four, "Demonic Phenomena," explores Augustine's description of demonic appearances to humans, noting how Augustine limits demonic power to the corporeal sphere (i.e., the spaces in which their bodies can operate). Significantly, this functions to insulate the human will from demonic attack, thus providing human opportunity for resistance to demonic temptations.</p> <p>Chapter Five, "The Devil and His Body," shows how, according to Augustine, fallen angels and demons have created a rival "symbolic order" to that of God, as physically embodied in the religious institutions and practices of "pagan" Rome. Chapter Six, "Pagan Demonolatry," deepens this investigation, demonstrating how Augustine contrasts the false, imitative "religion" of the demons with the salvific, authentic piety of the church.</p> <p>The broader significance, and major strength, of this book is its insistence that fallen angels and demons were integral components of Augustine's broader theology, contra earlier interpreters who, as Wiebe n
以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要:评论者 圣奥古斯丁神学中的堕落天使》作者:格雷戈里-D-维伯 Travis Proctor 格雷戈里-D-维伯 圣奥古斯丁神学中的堕落天使》,牛津大学出版社,2021 年版,第 xviii + 258 页:牛津大学出版社,2021 年,第 xviii + 258 页。$100.本书深入探讨了奥古斯丁对堕落天使和恶魔的理解,特别关注其古老的恶魔学、天使学和人类学基础。维伯重点介绍了奥古斯丁三部最重要的恶魔学著作:上帝之城》、《创世纪的字面意义》和《三位一体》。维伯还对奥古斯丁天使论和魔鬼论的潜在来源给予了应有的关注,指出了基督教和非基督教的灵感来源。重要的是,维伯反驳了奥古斯丁对恶魔道德意义的反思导致恶魔 "心理化"(读作:非实体化)的说法;相反,维伯认为,"奥古斯丁的基本见解......[是]与恶魔的道德斗争只能适当地包含在教会身体中"(3)。第一章 "上帝的天使 "探讨了天使的创造和独特性质,维伯审慎地追溯了这些生命如何被置于奥古斯丁对上帝和创造的更广泛理解之中。第二章 "天使的堕落 "分析了天使反叛上帝的原因和后果,并警惕地注意到堕落对天使和恶魔的体现方式以及对人类的影响所产生的逻辑后果。第三章 "恶魔之躯 "进一步详述了恶魔的化身。值得注意的是,维伯分析了堕落天使和恶魔的化身如何成为奥古斯丁讨论他们与人类的互动和对人类的诱惑的一部分。第四章 "恶魔现象 "探讨了奥古斯丁对恶魔出现在人类面前的描述,指出奥古斯丁如何将恶魔的力量限制在肉体领域(即恶魔身体可以活动的空间)。重要的是,这起到了使人的意志免受魔鬼攻击的作用,从而为人提供了抵抗魔鬼诱惑的机会。第五章 "魔鬼及其身体 "展示了奥古斯丁认为堕落的天使和魔鬼是如何创造出一种与上帝相抗衡的 "象征秩序 "的,这种秩序具体体现在 "异教 "罗马的宗教机构和习俗中。第六章 "异教徒的妖术 "深化了这一研究,展示了奥古斯丁如何将恶魔虚假、模仿性的 "宗教 "与教会救赎性、真实的虔诚进行对比。本书更广泛的意义和主要优势在于,它坚持认为堕落天使和恶魔是奥古斯丁广义神学不可或缺的组成部分,这与早先的解释者不同,正如维伯指出的那样,这些解释者往往通过 "失望的 "视角来研究奥古斯丁,将他定位为启蒙理性的前现代英雄(2)。然而,维伯坚持奥古斯丁神学与魔鬼论的一致性,却没有充分关注(或试图解决,如第 93 页)奥古斯丁在这些问题上的紧张或转变。因此,本书错失了将奥古斯丁的魔鬼论置于其更广阔的职业生涯和历史环境中的机会。尽管如此,本书详尽、周到的分析为那些对晚期古代恶魔论及其对晚期古代更广泛的思想流派的重要性感兴趣的人提供了参考。[末页 583] 特拉维斯-普罗克特 维滕贝格大学 版权所有 © 2023 约翰斯-霍普金斯大学出版社 ...
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引用次数: 0
Politics and the Earthly City in Augustine's by Veronica Roberts Ogle (review) 维罗妮卡-罗伯茨-奥格尔著《奥古斯丁笔下的政治与尘世之城》(评论)
IF 0.2 3区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-12-18 DOI: 10.1353/earl.2023.a915035
Naoki Kamimura
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span><p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Politics and the Earthly City in Augustine's</em> by Veronica Roberts Ogle <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Naoki Kamimura </li> </ul> Veronica Roberts Ogle <em>Politics and the Earthly City in Augustine's</em> City of God Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2020 Pp. x + 201. $99.00. <p>In her 2020 book, <em>Politics and the Earthly City in Augustine's</em> City of God, Veronica Roberts Ogle critically examines what the "earthly city" means as presented in Augustine's <em>City of God</em> and draws attention to the "psychagogic" function of the rhetoric of the <em>City of God</em>. She argues that the status of "politics" should be determined within a sacramental worldview. She also claims that Augustine expects his readers "to work for an earthly peace understood in light of <em>amor Dei</em> … in light of the needs of concrete human persons" (183).</p> <p>Augustine's <em>City of God</em>, like other important works in his corpus, is a fascinating text that has addressed us with a "great and arduous task," so to speak, the response to which has always been debated and questioned. Many who have discussed the implications of Augustine's model of two "cities" for our society indicate that Augustine's pessimistic emphasis on politics most aptly expresses his contempt for the political character of our lives. Indeed, Augustinian scholarship in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries has been mired in debates over conflicting positions on the status of politics in Augustine's thought. Those who have worked in this area will know well that scholars such as Ernest Fortin, Herbert Deane, Robert Markus, John Milbank, Rowan Williams, Robert Dodaro, Gerald O'Daly, and Gillian Clark have argued over whether Augustine was a political realist, whether he positioned the political sphere as a neutral space, or whether he viewed the political in a pessimistic light. Ogle provides a valuable overview of this sequence of discussions in the Introduction. With the six chapters that follow and a brief conclusion, Ogle's book joins more recent attempts (e.g., those of Eric Gregory, Michael Bruno, Richard Dougherty, Michael Lamb, and Mary Keys) to articulate Augustine's multifaceted view of political philosophy and theology.</p> <p>After showing the <em>status quaestionis</em> and its correlation with her work in the Introduction, in Chapter One, "The Parodic City," Ogle details how Augustine's "earthly city" is a "counterfeit" or "shadow of the city of God" (41), examining the argument in Books 11–14 of the <em>City of God</em> and presenting <em>amor sui</em> as the destructive logic contained in the earthly city. Chapter Two, "The Sack of <em>Roma Aeterna</em>," reveals Augustine's attempt, based on his psychagogical methods, to <strong>[End Page 575]</strong> direct the reader's attention beyond the history of the
以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要:评论者 奥古斯丁《上帝之城》中的政治与尘世之城 作者:Veronica Roberts Ogle Naoki Kamimura Veronica Roberts Ogle Politics and the Earthly City in Augustine's City of God Cambridge:剑桥大学出版社,2020 年,第 x 页 + 201 页。$99.00.维罗妮卡-罗伯茨-奥格尔(Veronica Roberts Ogle)在其 2020 年出版的著作《奥古斯丁〈上帝之城〉中的政治与尘世之城》中,批判性地研究了奥古斯丁《上帝之城》中所呈现的 "尘世之城 "的含义,并提请人们注意《上帝之城》修辞的 "心理教化 "功能。她认为,"政治 "的地位应在神圣的世界观中确定。她还声称,奥古斯丁期望他的读者 "根据'挚爱'......根据具体的人的需要,为理解的尘世和平而努力"(183)。奥古斯丁的《上帝之城》与他的其他重要著作一样,是一部引人入胜的文本,向我们提出了所谓的 "伟大而艰巨的任务",对此的回应一直存在争论和质疑。许多讨论过奥古斯丁的双 "城 "模式对我们社会的影响的人都指出,奥古斯丁对政治的悲观强调最恰当地表达了他对我们生活的政治特征的蔑视。事实上,二十世纪和二十一世纪的奥古斯丁学术研究一直深陷于关于政治在奥古斯丁思想中地位的立场冲突的争论之中。在这一领域工作过的人都很清楚,欧内斯特-福尔廷、赫伯特-迪恩、罗伯特-马库斯、约翰-米尔班克、罗旺-威廉斯、罗伯特-多达罗、杰拉尔德-奥达利和吉莉安-克拉克等学者曾就奥古斯丁是否是政治现实主义者、他是否将政治领域定位为中立空间、或者他是否以悲观的眼光看待政治等问题展开过争论。奥格尔在导言中对这一系列讨论进行了有价值的概述。通过接下来的六章和一个简短的结论,奥格尔的书加入了更多新近的尝试(如埃里克-格雷戈里、迈克尔-布鲁诺、理查德-多尔蒂、迈克尔-兰姆和玛丽-凯斯的尝试),以阐明奥古斯丁多方面的政治哲学和神学观点。在导言中展示了 "quaestionis "及其与奥古斯丁作品的关联之后,奥格尔在第一章 "模仿之城 "中详细阐述了奥古斯丁的 "尘世之城 "是如何成为 "上帝之城的赝品 "或 "影子"(41)的,他考察了《上帝之城》第11-14卷中的论证,并将 "amor sui "作为尘世之城所包含的破坏性逻辑加以呈现。第二章 "罗马城的劫掠 "揭示了奥古斯丁根据其心理学方法,试图 [End Page 575] 将读者的注意力从罗马城的历史引向两座城市的历史。第三章 "揭露帝国、爱国者和哲学家的世界观 "通过从更广阔的视角审视心理哲学的争论,揭露了 "友谊 "的三种错误解决方案--帝国的承诺、政治哲学的承诺和哲学作为一种生活方式的承诺--的问题本质。第四章 "重述罗马历史 "揭露了不加歪曲地讲述罗马历史的局限性。他敦促读者将注意力从尘世之城(Patria)转移到真正的天国之城。在第五章 "圣礼世界观及其反圣礼歪曲 "中,奥格尔将这两座城市置于她所称的奥古斯丁的 "圣礼世界观 "中,奥古斯丁希望《上帝之城》的读者在这一愿景中被引向上帝--他们的创造者。对奥古斯丁来说,教会是将他们从尘世的城市及其迷信中解放出来并培养 "挚爱 "的主要工具。在第六章 "政治的地位 "中,奥格尔在阐释了奥古斯丁对世俗生活的看法之后,阐明了政治在圣礼世界观中应该扮演的角色。基督徒是朝圣者,他们的祖国在任何实际的政治团体之外,基督徒应该参与他们的团体。与此同时,他们必须本着谦卑的服务精神,为 "上帝之爱"(amor Dei)而努力。然而,我发现自己有几点疑问。首先,如果作者能更清楚地说明什么是......
{"title":"Politics and the Earthly City in Augustine's by Veronica Roberts Ogle (review)","authors":"Naoki Kamimura","doi":"10.1353/earl.2023.a915035","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/earl.2023.a915035","url":null,"abstract":"&lt;span&gt;&lt;span&gt;In lieu of&lt;/span&gt; an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:&lt;/span&gt;\u0000&lt;p&gt; &lt;span&gt;Reviewed by:&lt;/span&gt; &lt;ul&gt; &lt;li&gt;&lt;!-- html_title --&gt; &lt;em&gt;Politics and the Earthly City in Augustine's&lt;/em&gt; by Veronica Roberts Ogle &lt;!-- /html_title --&gt;&lt;/li&gt; &lt;li&gt; Naoki Kamimura &lt;/li&gt; &lt;/ul&gt; Veronica Roberts Ogle &lt;em&gt;Politics and the Earthly City in Augustine's&lt;/em&gt; City of God Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2020 Pp. x + 201. $99.00. &lt;p&gt;In her 2020 book, &lt;em&gt;Politics and the Earthly City in Augustine's&lt;/em&gt; City of God, Veronica Roberts Ogle critically examines what the \"earthly city\" means as presented in Augustine's &lt;em&gt;City of God&lt;/em&gt; and draws attention to the \"psychagogic\" function of the rhetoric of the &lt;em&gt;City of God&lt;/em&gt;. She argues that the status of \"politics\" should be determined within a sacramental worldview. She also claims that Augustine expects his readers \"to work for an earthly peace understood in light of &lt;em&gt;amor Dei&lt;/em&gt; … in light of the needs of concrete human persons\" (183).&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;Augustine's &lt;em&gt;City of God&lt;/em&gt;, like other important works in his corpus, is a fascinating text that has addressed us with a \"great and arduous task,\" so to speak, the response to which has always been debated and questioned. Many who have discussed the implications of Augustine's model of two \"cities\" for our society indicate that Augustine's pessimistic emphasis on politics most aptly expresses his contempt for the political character of our lives. Indeed, Augustinian scholarship in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries has been mired in debates over conflicting positions on the status of politics in Augustine's thought. Those who have worked in this area will know well that scholars such as Ernest Fortin, Herbert Deane, Robert Markus, John Milbank, Rowan Williams, Robert Dodaro, Gerald O'Daly, and Gillian Clark have argued over whether Augustine was a political realist, whether he positioned the political sphere as a neutral space, or whether he viewed the political in a pessimistic light. Ogle provides a valuable overview of this sequence of discussions in the Introduction. With the six chapters that follow and a brief conclusion, Ogle's book joins more recent attempts (e.g., those of Eric Gregory, Michael Bruno, Richard Dougherty, Michael Lamb, and Mary Keys) to articulate Augustine's multifaceted view of political philosophy and theology.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;After showing the &lt;em&gt;status quaestionis&lt;/em&gt; and its correlation with her work in the Introduction, in Chapter One, \"The Parodic City,\" Ogle details how Augustine's \"earthly city\" is a \"counterfeit\" or \"shadow of the city of God\" (41), examining the argument in Books 11–14 of the &lt;em&gt;City of God&lt;/em&gt; and presenting &lt;em&gt;amor sui&lt;/em&gt; as the destructive logic contained in the earthly city. Chapter Two, \"The Sack of &lt;em&gt;Roma Aeterna&lt;/em&gt;,\" reveals Augustine's attempt, based on his psychagogical methods, to &lt;strong&gt;[End Page 575]&lt;/strong&gt; direct the reader's attention beyond the history of the","PeriodicalId":44662,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF EARLY CHRISTIAN STUDIES","volume":"15 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-12-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138714698","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
The Syriac World: In Search of a Forgotten Christianity by Francoise Briquel Chatonnet and Muriel Debie (review) 叙利亚世界:Francoise Briquel Chatonnet 和 Muriel Debie 著的《寻找被遗忘的基督教》(评论)
IF 0.2 3区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-12-01 DOI: 10.1353/earl.2023.a915044
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引用次数: 0
Augustine's Use of Didymus the Blind on John 5.19 奥古斯丁在《约翰福音》5.19中对盲人Didymus的使用
IF 0.2 3区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-08-25 DOI: 10.1353/earl.2023.a904928
Carl L. Beckwith
Abstract:Augustine cites the beginning of Didymus's De Spiritu sancto in his Quaestiones in Heptateuchum, which he began in 419. Some scholars think that Augustine read no more than the beginning of Didymus's work; others think that he read and made use of Didymus but have identified no textual correspondence between the two. I argue that Augustine's use of Didymus's De Spiritu sancto may be seen in his citation and interpretation of John 5.19. Augustine uses an unusual scriptural variant for the ending of John 5.19 twelve times. Nine of these occur in trinitarian works produced around 419–20. The variant also appears in Jerome's translation of Didymus's De Spiritu sancto. There is further evidence linking Augustine to Didymus's discussion of John 5.19. I argue that Augustine found the variant in Jerome's translation and that he made creative use of Didymus's construal of John 16.13 and 5.19 in several trinitarian writings produced around 419–20.
摘要:奥古斯丁在其419年开始的著作《希普泰特乌契姆的问题》中引用了狄土摩斯《论精神》的开头部分。一些学者认为奥古斯丁读的不过是低土马斯作品的开头部分;其他人认为他阅读并使用了低土马斯,但没有发现两者之间的文本对应关系。我认为,奥古斯丁对低土马《圣灵颂》的使用,可以从他对约翰福音5章19节的引用和解释中看出。奥古斯丁在约翰福音5章19节的结尾使用了12次不同寻常的圣经变体。其中九个出现在大约419-20年的三位一体著作中。这个变体也出现在杰罗姆翻译的狄狄莫斯的《神圣精神》中。有进一步的证据将奥古斯丁与低土马对约翰福音5章19节的讨论联系起来。我认为奥古斯丁在杰罗姆的翻译中发现了这个变体,他创造性地使用了低土马对约翰福音16:13和5.19的解释,在大约419-20年的三位一体论著作中。
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引用次数: 0
Demonic Bodies and the Dark Ecologies of Early Christian Culture by Travis W. Proctor (review) Travis W.Proctor的《魔鬼身体与早期基督教文化的黑暗生态》(综述)
IF 0.2 3区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-08-25 DOI: 10.1353/earl.2023.a904936
Sarah F. Porter
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引用次数: 0
Hell Hath No Fury: Gender, Disability, and the Invention of Damned Bodies in Early Christian Literature by Meghan R. Henning (review) 《地狱无怒:早期基督教文学中的性别、残疾和被诅咒的身体的发明》,作者:梅根·r·亨宁(书评)
IF 0.2 3区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-08-25 DOI: 10.1353/earl.2023.a904932
Amy Hughes
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引用次数: 0
The Slow Fall of Babel: Languages and Identities in Late Antique Christianity by Yuliya Minets (review) 《巴别塔的缓慢倒塌:晚期古代基督教的语言和身份》作者:尤利娅·米涅茨
IF 0.2 3区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-08-25 DOI: 10.1353/earl.2023.a904934
Alison John
identified and closely read, illuminating political connections and re-interpreting important events. As a result, every chapter is both thought-provoking and rewarding, offering new insights and perspectives for the study of an institution and a social group that, as the author convincingly shows, played a vital role in the history of the last centuries of the Roman empire in the West. Carlos Machado, University of St. Andrews
识别并仔细阅读,阐明政治联系并重新解读重要事件。因此,每一章都发人深省,也很有收获,为研究一个机构和一个社会群体提供了新的见解和视角,正如作者令人信服地表明的那样,这个机构和社会群体在西方罗马帝国最后几个世纪的历史中发挥了至关重要的作用。卡洛斯·马查多,圣安德鲁斯大学
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引用次数: 0
Christian Emperors and Roman Elites in Late Antiquity by Rita Lizzi Testa (review) Rita Lizzi Testa的《古代晚期的基督教皇帝和罗马精英》(评论)
IF 0.2 3区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-08-25 DOI: 10.1353/earl.2023.a904933
C. Machado
context of the United States, such as with the modern hell house phenomenon and tours of hell in entertainment like the television sitcom The Good Place and the Netflix series Orange is the New Black. Thus, any impulse to dismiss such punitive imaginative constructions as primitive is untenable. Henning argues convincingly that centering non-normative bodies in a punitive framework—ancient or modern—does not contain sin and injustice. There is no containment because reducing suffering, non-normative bodies to tools that educate or entertain in a punitive frame “objectifies not only the female and disabled bodies of the damned, but the bodies of the viewers themselves” (149). Hell Hath No Fury makes a compelling case that images of hell—ancient or modern—affect how one views earthly bodies and justice in relation to those bodies. Amy Hughes, Gordon College
美国的背景,例如现代地狱屋现象和娱乐中的地狱之旅,如电视情景喜剧《好地方》和网飞电视剧《橘子是新黑人》。因此,任何将这种惩罚性的想象结构视为原始的冲动都是站不住脚的。Henning令人信服地认为,将非规范性机构置于惩罚性框架中——无论是古代还是现代——都不包含罪恶和不公正。没有遏制,因为将痛苦、非规范性的机构减少为惩罚框架中的教育或娱乐工具“不仅物化了被诅咒者的女性和残疾身体,而且物化了观众自己的身体”(149)。《地狱无怒》提出了一个令人信服的理由,即地狱的形象——无论是古代还是现代——都会影响人们如何看待世俗的身体以及与这些身体相关的正义。艾米·休斯,戈登学院
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