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Cult of the Dead: A Brief History of Christianity by Kyle Smith (review) 死亡崇拜:基督教简史》,凯尔-史密斯著(评论)
IF 0.2 3区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-09-10 DOI: 10.1353/earl.2024.a936767
Nicole Kelley
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span><p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Cult of the Dead: A Brief History of Christianity</em> by Kyle Smith <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Nicole Kelley </li> </ul> Kyle Smith<br/> <em>Cult of the Dead: A Brief History of Christianity</em><br/> Oakland: University of California Press, 2022<br/> Pp. xxi + 333. $29.95. <p>This book is (aptly) described by its author as “a magpie’s collection of stories and scholarship” that has been distilled “into an entertaining narrative for a general reader” (273). Have you ever asked what the Jägermeister label is about, or pondered why hazelnuts are also called filberts? Did you ever wonder who came up with the b.c./a.d. idea in the first place? The answers to these and other questions await you in the pages of Kyle Smith’s <em>Cult of the Dead: A Brief History of Christianity</em>. It is half Eusebius’s <em>Church History</em>, half Chaucer’s <em>Canterbury Tales</em>, and more fun to read than either of those. It is engaging and accessible enough to work in an undergraduate classroom (it has all the good stories and none of the scholarly jargon). Its “Notes for Further Reading” and bibliography are excellent resources. Especially given its host of high-quality images, this book is a bargain.</p> <p>Smith’s thesis is this: “The centrality of martyrdom to Christianity has profoundly affected the development of its cultural expression and devotion, from its art and architecture to its liturgy and literature—even its conception of time” (1). The book’s 300-plus pages are perhaps less an argument for this thesis than an illustration of it through a dizzying array of examples. Smith’s approach is simultaneously textual and materialist. In recognizing martyrdom—and martyr narratives in particular—as the beating heart of Christianity, the book belongs to the tradition of “Christian death literature” established by historiographers like Eusebius of Caesarea (3). Smith relies on familiar textual sources such as Foxe’s <strong>[End Page 471]</strong> <em>Book of Martyrs</em>, breathing new life into them by giving them detailed material histories of their own. At the same time, he gives significant attention to material and visual culture: calendrical systems, late medieval Florentine altarpieces featuring a porcupine-like St. Sebastian, the stained-glass windows of Canterbury Cathedral, and the bedazzled skeleton of St. Leontius all make appearances.</p> <p>Of the book’s eight chapters, Chapters Two, Four, and Seven discuss practices for memorializing the dead, and their impact on Christian conceptions of time. In these chapters, Smith brings scholarly conversations about calendars, time reckoning, and textual technologies to bear upon the familiar topics of martyrdom and the cult of the saints. This is the primary scholarly intervention of the book, whose target audience is more popular than academic.</p
以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要:评论者 凯尔-史密斯著《死者崇拜:基督教简史》 尼科尔-凯利 凯尔-史密斯著《死者崇拜:基督教简史》 奥克兰:加州大学出版社,2022 年,第 xxi + 333 页。$29.95.这本书被作者(恰当地)描述为 "喜鹊收集的故事和学术成果",并被提炼为 "面向普通读者的娱乐性叙述"(273页)。你有没有问过 Jägermeister 标签的含义,或者思考过为什么榛子也被称为丝果?你有没有想过是谁首先提出了 "b.c./a.d. "这个概念?凯尔-史密斯(Kyle Smith)的《死者崇拜:基督教简史》(Cult of the Dead: A Brief History of Christianity)将为您解答这些问题和其他问题。这本书一半是尤西比乌斯的《教会史》,一半是乔叟的《坎特伯雷故事集》,读起来比这两本书都有趣。它引人入胜,通俗易懂,足以在本科生课堂上使用(它有所有精彩的故事,却没有学术术语)。它的 "进一步阅读注释 "和参考书目都是极好的资源。尤其是书中的大量高质量图片,更是物美价廉。史密斯的论点是"殉难在基督教中的中心地位深刻影响了基督教文化表达和奉献的发展,从艺术和建筑到礼仪和文学,甚至是时间概念"(1)。本书长达 300 多页,与其说是对这一论点的论证,不如说是通过一系列令人眼花缭乱的例子对这一论点的说明。史密斯的方法同时是文本主义和唯物主义的。该书将殉难--尤其是殉难叙事--视为基督教跳动的心脏,属于尤西比乌斯(Eusebius of Caesarea)等历史学家建立的 "基督教死亡文学 "传统(3)。史密斯以福克斯的《殉道者书》[第 471 页完] 等人们熟悉的文本资料为基础,通过赋予它们详细的物质史料,为它们注入了新的活力。同时,他对物质和视觉文化也给予了极大的关注:历法系统、中世纪晚期佛罗伦萨祭坛上的豪猪状圣塞巴斯蒂安、坎特伯雷大教堂的彩色玻璃窗以及圣莱昂提乌斯的炫目骷髅都在书中出现过。在本书的八个章节中,第二、四和七章讨论了纪念死者的习俗及其对基督教时间观念的影响。在这些章节中,史密斯将有关历法、时间计算和文本技术的学术对话引入了人们熟悉的殉难和圣徒崇拜的话题。这是本书最主要的学术干预,其目标读者是大众而非学术界人士。第二章("死者之名")讨论了古代和中世纪基督教记录殉道者姓名及其死亡时间和地点的习惯。这种做法既有仪式上的影响,也有叙事上的影响。一方面,基督教礼仪习俗纪念波利卡普等殉道者的名字和死亡。部分由于格里高利大帝等人的改变,对基督徒圣徒死亡的仪式纪念成为了基督教日历的基础。另一方面,这种 "神迹坐标 "的确定也是建立在圣人之死基础上的神迹叙事和基督教历史的起点。在整本书中,史密斯出色地运用了现代比较法;在这里,他以玛雅-林的越战纪念馆为例,说明了命名(和不命名)个体死者的力量。对我来说,本章的亮点(也是《日本教育期刊》的一些读者特别感兴趣的)是史密斯对 BM Add.12150.第四章("亡灵节")讨论了基督徒在圣徒节期间的狂欢行为,以及纪念圣徒的多种形式对基督教社区时间流逝的影响。圣人节曾经是--事实上有时仍然是--"一年中最重要的日子"(105),因此也是时间前进的重要标志。在这里,我们了解到为什么圣安东尼与猪有关,圣马丁与鹅有关。但是,对殉道者的纪念也在更小的范围内影响着时间的流逝,比如本笃会教徒每天的殉道诵经。
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引用次数: 0
Developments in Early Eucharistic Praying in Light of Changes in Early Christian Meeting Spaces 从早期基督教聚会场所的变化看早期圣餐祈祷的发展
IF 0.2 3区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-09-10 DOI: 10.1353/earl.2024.a936759
Nathan P. Chase

Abstract:

Performance criticism (Tambiah) and the Egyptian textual and material evidence strongly suggest that there is a correlation between the size of Christian worship spaces and the length of early Eucharistic prayers that likely holds outside of Egypt as well. Liturgy as an embodied experience not only includes liturgical texts, but also art, architecture, sounds, smells, gestures, and movements. Attending to the non-textual dimensions of the liturgical celebration provides a fuller picture of how Christians, especially in the early Church, celebrated their liturgies. This article looks at the way Eucharistic texts and spaces related to one another in the early church in order to evaluate and substantiate the theory that the shift from house churches to basilicas in the fourth century meant that the short and often improvised Eucharistic prayers of the pre-Nicene period were no longer suitable to the larger purpose-built liturgical spaces that emerged in the post-Nicene period. Despite the abundance of Eucharistic texts and spaces in the early church, no one has attempted to corollate changes in space and liturgical texts. Egypt is the ideal region to serve as a case study since there are a number of early Christian meeting spaces and Eucharistic texts preserved in that region. This article will test the theory that larger spaces required longer liturgical prayers and show that the expansion of Christian congregations, their meeting spaces, and their prayers was part of a broader process of ritual involution that we would expect to find in other aspects of their rituals as well.

摘要:表演批评(Tambiah)以及埃及的文字和材料证据有力地表明,基督教礼拜场所的大小与早期圣餐祈祷的时间长短之间存在着相关性,这种相关性在埃及以外的地区也可能存在。礼仪作为一种体现性体验,不仅包括礼仪文本,还包括艺术、建筑、声音、气味、手势和动作。关注礼仪庆典的非文本层面,可以更全面地了解基督徒,尤其是早期教会的基督徒是如何庆祝他们的礼仪的。本文探讨了早期教会中圣餐仪式文本与空间之间的相互关系,以评估和证实以下理论,即四世纪从家庭教会到大殿的转变意味着尼西亚前时期简短且经常是即兴的圣餐祈祷不再适合尼西亚后时期出现的专门建造的大型礼仪空间。尽管早期教会有大量的圣餐仪式文本和空间,但没有人试图将空间和礼仪文本的变化联系起来。埃及是进行案例研究的理想地区,因为该地区保存了许多早期基督教聚会场所和圣餐仪式文本。本文将验证 "更大的空间需要更长的礼仪祈祷文 "这一理论,并说明基督教会众、聚会场所和祈祷文的扩展是仪式内卷化这一更广泛过程的一部分,我们希望在他们仪式的其他方面也能发现这一点。
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引用次数: 0
Disability, Medicine, and Healing Discourse in Early Christianity: New Conversations for Health Humanities ed. by Susan R. Holman (review) 早期基督教中的残疾、医学和治疗话语:苏珊-R.-霍尔曼编著的《健康人文新对话》(评论)
IF 0.2 3区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-09-10 DOI: 10.1353/earl.2024.a936769
C. L. Buckner
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span><p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Disability, Medicine, and Healing Discourse in Early Christianity: New Conversations for Health Humanities</em> ed. by Susan R. Holman <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> C. L. Buckner </li> </ul> Susan R. Holman, Chris L. de Wet, Jonathan L. Zecher, editors<br/> <em>Disability, Medicine, and Healing Discourse in Early Christianity: New Conversations for Health Humanities</em><br/> Religion, Medicine, and Health in Late Antiquity 1<br/> New York: Routledge, 2024<br/> Pp. viii+186. $170.00. <p>To what extent can we understand early Christians as engaging in hazing culture? Is it possible for the lives of ancient ascetics to inform discourses concerning mental health? How does water access impact public health and the transformation of communities in antiquity and beyond? This volume of ten essays seeks to answer these questions and many more. Each contribution examines healing, medical, and health discourses from the second through the sixth centuries <small>c.e.</small>, except for the tenth installment in which Brenda Llewellyn Ihssen responds to the entries authored by Susan Holman, Helen Rhee, and Chris de Wet. Drawing on a variety of postmodern theories and scholarship, the contributions seek to challenge contemporary approaches to reading late antique literature and to carve out a place for engaging modernity in conversations about the ancient world.</p> <p>From the beginning, Anne Rebecca Solevåg reminds readers of the fraught nature of medical metaphor: “We should not assume a neat division between the domains of religion and metaphorical language, where medicine related to the literal body, while religion borrowed medical concepts to speak metaphorically about the health of the soul. Rather, both domains were concerned with the health of the body <em>and</em> soul” (14). Indeed, the multiple ancient medical discourses appearing throughout the volume exemplify how ancient exegetical authors, heresiologists, theologians, and hagiographers sought to treat the individual body, the social body, and the human soul simultaneously. This reality forces each contributor to imagine how medical conditions, procedures, or even the act of pathologizing the body or mind serve to circumscribe shame or virtue onto various bodies.</p> <p>The work asks some of its most critical questions when it undermines associations of modern medicine with assumed progress or development. For example, Elisa Groff’s contribution employs the WHO’s standard of reproductive and sexual health in her discussion of Aëtius of Amida’s medical writing. She notes that Aëtius seeks to disassociate infertility from moral worth, a noble if not futile undertaking in a world that closely tied women’s societal value to their ability to produce viable offspring. In doing so, she draws attention to the specificity of Aëtius’s terminology (69–70
以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要:评论者 早期基督教中的残疾、医学和治疗话语》:由 Susan R. Holman C. L. Buckner 编辑 Susan R. Holman, Chris L. de Wet, Jonathan L. Zecher 编辑 Disability, Medicine, and Healing Discourse in Early Christianity:健康人文科学的新对话:古代晚期的宗教、医学与健康 1 纽约:viii+186 页。$170.00.我们在多大程度上可以将早期基督徒理解为参与欺凌文化?古代苦行僧的生活是否有可能为有关心理健康的讨论提供信息?水的获取如何影响公共卫生和古代及以后社区的变革?本卷共收录十篇论文,旨在回答这些问题以及更多问题。除了布伦达-卢埃林-伊赫森(Brenda Llewellyn Ihssen)在第十篇中对苏珊-霍尔曼(Susan Holman)、海伦-瑞(Helen Rhee)和克里斯-德-韦特(Chris de Wet)撰写的文章进行了回应之外,每篇文章都探讨了公元前 2 世纪到公元前 6 世纪的治疗、医疗和健康论述。这些文章借鉴了各种后现代理论和学术成果,试图挑战当代阅读晚期古代文学的方法,并在有关古代世界的对话中为现代性开辟一席之地。安妮-丽贝卡-索莱瓦格从一开始就提醒读者注意医学隐喻的复杂性:"我们不应假定宗教领域和隐喻语言领域之间存在截然的划分,即医学与肉体相关,而宗教则借用医学概念来隐喻灵魂的健康。相反,这两个领域都关注身体和灵魂的健康"(14)。事实上,本卷中出现的多种古代医学论述体现了古代训诂学家、异端学家、神学家和传道书作者是如何寻求同时治疗个人身体、社会身体和人类灵魂的。这一现实迫使每位作者去想象医疗条件、程序,甚至将身体或心灵病理化的行为是如何将羞耻或美德限定在不同的身体上的。当作品破坏现代医学与假定的进步或发展的联系时,就提出了一些最具批判性的问题。例如,伊莉莎-格罗夫(Elisa Groff)在讨论阿米达的埃提乌斯(Aëtius of Amida)的医学著作时,采用了世界卫生组织的生殖健康和性健康标准。她指出,Aëtius 试图将不孕症与道德价值割裂开来,在一个将妇女的社会价值与她们生育后代的能力紧密联系在一起的世界里,这是一项崇高的事业,如果不是徒劳的话。在此过程中,她提请人们注意埃提乌斯术语的特殊性(69-70),同时承认古代和当今妇女的生殖健康和性健康充满了不确定性。乔纳森-泽彻(Jonathan Zecher)对特拉勒斯的亚历山大的医学方法的分析也得出了类似的结论。泽彻指出,这位医生坚持认为 "自然疗法 "的本质是神奇的--吟诵、护身符、仪式等,也包括植物或饮食改变--与标准的医疗实践一样有效(84-94)。泽彻最终质疑了 "基督教 "医生的含义、现代人对亚历山大作品中某些元素的蔑视,以及将古代叙事医学翻译到我们这个时代的做法。正如他所指出的,"......我们在紧张中阅读亚历山大(和其他古代医学家)。我们不能否定他们,不能将他们奉为偶像,而是要在与我们自己的承诺和关切的紧张关系中阅读他们"(94)。这部著作最有趣的地方之一或许在于它的组织结构。这些章节分为三个部分,分别题为 "标记身体,创造社区"(第一部分)、"定义患者,划定社区"(第二部分)和 "表现健康,维护社区"(第三部分),迫使读者解决复杂且经常相互冲突的医学话语与个人健康和福祉的关系,以及个人的健康状况与其所属社区的关系。克里斯-德-韦特(Chris de Wet)的文章是这些问题的缩影。正如他所指出的,早期基督教医学对身体和灵魂的 "全面化傲慢 "反映了对社会身体的类似论述,因此个人主体和更大的社会身体被映射和排序(105-6)。无论我们如何看待古代的医学,它都是一种......
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引用次数: 0
Sancti Viri, Ut Audio: Theologies, Rhetorics, and Receptions of the Pelagian Controversy Reappraised by Anthony Dupont et al. (review) Sancti Viri, Ut Audio:神学、修辞学和对伯拉纠之争的再认识》,安东尼-杜邦等著(评论)
IF 0.2 3区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-09-10 DOI: 10.1353/earl.2024.a936763
Thomas P. Scheck
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span><p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Sancti Viri, Ut Audio: Theologies, Rhetorics, and Receptions of the Pelagian Controversy Reappraised</em> by Anthony Dupont et al. <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Thomas P. Scheck </li> </ul> Anthony Dupont, R. Villegas Marín, G. Malavasi, M. Cosimo Chiriatti, editors<br/> <em><span>Sancti Viri, Ut Audio:</span> Theologies, Rhetorics, and Receptions of the Pelagian Controversy Reappraised</em><br/> Leuven: Peeters, 2023<br/> Pp. 385. €78.00. <p>In 1989 Matthijs Lamberigts argued that the Pelagian controversy should not be assessed on the basis of an either-or attitude and that the possible rehabilitation of Pelagius or Julian cannot be linked to a repudiation or rejection of Augustine’s positions. Such an attitude would only result in a mirror image of former approaches to the matter and would not truly advance the scientific research into this dispute.</p> <p>It appears to me that the contributors to the volume under review have by and large adhered to this plea for balance, moderation, and respect. The title of this book recalls Augustine’s words about Pelagius in <em>De peccatorum meritis et remissione</em> 3.1.1: “a holy man, I hear.” The essays are all in English and reappraise the antique “Pelagian” controversy with its now recognized myriads of theologies, rhetorics, and receptions.</p> <p>The opening piece is by Otto Wermelinger himself, whose 1975 work, <em>Rom und Pelagius</em>, has long been a standard work. It outlines the current state of research as of 2022. Anthony Dupont engages Augustine’s appeal to Ambrose for support for his doctrine of original sin. He concludes that the Ambrosian <strong>[End Page 473]</strong> and Augustinian understandings of original sin are to be distinguished. Jonathon Yates examines the prominent use of Matt 6.12–13 in Augustine’s epistolary polemics against Pelagius (<em>Epp</em>. 175–79) following his acquittal at the Synod of Diospolis in December 415. Joshua Evans studies the rival conceptions of the flesh of Christ in the polemics between Augustine and Julian. Based primarily on texts in Cicero, Evans clarifies Julian’s concept of the <em>ignis vitalis</em>, “fire of life,” which is the foundation of Julian’s claim that Christ, as a real human being, had concupiscence and of his charge against Augustine that a human being without concupiscence (Augustine’s Christ) is either a contradiction in terms or a corpse. The converse side of the argument (Augustine’s) is also treated in detail based on material from <em>De Trinitate</em>. and <em>Contra Iulianum</em>. The bishop of Hippo’s view, according to Evans, is that Christ’s flesh did not in any way resist the spirit so that the spirit had to subdue it.</p> <p>Mathijs Lamberigts traces an outline of Julian’s life and career and then treats the theme of God’s grace and mercy in Julian of Eclanum. He con
以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要:评论者: Sancti Viri, Ut Audio:Thomas P. Scheck Anthony Dupont、R. Villegas Marín、G. Malavasi、M. Cosimo Chiriatti 编辑的《Sancti Viri, Ut Audio: Theologies, Rhetorics, and Receptions of the Pelagian Controversy Reappraised》:神学、修辞学和对伯拉纠之争的再认识 鲁汶:Peeters, 2023 Pp.385. €78.00.1989 年,马蒂亚斯-兰伯里格斯(Matthijs Lamberigts)认为,不应以非此即彼的态度来评估佩拉纠之争,不能将佩拉纠或朱利安的平反与否定或拒绝奥古斯丁的立场联系起来。这种态度只会导致对这一问题的照搬,而不会真正推动对这一争议的科学研究。在我看来,这本书评的撰稿人基本上都坚持了这种平衡、节制和尊重的要求。本书的标题让人想起奥古斯丁在 De peccatorum meritis et remissione 3.1.1 中关于佩拉纠的话:"一个圣人,我听到了"。这些文章全部用英语撰写,重新评价了古代 "佩拉纠 "之争,以及现在公认的无数神学、修辞学和接受学。开篇文章由奥托-韦尔梅林格(Otto Wermelinger)本人撰写,他在 1975 年出版的作品《罗马与伯拉纠》(Rom und Pelagius)早已成为标准著作。该书概述了截至 2022 年的研究现状。安东尼-杜邦探讨了奥古斯丁为支持其原罪学说而向安布罗斯发出的呼吁。他的结论是,安布罗斯 [第 473 页末] 和奥古斯丁对原罪的理解是有区别的。乔纳森-耶茨研究了马太福音 6.12-13 在奥古斯丁反对佩拉纠(Pelagius)的书信体论战(Epp. 175-79)中的突出使用,佩拉纠在 415 年 12 月的 Diospolis 会议上被判无罪。约书亚-埃文斯(Joshua Evans)研究了奥古斯丁与朱利安论战中关于基督肉身的对立概念。埃文斯主要以西塞罗的文本为基础,阐明了朱利安的 ignis vitalis("生命之火")概念,这是朱利安声称基督作为一个真正的人具有淫欲的基础,也是他指控奥古斯丁没有淫欲的人(奥古斯丁的基督)不是自相矛盾就是一具尸体的基础。根据 De Trinitate 和 Contra Iulianum 中的材料,还详细论述了论据的反面(奥古斯丁的论据)。埃文斯认为,希波主教的观点是,基督的肉体并没有以任何方式抗拒精神,因此精神必须征服肉体。马蒂亚斯-兰贝里格茨(Mathijs Lamberigts)概述了朱利安的生平和职业生涯,然后论述了埃克拉努姆的朱利安身上上帝的恩典和仁慈这一主题。他的结论是,朱利安不像奥古斯丁那样接受消灭自由意志存在的恩典观点。朱利安笔下的上帝是一位有关系的上帝:他邀请但不强迫;他尊重人类的自由,同时又赐予人类许多恩典。安德鲁-C.-克里斯蒂斯特(Andrew C. Chronister)研究了奥古斯丁对伯拉纠(Pelagius)和凯列斯提乌斯(Caelestius)恩典观的描述。他的目的之一是 "略微 "反驳阿里-邦纳在其2018年出版的新书《伯拉纠主义的神话》(The Myth of Pelagianism)中的说法,即是奥古斯丁,而不是伯拉纠,努力建立一种新的正统观念。拉法尔-托兹科(Rafal Toczko)研究了罗马(西塞罗)谩骂在反伯拉纠论战中的使用(主要是奥古斯丁、杰罗姆、奥罗修斯和马里乌斯-墨卡托的论战)。他将其归纳为以下几个方面:出身、外貌、超群、奸诈、怯懦和口才不佳。托兹科指出,谩骂这种体裁及其基本特征在希腊和罗马世界非常普遍,基督教团体也在那里形成;因此,它被认为是一种强大而合法的手段,基督教作家一直沿用。胡安娜-托雷斯(Juana Torres)的研究重点是杰罗姆(Jerome)的 Liber adversus Pelagianos,她提出了这是对话还是争论的问题。玛丽亚-帕诺的文章对霍诺留皇帝写给迦太基的奥勒留的信(419 年)进行了批判性研究,其历史背景是霍诺留与狄奥多西二世于 418 年 4 月 30 日颁布了一项法律,谴责佩拉纠学说,并下令将凯勒斯提乌斯和佩拉纠驱逐出罗马......
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引用次数: 0
Μετοχῇ Θεότητος: Partakers of Divinity in Origen's Contra Celsum ΜετοχῇΘεότητος:奥利《与塞尔苏姆书》中的神性参与者
IF 0.2 3区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-09-10 DOI: 10.1353/earl.2024.a936757
Beniamin Zakhary

Abstract:

Origen employs the words μετοχῇ θεότητος in Contra Celsum 3.37, which could be translated as “participating in divine nature.” There are two academic perspectives on this phrase. One sees this phrase to be a deification reference to 2 Peter 1.4, and Origen is said to be the first author to use the verse’s wording to refer to followers of Christ as “partakers of the divine nature.” The other view considers this phrase a simple comment on the divine realm, reflecting the understanding of Origen regarding the divinity of angels. The paper at hand provides clarification for the phrase μετοχῇ θεότητος, positioning it in Origen’s overall understanding of deification, and challenging the two scholarly stances on this phrase. First, this paper shows that Contra Celsum 3.37 does not intend to reference 2 Peter 1.4, but likely signals completely different biblical references. Second, the paper examines the language and context of Origen’s statement to show that this phrase is not only a comment on the divinity of angels, but also reflects Origen’s thoughts on human deification. In doing so, this paper analyzes Origen’s terminology and his philosophical approach towards human theosis in order to propose an answer to the questions of who is deified, who is not deified, and what it means to share in divinity. Overall, it becomes clear that in addition to commenting on angels, the phrase μετοχῇ θεότητος summarizes Origen’s understanding of human deification, even if not as a reference to 2 Peter 1.4. It reflects a human-angel continuum and posits a direct human participation in God.

摘要:奥利在 Contra Celsum 3.37 中使用了 μετοχῇ θεότητος 一词,可译为 "参与神性"。关于这个短语,学术界有两种观点。一种观点认为这个短语是对《彼得后书》1.4的神化引用,据说奥利是第一个使用这节经文的措辞将基督的追随者称为 "神性的参与者 "的作者。另一种观点认为这句话只是对神圣领域的简单评论,反映了奥利对天使神性的理解。本文将对μετοχῇ θεότητος这一短语进行澄清,将其置于奥利对神化的整体理解中,并对这一短语的两种学术立场提出质疑。首先,本文表明 Contra Celsum 3.37 并非意在引用彼得后书 1.4,而很可能是完全不同的圣经引用。其次,本文研究了奥利陈述的语言和上下文,以说明这一短语不仅是对天使神性的评论,也反映了奥利对人类神化的思考。在此过程中,本文分析了奥利的术语和他对人的神化的哲学方法,以提出对谁被神化、谁没有被神化以及分享神性意味着什么等问题的答案。总之,除了对天使的评论外,μετοχῇ θεότητος一词显然概括了奥利对人的神化的理解,即使不是指彼得后书 1.4。它反映了人类与天使的连续性,并假定了人类对上帝的直接参与。
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引用次数: 0
Sex and Sanctity in the Apocryphal Acts of Andrew: A Christian Bedtrick and Its Biblical Bedrock 安德鲁使徒行传》中的性与圣洁:基督教骗术及其圣经基础
IF 0.2 3区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-03-28 DOI: 10.1353/earl.2024.a923168
Fotini Hadjittofi, Hagith Sivan

Abstract:

In the apocryphal Acts of Andrew, a familiar double plot of sex and mistaken identity features Maximilla, a recently converted wife, tricking her pagan husband, Aegeates, into bedding her masked maid in order to retain the purity of her own bed. In resorting to this stratagem of sexual deception, the heroine of this tale behaves in a manner that contemporary Christians would (and did) find scandalous and unacceptable. This article investigates how this unique, sanctified bedtrick mobilizes different traditions (both Greco-Roman and biblical), subverts the predominant model of the Christian wife, and constructs a peculiar, alternative ideal. The Christian bedtrick evokes mythical and novelistic patterns but presents its instigator as paradoxically chaste—the opposite of her depraved analogues in myth and novel. The text also evokes biblical bedtricks, but only to challenge the emphasis on survival through procreation at all cost that underpins most of the bedtricks in Genesis. The article argues, finally, that the bridal switch between Rachel and Leah in Genesis 29 provides the closest biblical parallel for Maximilla's strategy. The striking apocryphal bedtrick also bears intriguing similarities to two texts that clearly hark back to the bridal switch of Genesis 29: an ancient Jewish "novel" (Josephus, Jewish Antiquities 12.154–236) and an exegetical vignette from rabbinic midrash (Lamentations Rabbah proem 24) that employ "holy" bedtricks in the interests of individual or collective salvation.

摘要:在启示录《安德鲁行传》中,有一个我们熟悉的关于性和认错人的双重情节:新近皈依的妻子马克西米拉(Maximilla)为了保持自己床上的纯洁,欺骗她的异教徒丈夫埃吉阿特斯(Aegeates)与她的蒙面女仆上床。故事中的女主人公采用了这种性欺骗的策略,其行为方式被当代基督徒认为是丑闻和不可接受的。本文研究了这一独特的、神圣的床上技巧如何调动不同的传统(包括希腊罗马和圣经),颠覆基督教妻子的主流模式,并构建了一个奇特的、另类的理想。基督教床戏唤起了神话和小说中的模式,但却以矛盾的贞洁形象出现--与神话和小说中堕落的类似人物截然相反。该文本也唤起了《圣经》中的 "床戏",但只是为了挑战《创世纪》中大多数 "床戏 "所强调的不惜一切代价通过生育生存的理念。最后,文章认为,《创世纪》第 29 章中拉结与利亚的婚约转换为马克西米拉的策略提供了最接近的圣经平行线。这篇引人注目的启示录中的床戏还与两篇明显与《创世纪》第 29 章中的新娘调换相似的文章有着耐人寻味的相似之处:一篇古犹太 "小说"(约瑟夫,《犹太古迹》12.154-236)和一篇来自拉比米德拉士的训诂小品(《拉巴哀歌》序言 24),这两篇文章都采用了 "神圣 "的床戏,以达到拯救个人或集体的目的。
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引用次数: 0
Resetting the Origins of Christianity: A New Theory of Sources and Beginnings by Markus Vinzent (review) 重置基督教的起源:马库斯-文森特(Markus Vinzent)所著的《起源与开端新论》(评论
IF 0.2 3区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-03-28 DOI: 10.1353/earl.2024.a923178
Michael Hollerich
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span><p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Resetting the Origins of Christianity: A New Theory of Sources and Beginnings</em> by Markus Vinzent <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Michael Hollerich </li> </ul> Markus Vinzent<br/> <em>Resetting the Origins of Christianity: A New Theory of Sources and Beginnings</em><br/> Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2023<br/> Pp. xvi + 401. $39.99. <p>Markus Vinzent's new book applies the "retrospective" historical method that he has been developing ever since his controversial <em>Christ's Resurrection in Early Christianity and the Making of the New Testament</em> (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2011) to examine what we think we know about how Christianity began. Those unfamiliar with his project should begin with the Epilogue, "Outlook: How Were Things Actually?" (325–33) and the Appendix on "Chronological and Anachronological Historiography" (334–54), in which three timelines illustrate the stifling conventionality still exerted by the historical writing of Eusebius of Caesarea.</p> <p>We will never in fact know how Christianity began for two main reasons. First, we are unconsciously conditioned by centuries of previous historical writing. The book demonstrates this retrospectively by digging through layers of such sources, starting from the sixth century and culminating in a long chapter on the several collections of the letters of Ignatius of Antioch and of St. Paul. Second, we do not have self-identified "Christian" documentation until the 140s, after the Bar Kochba war. Here Vinzent unapologetically repeats his fundamental thesis from earlier books: that the canonical Gospels and the New Testament itself by that name owe their existence to the creative genius of Marcion of Sinope, who wrote the first gospel by putting oral traditions about Jesus of Nazareth into a geographical and biographical form. We cannot go back before Marcion. The new book builds on his earlier hypotheses, "even though they are not (yet) shared by the vast majority of my colleagues" (xiv).</p> <p>Our time travel thus ends in a "black box of ignorance" (337). Vinzent holds a radical view of the common opinion that Christianity by that name did not exist as a religion that thought and acted separately from Jewish practice until the mid-second century. Our ignorance means that a "dogmatically closed beginning" (333) is literally unthinkable, an aporia that happily discredits divisive and absolutist religious ideologies.</p> <p>I can speak most usefully on Vinzent's treatment of Eusebius in Chapter Two. Because Eusebius's <em>Ecclesiastical History</em> and, to a lesser degree, his <em>Chronicle</em> became the "quasi 'official' history" (116), Vinzent asks how differently we would regard the beginnings of Christianity if we could set aside the views that we inherit from Eusebius's configuration of the story. Eusebius's seductive p
以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要:评论者 重置基督教的起源:Markus Vinzent 著,Michael Hollerich 译 Markus Vinzent 重新设定基督教的起源:关于起源和开端的新理论》,剑桥:剑桥大学出版社,2023 年,第 xvi + 401 页。$39.99.马库斯-文森特的这本新书运用了 "回溯 "历史的方法,这是他自其颇具争议的《早期基督教与新约的形成》(Early Christianity and the Making of the New Testament,Burlington, VT:Ashgate,2011 年)中的基督复活一书以来一直在发展的方法,以审视我们认为我们所知道的基督教是如何起源的。那些对他的项目不熟悉的人应该从后记 "展望:325-33)和附录 "编年史和不合时宜的历史学"(334-54),其中三条时间线说明了凯撒利亚尤西比乌斯的历史写作仍在发挥着令人窒息的传统性。事实上,我们永远不会知道基督教是如何起源的,这主要有两个原因。首先,我们在不知不觉中受到了之前几个世纪历史写作的影响。本书从六世纪开始,通过层层挖掘这些资料,最后用很长的篇幅论述了安提阿伊格内修斯和圣保罗的几本书信集,从而回溯性地证明了这一点。其次,直到巴可奇巴战争之后的 140 年代,我们才有了自我认同的 "基督教 "文献。在这里,文森特毫无保留地重复了他之前著作中的基本论点:正典《福音书》和《新约全书》本身的存在要归功于西诺普的马尔基翁的天才创造力,他将有关拿撒勒人耶稣的口头传说以地理和传记的形式写成了第一部福音书。我们无法回到马尔基翁之前。新书以他之前的假设为基础,"尽管我的绝大多数同事都不同意这些假设"(xiv)。我们的时间旅行就这样在 "无知的黑箱 "中结束了(337)。文森特对普遍的观点持激进的看法,他认为基督教这个名称在二世纪中叶之前并不存在,它是一种在思想和行为上与犹太教习俗相分离的宗教。我们的无知意味着,"教条式的封闭开端"(333)是不可想象的,而这一缺憾恰恰使分裂和绝对化的宗教意识形态丧失了信誉。关于文森特在第二章中对尤西比乌斯的处理,我可以说是最有用的。由于尤西比乌斯的《教会史》(Ecclesiastical History)以及在较小程度上他的《编年史》(Chronicle)成为了 "准'官方'历史"(116),文森特问道,如果我们能够撇开从尤西比乌斯的故事配置中继承的观点,我们对基督教起源的看法会有多大不同。尤西比乌斯的诱惑力来自于大量的文献资料,这些文献资料掩盖了其中的 "循环思维"(114)。尤西比乌斯作为 "木偶师",通过选择 "几乎完全正统的教会(因此也是可信的)资料来源来向他假定的正统读者解释正统教会的出现"(115),为他的舞台做了铺垫。现在看来,尤西比乌斯确实对他的资料来源进行了精心策划。但现代学术无情地揭露了他的偏袒。它早就失去了调节能力。值得注意的是文森特的惊人论断,即尤西比乌斯在历史时间轴上介绍文本的时刻,也可能是这些文本实际 [第 147 页完] 出现的时刻。这是一种沉默论证,他过去曾因此受到批评。给他留下深刻印象的是,在《教会史》第 1 卷中,尤西比乌斯避免引用《新约圣经》中原本合适的文本,尤其是《福音书》,而是依靠约瑟夫和关于埃德萨国王阿布加改教的叙利亚文资料。同样,在第 2 册中,尤西比乌斯再次偏爱约瑟夫,以及斐洛和非正典基督教作家,如朱利叶斯-阿非利加努斯(Julius Africanus)和亚历山大的克莱门特(Clement of Alexandria)。正因如此,他认为 "我们可以推断出尤西比乌斯仍然知道福音书是在 2 世纪中期而非 1 世纪创作的"(94),这一结论似乎是凭空得出的。尤西比乌斯对正典的缄默反映了正典的神圣性和基督生命的神圣性,而非其边缘性,这一论点更为可信。还有人提出(历史学家戴维-德沃尔),在使徒时期,创始人的集体身份才是最重要的......
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引用次数: 0
The Reign of Constantius II by Nicholas Baker-Brian (review) 君士坦丁二世的统治》,作者:尼古拉斯-贝克-布莱恩(评论)
IF 0.2 3区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-03-28 DOI: 10.1353/earl.2024.a923176
Eric Fournier
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span><p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>The Reign of Constantius II</em> by Nicholas Baker-Brian <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Eric Fournier </li> </ul> Nicholas Baker-Brian<br/> <em>The Reign of Constantius II</em><br/> London: Routledge, 2023<br/> Pp. xxii + 414. $190.00 (Hardback) / $52.95 (e-book). <p>The Roman emperors Constantine I (r. 306–37 <small>c.e.</small>) and Julian (r. 360–61), respectively known as "the Great" and "the Apostate," have been among the most popular subjects of ancient history for centuries. Consequently, titles on these two rulers abound. By contrast, the rule of Constantine's sons has been comparatively neglected, overshadowed by the famous emperors who bookended their reigns. The work under review aims to address this imbalance by focusing on the central character of Constantius II (r. 337–60), including the early years of his rule that he shared with his two brothers, Constantine II (r. 337–40) and Constans (r. 337–50). It takes a traditional historical approach that focuses on political and military events as well as the prosopography of administrators in charge of the empire. As the preliminary page accurately discloses, "The over-arching aim is to investigate power in the post-Constantine period, and the way in which imperial and episcopal networks related to one another with the ambition of participating in the exercise of power."</p> <p>To do so, Baker-Brian uses an impressive array of sources, including numismatic and iconographic evidence (mostly from the coins themselves), in addition to the more traditional legal texts and historiographical narratives. One feature of his treatment of bishops and the abundant ecclesiastical wranglings that are a mainstay of contemporary (mostly pro-Nicene) accounts of Constantius II's reign is a willingness to give more credit to Philostorgius's (heterousian) perspective than previous scholarship. The result is a measured rehabilitation of sorts, which moves away from partisan accounts as much as possible and situates Constantius II (and his brothers) and the difficult decisions he had to make during his reign within their context, by reassessing sources such as panegyrics that have been relatively neglected by historians. Prior scholarship and historiography also have <strong>[End Page 143]</strong> prominent roles in this study, and Baker-Brian regularly engages with the most recent interpretations. Scholars interested in the topic would do well to consult the work under review in parallel with <em>The Sons of Constantine, AD 337–361: In the Shadows of Constantine and Julian</em>, which the author co-edited with Shaun Tougher (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2020), and which provides many of the original interpretations discussed in the work under review.</p> <p>In addition to the Introduction and Afterword, the book is divided into seven chapters, the first two
以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要:评论者 康斯坦提乌斯二世的统治》 作者:尼古拉斯-贝克-布赖恩 Eric Fournier Nicholas Baker-Brian 《康斯坦提乌斯二世的统治》 伦敦:Routledge, 2023 Pp.190.00美元(精装本)/52.95美元(电子书)。罗马皇帝君士坦丁一世(Constantine I,公元前 306-37 年)和朱利安(Julian,公元 360-61 年)分别被称为 "大帝 "和 "使徒",几个世纪以来一直是古代历史中最受欢迎的主题之一。因此,关于这两位统治者的头衔比比皆是。相比之下,君士坦丁的儿子们的统治却相对被忽视,被他们统治期间的著名皇帝所掩盖。正在审查的这部作品旨在通过关注康斯坦丘斯二世(Constantius II,337-60 年)的核心人物,包括他与两个兄弟君士坦丁二世(Constantine II,337-40 年)和康斯坦斯(Constans,337-50 年)共同统治的早期岁月,来解决这种不平衡现象。该书采用了传统的历史方法,侧重于政治和军事事件以及负责帝国管理的行政官员的传记。正如书首页准确披露的那样,"本书的首要目的是研究后君士坦丁时期的权力,以及帝国和主教网络如何相互联系,以参与行使权力的野心"。为此,贝克-布赖恩使用了一系列令人印象深刻的资料,包括钱币和图像证据(主要来自钱币本身),以及更传统的法律文本和史学叙述。他对主教和大量教会争论的处理有一个特点,那就是愿意比以往的学术研究更多地从菲罗斯托吉乌斯(异教徒)的角度来看待康斯坦提乌斯二世统治时期,而这些争论是当代(大多是亲尼西亚派)描述康斯坦提乌斯二世统治时期的主流。其结果是对康斯坦丘斯二世(和他的兄弟们)进行了某种有节制的恢复,通过重新评估历史学家们相对忽视的泛诗等资料,尽可能摆脱党派的描述,将康斯坦丘斯二世(和他的兄弟们)以及他在位期间不得不做出的艰难决定置于其背景之下。先前的学术研究和历史学在本研究中也发挥了 [第 143 页完] 重要作用,贝克-布赖恩经常参与最新的诠释。对这一主题感兴趣的学者最好同时参阅《君士坦丁之子,公元 337-361:君士坦丁与朱利安的阴影》(The Sons of Constantine, AD 337-361: In the Shadows of Constantine and Julian),该书由作者与肖恩-托格(Shaun Tougher)共同主编(伦敦:帕尔格雷夫-麦克米伦出版社,2020 年),其中提供了许多本文所讨论的原创性解释。除导言和后记外,全书共分为七章,其中前两章主要是对资料来源的方法论讨论。第一章侧重于同时代人对康斯坦丘斯二世的直观感受,主要是通过钱币,而第二章则讨论了传统的文学资料。这些讨论很有见地,学生和学者都会从中受益,但主要是对相关文本和材料有一定了解的高年级学生。本书其余的第三章至第七章按时间顺序展开,分别讨论了君士坦丁死后的情况和三兄弟之间的权力划分、340 年君士坦丁二世死后的重新调整、君士坦丁被杀后与马格南提乌斯的内战、对波斯的战争以及君士坦丁向加勒斯凯撒和朱利安凯撒的授权。他与主教们的交往按照事件发生的顺序穿插在各个章节中。从这个意义上讲,本刊的读者可能会失望地发现,这本专著中没有专门一章讨论宗教和教会冲突这一主题。本书对四世纪一个相对被忽视的帝国人物进行了有价值的概述,学生和学者都会发现本书对与康斯坦丘斯二世统治相关的古代证据和最新解释进行了有益的讨论,只要读者不介意通篇采用的自上而下的观点以及对政治的关注。然而,对于这样一本价格不菲的书来说,Routledge 和编辑都应该受到指责,因为他们发布的这本书充斥着错别字、漏字(尤其是连接词)以及其他机械问题,而这些都是编辑......
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引用次数: 0
Unfinished Christians: Ritual Objects and Silent Subjects in Late Antiquity by Georgia Frank (review) 未完成的基督徒:乔治亚-弗兰克(Georgia Frank)所著的《古代晚期的仪式物品和沉默的主题》(评论
IF 0.2 3区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-03-28 DOI: 10.1353/earl.2024.a923177
Naomi Janowitz
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span><p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Unfinished Christians: Ritual Objects and Silent Subjects in Late Antiquity</em> by Georgia Frank <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Naomi Janowitz </li> </ul> Georgia Frank<br/> <em>Unfinished Christians: Ritual Objects and Silent Subjects in Late Antiquity</em><br/> Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2023<br/> Pp. 208. $59.95. <p>Georgia Frank's evocative volume reflects the popular turn to material objects in the study of religion. This new emphasis on artifacts reflects frustration with linguistic or discourse models that have gained traction in the past decades. Some objects have always played a role in the study of religion. What is new is an attempt not to regiment the meaning of objects apart from theology but instead to see if the objects have something distinct to say when they "talk" (Lorraine Daston, <em>Things That Talk: Object Lessons from Art and Science</em> [New York: Zone Books, 2008]). Two problems emerge in these studies. First is the question of what qualifies as an object. For the recent volume <em>Ritual Matters: Material Remains and Ancient Religion</em>, the category of objects includes monuments, organic and vegetable remains, crafted items, written documents, and figurines (Moser and Knust [Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2017], 4). In contrast, in her recent study, <em>The Lives of Objects: Material Culture, Experience, and the Real in the History of Early Christianity</em>, Maia Kotrosits adds "internal objects" following the psychoanalysts Donald Winnicott and Melanie Klein. Adding these mental constructs highlights the "hazy boundaries of subjects and objects, animate and inanimate" (Kotrosits [Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2020], 8). Second, if objects have representational meanings, that is, if they "stand for" something, what representational theories are necessary to locate these meanings?</p> <p>On the first point, Frank draws her boundaries about objects by looking to Stowers's "religion of everyday exchange" (Stanley Stowers, "Theorizing the Religion of Ancient Households and Families," in <em>Household and Family Religion in Antiquity</em>, ed. Bodel and Olyan [Oxford: Blackwell, 2008], 5–19) and, within that, emphasizing rituals. Chapter One outlines Frank's choice to focus on Christian worshipers since ordinary Christians left few autobiographical writings: what acts did worshipers engage in, and what objects did they interact with while they were doing them? Specifically, Frank draws on descriptions found in sermons, liturgical instruction books, and festal hymn books to evoke the physical world of Christian worship (fourth to sixth centuries). Anthropologists have long noted the "sensuous interface of ritual, where discourse is itself most obviously a palpable thing, publicly accessible to the senses simultaneously as it circula
以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要:评论者: 未完成的基督徒:乔治娅-弗兰克-纳奥米-贾诺维茨(Georgia Frank Naomi Janowitz)著,《未完成的基督徒:古代晚期的仪式物品和无声主题》(Unfinished Christians:Ritual Objects and Silent Subjects in Late Antiquity Philadelphia:费城:宾夕法尼亚大学出版社,2023 年,第 208 页。$59.95.乔治娅-弗兰克(Georgia Frank)的这本令人回味的著作反映了宗教研究中对物质对象的流行转向。这种对人工制品的新强调反映了人们对过去几十年中流行的语言或话语模式的不满。一些物品在宗教研究中一直扮演着重要角色。新的尝试并不是要脱离神学来规范器物的意义,而是要看看这些器物在 "说话 "时是否有独特的意义(Lorraine Daston, Things That Talk:纽约:Zone Books, 2008])。这些研究中出现了两个问题。首先是 "物体 "的定义问题。最近出版的《仪式的重要性:物质遗存与古代宗教》(Ritual Matters:物质遗存与古代宗教》一书中,物品的类别包括纪念碑、有机物和植物遗存、工艺品、书面文件和雕像(Moser and Knust [Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2017], 4)。相反,在她最近的研究《物品的生命》(The Lives of Objects:早期基督教史中的物质文化、经验与真实》一书中,Maia Kotrosits 继精神分析学家唐纳德-温尼科特(Donald Winnicott)和梅兰妮-克莱因(Melanie Klein)之后,又增加了 "内部对象"。加入这些心理建构凸显了 "主体与客体、有生命与无生命的模糊界限"(Kotrosits [Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2020], 8)。其次,如果对象具有表征意义,也就是说,如果它们 "代表 "某种东西,那么需要什么样的表征理论来定位这些意义呢?关于第一点,弗兰克通过研究斯托沃斯的 "日常交换宗教"(Stanley Stowers, "Theorizing the Religion of Ancient Households and Families," in Household and Family Religion in Antiquity, ed. Bodel and Olyan [Oxford: Blackwell, 2008], 5-19),并在此基础上强调仪式,从而划定了她对物品的界限。第一章概述了弗兰克选择关注基督教崇拜者的原因,因为普通基督徒很少留下自传性著作:崇拜者从事了哪些行为,他们在从事这些行为时与哪些物品互动?具体而言,弗兰克从布道、礼仪指导书和节日赞美诗集中的描述出发,唤起人们对基督教崇拜(四世纪至六世纪)物质世界的回忆。人类学家早就注意到了 "仪式的感官界面,在仪式中,话语本身就是最明显的可触之物,当它在感官氛围中流通时,感官可以同时公开获取"(格雷格-乌尔班,《形而上学社区》:奥斯汀:德克萨斯大学出版社,1996 年],xiv)。弗兰克避免了强调被动性的教友概念,转向手工制作和身临其境的故事讲述,在那里,基督徒找到了与神圣时间和空间的新关系,并塑造了他们作为基督徒的身份。在第二章中,她研究了在洗礼堂的体验,这是一个身体实践和物质互动的场所。洗礼堂是一种工作坊,这里指的是把人培养成基督徒的工作坊。参与者本身就熟悉作为其日常生活一部分的工作坊。约翰-金口认为,这个 [第 145 页完] 类比有助于帮助基督徒解释他们站着、坐着、听着和背诵时的经历。洗礼成为一个具有特定工具和目标的过程,基督徒们明白需要一位工匠专家作为指导。弗兰克认为,工艺语言的特殊价值在于关注渐进的变化,以及需要 "加工 "被转化的材料(34)。慕道者可以将自己视为物品和制造者(39)。第三章讨论游行和便携式物品。这些游行具有高度的参与性。游行是抗议、庆祝和社会变革的工具,在城市和乡村都有发生,通过携带十字架、圣书、蜡烛和圣物容器来塑造基督徒的身份(54)。人们还携带更多不同寻常的物品,如《佩拉吉亚的一生》中描述的女苦行者。游行队伍在沿途创造神圣空间的同时,也颁布了日历。第四章将讨论节日礼仪以及布道,布道在诵读主要历史事件的过程中,叙述并激发听众的复杂情感。例如,尼萨的格列高里在耶稣诞生的讲道中唤起了......
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引用次数: 0
Education in Late Antiquity: Challenges, Dynamism and Reinterpretation, 300–550 CE by Jan R. Stenger (review) 古代晚期的教育:挑战、活力与重新诠释,公元 300-550 年》,Jan R. Stenger 著(评论)
IF 0.2 3区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-03-28 DOI: 10.1353/earl.2024.a923174
Lillian I. Larsen
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span><p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Education in Late Antiquity: Challenges, Dynamism and Reinterpretation, 300–550 CE</em> by Jan R. Stenger <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Lillian I. Larsen </li> </ul> Jan R. Stenger<br/> <em>Education in Late Antiquity: Challenges, Dynamism and Reinterpretation, 300–550 CE</em><br/> Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2022<br/> Pp. ix + 325. £81.00 <p>Through looking at "how people of the late antique Mediterranean were thinking and discussing questions of upbringing, formal education, and self-formation" (2), Jan Stenger's <em>Education in Late Antiquity: Challenges, Dynamism and Reinterpretation, 300–550 CE</em> aims to show that one is "missing out on a crucial dimension of education" if one "neglect[s] the theorization made by [late antique] thinkers" (2). By documenting the degree to which education surfaces as a "pervasive topic in literature, thought, and society" (3), Stenger seeks to correct a long-held "prejudice that this period was anything but original" (5). Just as importantly, Stenger demonstrates that "paideia was a central issue of the time," both in the "secular realm" and "within the church" (3). "While not denying the strong and palpable continuities in schooling across the epochal watershed of <em>c.</em> 300 CE" (6), Stenger premises that by shifting "the focus from practice" to "analysis of theorization," it is possible to "re-evaluate the relationship between education and society" (7). As he harnesses more than two centuries of late ancient debate, Stenger redefines late antiquity as a period that was "by no means suffering from wholesale decline but . . . rather marked by "dramatic upheavals and symptoms of transition" (7).</p> <p>Juxtaposing Greco-Roman theorists with emergent Christian voices, the volume is structurally organized as a dialogue about pedagogy. Following a detailed introduction (1–16), discussion begins with exploration of late antiquity's primary "Educational Communities" (17–56), then turns to "The Emergence of Religious Education" in Chapter Two (57–98). In his third chapter, Stenger seeks to temper the notion of "ancient Schooling [as a] training ground for elite men" (99–106) by re-orienting the question to "What Men Could Learn from Women" (99–140). Chapter Four extends this discussion to "The Life of Paideia" (141–88) as narratively encapsulated in exemplary <em>Lives</em> and teachings. In the fifth chapter, Stenger situates emergent templates within a social and civic frame, addressing the implications of education aimed at "Moulding the Self and the World" (189–238).</p> <p>The volume's final chapter brings the conversation full circle. Having traced the social, religious, demographic, cultural, and civic exchanges that govern "The <strong>[End Page 139]</strong> Making of the Late Antique Mind" (239–84), Stenger presents the <em>Vivarium</em> of
以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要:评论者: 古代晚期的教育:扬-R-斯坦格尔(Jan R. Stenger)著,《公元前 300-550 年的挑战、活力与重新诠释》(Education in Late Antiquity: Challenges, Dynamism and Reinterpretation, 300-550 CE):挑战、活力与重新诠释,公元前 300-550 年》,牛津大学出版社,2022 年:牛津大学出版社,2022 年,第 ix 页 + 325 页。81.00 英镑 扬-斯坦格尔(Jan Stenger)的《古代晚期的教育:挑战、活力和重新诠释》(Education in Late Antiquity: Challenges, Dynism and Reinterpretation, 300-550 CE)一书通过研究 "古代晚期地中海地区的人们是如何思考和讨论成长、正规教育和自我塑造等问题的"(2):Jan Stenger 的《古代晚期的教育:挑战、活力与重新诠释,公元 300-550 年》旨在说明,如果 "忽视[古代晚期]思想家的理论研究",就会 "忽略教育的一个重要方面"(2)。通过记录教育作为 "文学、思想和社会中无处不在的话题"(3)的程度,Stenger 试图纠正长期以来 "认为这一时期毫无新意"(5)的偏见。同样重要的是,Stenger 证明了 "paideia 是当时的一个核心问题",无论是在 "世俗领域 "还是 "教会内部"(3)。"虽然不否认在公元前 300 年这一划时代的分水岭上,学校教育具有强烈而明显的连续性"(6),但斯坦格尔认为,通过将 "重点从实践 "转移到 "对理论化的分析",可以 "重新评估教育与社会之间的关系"(7)。斯坦格尔利用两个多世纪以来关于古代晚期的争论,将古代晚期重新定义为一个 "绝非全面衰落,而是......以'剧烈动荡和转型症状'为特征 "的时期(7)。本卷将希腊罗马理论家与新兴的基督教声音并列,在结构上组织成一场关于教育学的对话。在详细的引言(1-16)之后,讨论从探讨古代晚期的主要 "教育社区"(17-56)开始,然后在第二章(57-98)中转向 "宗教教育的兴起"。在第三章中,Stenger 试图缓和 "古代学校教育[作为]精英男性的训练场 "这一概念(99-106),将问题重新定位为 "男性能从女性身上学到什么"(99-140)。第四章将这一讨论延伸到 "Paideia 的生活"(141-88),并以典范的生活和教诲为叙事包涵。在第五章中,斯坦格尔将新出现的模板置于社会和公民框架内,探讨了旨在 "塑造自我和世界"(189-238)的教育的意义。本卷的最后一章将对话带入了一个完整的循环。在追溯了社会、宗教、人口、文化和公民交流对 "晚期古代思想的塑造"(239-84 页)的影响之后,Stenger 将卡西奥多鲁斯的 Vivarium 介绍为希腊罗马教育和基督教教育的创造性融合。通过回溯性的重新想象,人们在这里看到了古典教育学的复兴,它被排序为犹太教-基督教前身的衍生品。斯坦格尔在 "结论"(285-92)中回顾了本卷的总体评价,强调了古代晚期 "激烈的争论将教育领域变成了一个激烈竞争的领域",并因此成为 "相互竞争的意识形态的市场"(291)。斯坦格尔将自己的研究方法概括为对 "学术研究...... "的一种纠正。[倾向于分别处理异教、基督教、希腊和罗马的方法"。他认为,"对养育、教育和培养的反思 "形成了过渡时期、古代晚期对教育的理解,必须通过对话来研究这些反思(292)。在全书的六个章节中,斯坦格尔都表现出了对原始资料的熟稔。然而,他的分析同时也强调了在接触根深蒂固的解释学传统时,保持批判性视角所隐含的挑战。例如,在论述 "男人可以从女人那里学到什么"(第三章)时,斯坦格尔敏锐地反其道而行之,解读了对女性读写能力的描述。他注意到,"无论 "基督教女性 "多么好奇,多么有学问"--这些品质一再得到承认--她们却常常被男性传记作者 "限制","只能扮演一个好奇的学生,从(男性教师的)专业知识和权威中汲取营养"(135)。Stenger 注意到,在将女性人物描写为 "具有同等地位的圣经学者 "时,经常会遇到阻力,他观察到,自我委派的男性记者似乎 "急于强调他们的[同事]......需要......圣经"。需要......神学指导",并急于澄清他们是 "应女性学者的要求 "而被征召的(135;参见《耶利米书》23.1 等)。与此同时,斯滕格尔回避了......
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