Pub Date : 2023-08-25DOI: 10.1353/earl.2023.a904938
Stephen J. Shoemaker
“not the penalty but the intent.” Augustine’s views energize a larger notion of human experience after the fall that stresses life as continual temptation, countered only by cultivating the soulful interiority in which God’s word lives and animates Christian betterment. Living a martyrial life, rather than dying a martyr’s death, is the goal of cultivating this interior space. Even in those moments where death seems to be central to Augustine’s idea of martyrdom, Fruchtman demonstrates that Augustine consistently undercuts any death-centered ideology of martyrdom. Not the least of the virtues of this view of Augustine’s sense of martyrdom goes to the ways in which it accords with Augustine’s polemics against Manichaeans, pagans, Donatists, and Pelagians. Through a reading of Sermo 335K, Fruchtman offers a deep dive, so to speak, into the life of martyrdom that Augustine would seem to recommend, involving a committed, even relentless concentration on God and God’s purposes, on the glorification of God, and on the reading of scripture as a means of knowing God intimately, all in order to prepare for life in combat against the fallen world. Fruchtman’s analysis of the ways in which Augustine exploits rhetorical tools to confect his living martyr reveals him almost in a cinematic mode, but also exploiting repetition, aural/oral wordplay, parallelism, manipulation of dialogue, and apostrophe. Fruchtman is a powerful reader of the texts she studies because she brings to her work literary sensibilities, as well as a willingness to admit of those sensibilities on the part of the authors she studies. This means she is able convincingly to put art in the service of history. I think especially compelling in this regard is the way in which she takes seriously the function of pagan antecedents in Christian texts as signals that generate meaning with important cultural and spiritual implications. Literary scholars will especially find important the pages on “Prudentius the Poet” (26–28); “The Text As Witness” (70–74); “Rhetoric Rather Than Persecution” (141–48); “Making Martrys Through Rhetoric” (231–39); and the rich discussion of transforming observation into enactment through interpretation as part and parcel of the martyr’s existence (69–74). I should add that Fruchtman’s emphasis on enactment and interpretation is precisely what Prudentius intends for his hymns, and that the connections Fruchtman makes between reading and spirituality accord well with the readerly project Augustine would seem to articulate throughout the Confessions, but also in the Cassiciacum dialogues. This is a terrific book, whose riches I have only skimmed here. Joseph Pucci, Brown University
“不是处罚，而是意图。”奥古斯丁的观点激发了堕落后人类经历的一个更大的概念，强调生命是持续的诱惑，只有通过培养灵魂的内在才能对抗，上帝的话语活在其中，并激励基督徒的进步。过一种殉道者的生活，而不是殉道者的死亡，是培养这种内在空间的目标。即使在奥古斯丁的殉道思想中，死亡似乎是核心，Fruchtman证明奥古斯丁一直在削弱任何以死亡为中心的殉道思想。奥古斯丁殉道观的最重要的优点在于它与奥古斯丁反对摩尼教，异教徒，多纳图派和伯拉基派的论战相一致。通过对《讲道篇》335K的阅读，Fruchtman提供了一个深入的探索，可以说，进入了奥古斯丁似乎推荐的殉道生活，包括坚定的，甚至是无情的专注于上帝和上帝的目的，上帝的荣耀，以及阅读经文作为亲密认识上帝的一种方式，所有这些都是为了在与堕落世界的战斗中做好准备。弗鲁奇特曼分析了奥古斯丁如何利用修辞工具来塑造这位活着的殉道者，揭示了他几乎是以电影的方式，但也利用了重复、听觉/口头文字游戏、平行、对话操纵和撇号。Fruchtman是她研究的文本的有力读者，因为她将文学敏感性带入她的工作，并愿意承认她所研究的作者的这些敏感性。这意味着她能够令人信服地让艺术为历史服务。我认为在这方面特别引人注目的是她认真对待基督教文本中异教祖先的作用，作为产生意义的信号，具有重要的文化和精神含义。文学学者会发现《诗人普鲁登修斯》(26-28页)的内容尤其重要;《文本作为见证》(The Text As Witness, 70-74);“修辞胜过迫害”(141-48);《用修辞作殉道者》(231-39);以及丰富的讨论，将观察转化为通过解释作为烈士存在的一部分的制定(69-74)。我要补充一点，弗鲁希特曼对制定和解释的强调正是普律修斯对他的赞美诗的意图，而且弗鲁希特曼在阅读和灵性之间建立的联系与奥古斯丁在《忏忏录》以及《卡西西库姆》对话中所表达的读者计划非常吻合。这是一本了不起的书，其内容我在这里只是略读一下。约瑟夫·普奇，布朗大学
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Pub Date : 2023-08-25DOI: 10.1353/earl.2023.a904930
G. Halfond
Abstract:Usually dated among the earliest of Venantius Fortunatus's hagiographical works, the Vita s. Albini describes a dispute between Bishop Albinus of Angers and his episcopal colleagues at an ecclesiastical council. At the council, the saintly bishop was forced to lift an order of excommunication that he had placed upon an unnamed layperson guilty of incest. While modern scholars occasionally have attempted to identify this event with known Gallo-Frankish councils of the mid-sixth century, the information supplied by the Vita does not, in fact, support a secure identification, leaving open the possibility that the confrontation took place at an otherwise-unknown council ca. 536/7–42. Further complicating previous efforts to contextualize the dispute has been a general neglect of the narrative's compositional context. Writing in the aftermath of a case of royal incest that occurred in late 567 c.e., Fortunatus seems to have had this specific case in mind in composing his narrative, utilizing a conflict by then safely in the past as a literary device to address a current and controversial problem: the pressure exerted by secular elites to divert bishops from their corporate moral imperatives. The hagiographer cast Albinus himself in a role analogous to that of Bishop Germanus of Paris, who recently had risked martyrdom in excommunicating King Charibert I, following a failed conciliar effort to convince the king to end his uncanonical marriage. Fortunatus thus explored through Albinus's experiences the real difficulties facing bishops who were expected as a consequence of their membership in a common ordo to serve as spiritual counselors to the powerful.
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Pub Date : 2023-08-25DOI: 10.1353/earl.2023.a904931
Patricia Varona
Abstract:No one would deny that Eusebius of Caesarea's chronicle exerted an enormous influence on later Greek chronicle writing, but there is still much to be said about the concrete characteristics of this influence and its extent, which is difficult to assess due to the loss of many sources and the precarious state of preservation of others. This article examines several supputationes—a basic element of chronological writing that can be defined as chronological summaries in the form of lists of temporal intervals between relevant events—embedded in works of different historiographical or chronological genre or transmitted independently, composed in Greek between the fourth and tenth centuries. It analyses these chronological lists as evidence of the reception of Eusebius's chronicle in Byzantine chronological literature or in the chronological sources of Byzantine historiography, and, in particular, of its influence on the construction of the periodization of history. The result of this analysis shows considerable uniformity with regard to the elements (epochai and intervals) concerning the biblical period of history—between the creation and the incarnation—regardless of their origin or context, which points to a tradition that has as its basis the revision of Eusebius's chronicle.
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Pub Date : 2023-08-25DOI: 10.1353/earl.2023.a904935
T. Bruyn
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Pub Date : 2023-08-25DOI: 10.1353/earl.2023.a904927
R. Young
Abstract:This article examines the purpose and features of womens' writing in early Christianity. Among early Christian texts, only three can be attributed reliably to women authors, and all three are primarily efforts at biblical interpretation. In her section of The Passion of Perpetua and Felicity, Perpetua becomes an inspired prophet and interpreter. The Spanish traveler Egeria investigates the sites of biblical episodes and two later stories of apostolic travels in order to teach the women with whom she corresponds; and Proba composes a cento to cast and reinterpret the life of Christ in fourth-century Rome. Finally, a contemporaneous description of Melania the Elder as a teacher and exegete confirms that women in some parts of early Christianity had the ability to teach and interpret scripture; their work should be discussed along with that of contemporary male authors in early Christianity.
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Pub Date : 2023-08-25DOI: 10.1353/earl.2023.a904929
Christopher R. Mooney
Abstract:Despite the great esteem for forgiveness in the modern world, recent historical studies have cast doubt on the existence of the practice or even the concept of interpersonal forgiveness in the Greco-Roman world. Classical scholars have noted the prevalence of vengeance in the popular and literary imagination, the scarcity of apology, the subordination of clemency to political power, and the philosophical opposition to forgiveness. The Latin bishop Augustine of Hippo (354–430) surprisingly agreed with this assessment. Augustine, his contemporary Roman critics, and even his congregation understood the church as advocating—even discovering—a novel, difficult practice: unconditional forgiveness. Though Augustine offers no singular treatment of forgiveness, his letters and sermons bear witness to a clearly developed and articulated position: that forgiveness must be preveniently, unconditionally offered but is still necessarily oriented toward the just reform of the offender. Augustine particularly highlights the example of Christ's forgiveness and its union with prayer. Augustine interprets the scandal of unconditional forgiveness in reference to the even greater scandal of love of enemies, which seeks the true good of offenders in accord with justice, rather than satisfaction through a belittling vengeance. Thus, Augustine's view of forgiveness can be best grasped by distinguishing between the offer of forgiveness—forgiving—and the reception of forgiveness—being forgiven. Forgiving is unconditional, but being forgiven occurs through just reform. In this way, the complete arc of forgiveness incorporates both prevenient mercy and justice. In addition to illuminating the place of late antique Christianity in the history of forgiveness, this article shows that Augustine presents a robust account of unconditional forgiveness that is not a passive resignation but rather intrinsic to true justice.
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Pub Date : 2023-08-25DOI: 10.1353/earl.2023.a904937
Joseph Pucci
beliefs. Proctor sees these uses of the demonic as evidence of antiquity’s “dark ecologies,” a term Proctor draws from theorist Timothy Morton. Like other object-oriented ontologies, Morton’s dark ecologies use metaphors of enmeshment, entanglement, and interconnection, but Morton emphasizes ecosystems whose intimacies are threatening or harmful to the humans who inhabit them (8–9). Even so, Morton urges a radically different ethic with his dark ecologies: “Love the inhuman” (175). It is here where I was most tantalized by Proctor’s work yet ultimately unsatisfied. In Proctor’s early Christianities, demons and humans are antagonistic, even as they are mutually constituting. There are occasional moments of deeper ambivalence: Proctor frames demons as impaired in Chapter One and abject outsiders in Chapter Five. But I would have liked to see more. What would “loving the demonic” look like in early Christianity—or in early Christian studies? What unorthodox relations are revealed and fostered in lingering so long over the origins of the enemy, the vulnerabilities of the flesh, the intimate arts of disentanglement? Sarah F. Porter, Gonzaga University
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Pub Date : 2023-06-01DOI: 10.1353/earl.2023.a899414
M. Hanaghan, Stephen C. Carlson
Abstract:Rufinus's depiction of Origen in the Historia ecclesiastica varies from Eusebius's depiction of Origen. For much of the twentieth century, this was attributed either to Rufinus's negligence or censoriousness as a translator or to his personal admiration for the third-century theologian, but recent scholarship has come to appreciate Rufinus as an author in his own right. This article re-examines the often-subtle changes Rufinus made to Eusebius's portrait of Origen in Book 6 of the Historia ecclesiastica in detail and contextualizes them within the politics of martyrdom around the turn of the fifth century. This article pays particular attention to the changing and increasingly pliable nature of the concept of martyrdom in late antique Italy, especially as it was manipulated by Chromatius of Aquileia, who sponsored Rufinus in translating the church history and brokered the dispute between Rufinus and Jerome. In particular, this article argues that Rufinus presents the Christian confessor as a martyr in a studied attempt to bolster Origen's reception in the Latin West against repeated attacks against his unorthodox views, principally by Jerome.
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Pub Date : 2023-06-01DOI: 10.1353/earl.2023.a899419
D. Robinson
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Pub Date : 2023-06-01DOI: 10.1353/earl.2023.a899415
Nathan E. Porter
Abstract:Cyril of Alexandria, often regarded as a mediating voice between Antiochene and Alexandrian exegetes, frequently cites his distinctively unitive Christology as warrant for literal interpretations of the Old Testament. That is, what scholars have regarded as rapprochement with Antiochene exegetes was partly motivated by a Christology with which they were at odds. For Cyril, christological interpretation underwrites the integrity of the literal sense, for he holds that a typological connection with the self-humbling of the Word is often good reason also to accept the truth of the ἱστορία. I consider several passages from Cyril's writings on the Old Testament, but special attention is given to a narrative that troubled many patristic commentators: the prophet Hosea's marriage to Gomer. Cyril maintained that it must be interpreted literally, precisely because Hosea's union with Gomer reflects the incarnate humility of Christ. To insist on the prophet's moral purity would, in Cyril's language, be to demand that Hosea be "holier than the all-holy God." This reading appears to be unique among patristic commentators, and I argue that this should be attributed specifically to Cyril's opposition to Antiochene dual-subject Christologies.
{"title":"Letter as Spirit in Cyril of Alexandria: Typology and the Christological Defense of Literal Exegesis","authors":"Nathan E. Porter","doi":"10.1353/earl.2023.a899415","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/earl.2023.a899415","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Cyril of Alexandria, often regarded as a mediating voice between Antiochene and Alexandrian exegetes, frequently cites his distinctively unitive Christology as warrant for literal interpretations of the Old Testament. That is, what scholars have regarded as rapprochement with Antiochene exegetes was partly motivated by a Christology with which they were at odds. For Cyril, christological interpretation underwrites the integrity of the literal sense, for he holds that a typological connection with the self-humbling of the Word is often good reason also to accept the truth of the ἱστορία. I consider several passages from Cyril's writings on the Old Testament, but special attention is given to a narrative that troubled many patristic commentators: the prophet Hosea's marriage to Gomer. Cyril maintained that it must be interpreted literally, precisely because Hosea's union with Gomer reflects the incarnate humility of Christ. To insist on the prophet's moral purity would, in Cyril's language, be to demand that Hosea be \"holier than the all-holy God.\" This reading appears to be unique among patristic commentators, and I argue that this should be attributed specifically to Cyril's opposition to Antiochene dual-subject Christologies.","PeriodicalId":44662,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF EARLY CHRISTIAN STUDIES","volume":"31 1","pages":"223 - 251"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47876942","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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