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Honey and the Indecency of Epicurus’ aurea dicta (DRN 3.12) 蜂蜜与伊壁鸠鲁的不雅的权威论断(DRN 3.12)
3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2023-11-01 DOI: 10.1515/phil-2022-0051
Michael Pope
Abstract In this article the aurea dicta of Epicurus ( DRN 3.12) are placed in conversation with larger discourses related to apian, floral, and honey imagery. Within these literary contexts, bees and honey are often associated with morally suspect appetites, effeminacy, and potentially dangerous erotic entanglements. Lucretius, I argue, seems to allude to these risky literary valences and manipulates them for his own poetic and rhetorical ends. Honey, we discover, is much more than a sugary substance.
在这篇文章中,伊壁鸠鲁的真言(DRN 3.12)被置于与蜜蜂、花卉和蜂蜜图像相关的更大话语的对话中。在这些文学语境中,蜜蜂和蜂蜜经常与道德上可疑的欲望、柔弱和潜在危险的情爱纠缠联系在一起。我认为,卢克莱修似乎暗指这些危险的文学价值,并为了自己的诗歌和修辞目的而操纵它们。我们发现,蜂蜜不仅仅是一种含糖物质。
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引用次数: 0
Platone, Epist. 6.323c1: corrigendum? 柏拉图,《书信集》6.323c1:更正?
3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2023-11-01 DOI: 10.1515/phil-2023-0005
Luigi Silvano
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引用次数: 0
Φήμη in Herodian’s Roman History 在Herodian的《罗马史》Φήμη
3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2023-11-01 DOI: 10.1515/phil-2023-0006
Chrysanthos S. Chrysanthou
Abstract This article offers a usage study of the word φήμη throughout Herodian’s Roman History. It sets Herodian’s practice in a broader literary picture that includes other historians, but also epic and the novel, and then suggests that the extremely high frequency of φήμη in Herodian is unique among Greek-language historians and that Herodian is indebted to Latin-language historiography for this technique. The following sections examine how Herodian perceives the phenomenon of φήμη and makes it a salient feature of his historiographical strategy. The discussion shows that φήμη, regardless of its truth status, has multiple functions in Herodian’s narrative. First, it contributes to the portrayal of historical agents. Second, it is a crucial dramatic factor that signals turning points in the story and generates vividness and an atmospheric narrative. Third, it acts as a plot-driver in the story. Fourth, it has a role in the composition of the narrative by creating intratextual associations and narrative patterns. Finally, it has metanarrative ramifications, since there is a parallel between the use of φήμη by the historical agents and by Herodian himself. Overall, the analysis advances our understanding of Herodian’s narrative technique and his construction of historical truth.
摘要本文对希律王朝的《罗马史》中φ记载μη一词的用法进行了研究。它将希律律的实践置于一个更广泛的文学画面中,包括其他历史学家,也包括史诗和小说,然后表明希律律的φ记载μη的极高频率在希腊语历史学家中是独一无二的,希律律的这种技术要感谢拉丁语史学。下面的章节考察希律王是如何看待φ 记载μη的现象,并使之成为他的史学策略的一个显著特征。讨论表明,无论其真实状况如何,φ 记载μη在希律王的叙述中具有多重功能。首先,它有助于刻画历史人物。其次,它是一个至关重要的戏剧性因素,标志着故事的转折点,并产生生动和大气的叙事。第三,它在故事中起到了推动情节发展的作用。第四,它通过创造文内联系和叙事模式,在叙事的构成中发挥作用。最后,它有元叙述的分支,因为在历史人物和希律王本人之间有一种平行的使用。总的来说,分析促进了我们对希律王的叙事技巧和他对历史真相的建构的理解。
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引用次数: 0
Frontmatter 头版头条
3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2023-11-01 DOI: 10.1515/phil-2023-frontmatter2
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引用次数: 0
Parua magnis: Die Villenbeschreibungen des jüngeren Plinius im intertextuellen Größenvergleich (epistulae 2,17 und 5,6) 帕拉马切尼:较年轻的小普林尼的星际尺寸描述(埃皮图第2.17和5 . 6)。
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1515/phil-2023-0112
B. Beer
Abstract Despite the frequent use of the antithesis of parua and magna in Latin literature, the expression parua magnis in Pliny 5,6,43–44 need not be read as proverbial but as a quotation of Vergil, georg. 4,176. This attribution follows from the naming of Vergil and of Aratus in epist. 5,6,43–44. Combined allusions as in 5,6,43–44, consisting of a quotation, the naming of the author and/or narrative structures, are a pattern in the corpus of the younger Pliny’s correspondence. The context of georg. 4,169–179, too, supports the attribution of the phrase as a quotation, since in Vergil’s lines a comparison of genres is made, which Pliny adopts for his own literary positioning in the descriptions of villas in epist. 2,17 und 5,6. Further, the attribution to Vergil’s didactic poem, in combination with the reference to Aratus, which other interpretations hardly take into account, permits a new understanding of the narrative structure of the villa descriptions and their allusive affinity not only to ecphrasis but also to didactic poetry.
尽管在拉丁文学中经常使用parua和magna的对义,但Pliny 5,6,43 - 44中的parua magnis这一表达不应被视为谚语,而应被视为乔治·维吉尔的引用。4176年。这种归因来自于维吉尔和阿拉图斯在史诗中的名字。5、6、43-44。如5、6、43-44所示的组合典故,由引文、作者的名字和/或叙述结构组成,是小普林尼通信语料库中的一种模式。乔治的背景。4169 - 179也支持这个短语作为引文的归属,因为在维吉尔的诗句中进行了体裁的比较,普林尼在史诗中对别墅的描述中采用了他自己的文学定位。2,17和5,6。此外,对维吉尔说教诗的归因,结合对阿拉图斯的参考,这是其他解释几乎没有考虑到的,允许对别墅描述的叙事结构和它们的暗示亲和力有新的理解,不仅是对短语,而且是对说教诗。
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引用次数: 0
“L’importante è finire”. Ancora a proposito del riuso di Verg. Aen. 4.415 in Auson. Epigr. 75.8 Green “重要的是结束。”关于Verg的重用。在Auson。Epigr. 75.8绿色
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1515/phil-2023-0119
Vincenzo Ortoleva
Abstract In the complete quotation of Verg. Aen. 4.415 in Auson. Epigr. 75.8 Green, the participle moritura, originally referring to Dido, takes on the obscene double entendre of “about to orgasm”, matching analogous attestations of this distinctive sense of the verb morior.
在Verg的完整引语中。a4:415在Auson。格林,分词moritura,最初指的是蒂多,呈现出“即将达到高潮”的淫秽双关语,与动词morior的这种独特意义的类似证明相匹配。
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引用次数: 0
Ap. Rhod. Argon. 3.291: An Emendation 美联社,Rhod。第3.291节:修订
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1515/phil-2023-0115
Lorenzo Vespoli
Abstract It is well-known to scholars that the simile of the wool spinner described in Verg. Aen. 8.407–413 reworks on a verbal level Ap. Rhod. Argon. 3.291–295. Comparing Verg. Aen. 8.410 and Ap. Rhod. Argon. 3.291, this paper aims to suggest that in Ap. Rhod. Argon. 3.291 Virgil read a different text from that generally accepted by modern editors.
摘要学者们都知道,《Verg》中描写的纺毛工的比喻。a8.407 - 413在口头层面的重做Ap. Rhod。氩。-295 - 3.291。方面也比较。下午8点10分和Ap。氩。3.291,本文的目的是建议在Ap。Rhod。维吉尔读了一篇不同于现代编辑普遍接受的文章。
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引用次数: 0
Hipponax am „neronischen Musenhof“. Zu Persius’ Satiren-Prolog
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1515/phil-2023-0120
L. Spahlinger
Abstract The choliambic metre of the prologue poem of Persius’ Satires is key to understanding the poem’s message. On the one hand it creates a link to Hipponax as the canonical exponent of the iambic genre and to the tale of his inspiration transmitted by Giorgios Choiroboskos, and so attests the presence of the iambic poet in the cultured literary circles at Nero’s imperial court. On the other hand the poet alludes to Callimachus, his iambic poetry and his poetology, and so adopts his rejection of a poetry that has sunk to mere literary convention. This casts new light both on Persius’ own claim to be a semipaganus and on his mockery of the profit-oriented corvi and picae.
摘要佩尔修斯《讽刺诗》序诗的盘曲韵律是理解该诗所要传达的信息的关键。一方面,它将希波纳克斯作为抑扬格体裁的典型代表,与乔尔乔斯·乔罗博斯科斯讲述的他的灵感的故事联系起来,从而证明了抑扬格诗人在尼禄帝国宫廷有文化的文学界的存在。另一方面,诗人暗指卡利马库斯,他的抑扬格诗歌和他的诗学,因此采用了他对陷入文学惯例的诗歌的拒绝。这为珀尔修斯自己自称是半帕帕加努斯和他对以利润为导向的科维和皮卡的嘲弄提供了新的线索。
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引用次数: 0
Exitium Troiae funestaque flamma. Il personaggio di Paride nell’Ilias Latina 我爱你,我爱你。《伊利亚特》中的帕里斯
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1515/phil-2023-0118
Giuseppe Aricó
Abstract The character of Paris in the Ilias Latina maintains the ambiguity that characterises him in the Greek Iliad, where he does not lack military attitudes, but chafes against his duties to his country, being committed instead to satisfying his taste for luxury. This ambiguity is even reinforced in the epitome. The ‘heroic’ aspect of Paris’ personality emerges in a clearer light, expressed in a more mature awareness of his obligations to his family and country, but the other aspect, his indolence, is also accentuated: the character becomes a true elegiac lover, immersed in the experience of an exalted passion that partly distinguishes him from the cliché of the libertine of the Homeric tradition. It might therefore seem legitimate to interpret the Paris of the Ilias Latina in a more positive key than the Homeric character. However, this exegesis is opposed by the judgement expressed by the authorial voice at many significant points of the story: by his dissolute and unscrupulous behaviour, Paris has started a war that will lead to the ruin of his country; he himself is thus his own funesta ruina (234), the funesta ... flamma (253) that will burn down Troy and his own fate.
《拉丁伊利亚特》中帕里斯的性格保持了他在希腊《伊利亚特》中所具有的模糊性,在《伊利亚特》中,他并不缺乏军事态度,但却对他对国家的责任感到不满,而是致力于满足他对奢侈品的品味。这种模棱两可甚至在缩影中得到了加强。帕里斯性格中“英雄”的一面在更清晰的光中显现出来,表现在他对家庭和国家的责任的更成熟的意识中,但另一方面,他的懒惰,也被强调了:这个角色成为一个真正的挽歌情人,沉浸在一种崇高的激情的体验中,这在一定程度上使他与荷马传统的浪荡子的陈词滥调区别开来。因此,用一种比荷马式的人物更积极的态度来解释《拉丁伊里亚斯》中的巴黎似乎是合理的。然而,作者在故事中许多重要的地方所表达的判断反对这种注释:由于他的放荡和肆无忌惮的行为,巴黎已经开始了一场战争,将导致他的国家的毁灭;因此他自己就是他自己的funesta ruina (234), funesta…火焰(253)将烧毁特洛伊和他自己的命运。
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引用次数: 0
Mythenchronologische Inkonsistenzen in den Argonautica? Beobachtungen zum prima navis-Motiv bei Valerius Flaccus 阿尔贡达内的神秘事件?根据描述Valerius Flaccus的初步在位
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1515/phil-2023-0114
Bernhard Söllradl
Abstract In Roman literature, the Argo commonly ranks as the first ship. The Flavian poet Valerius Flaccus seems to place himself in this line of tradition too by constantly stressing the Argo’s pioneer status. Yet it has rightly been noted that nowhere in the Argonautica is the Argo explicitly said to be the first ever ship. Her exceptional role is based rather on her status as the first sea-going ship to sail across the open sea from Europe to Asia, opening the seas to global marine trade. From this perspective, the hitherto inadequately explained mentions of ships in the Phlegyas simile (3,124–132) and the Lemnos episode (2,107–114; 285–305) can also be analysed as only apparent inconsistencies. The interpretive effort required here draws the attention of the reader or audience, which is called upon to compare the earlier ships to the Argo. In this, the poet suggests a pessimistic judgement: a consequence of the opening of the seas was shipping disasters and human tragedies. Also, it did not only lead to the expansion of civilising achievements, but also held the danger that rituals and customs of a periphery which is read as barbaric would penetrate into the cultural space of the Mediterranean world.
在罗马文学中,阿尔戈号通常被列为第一艘船。弗拉维亚诗人瓦莱里乌斯·弗拉库斯似乎也将自己置于这一传统的行列中,他不断强调阿尔戈号的先锋地位。然而,人们正确地注意到,在《阿尔戈岛》中没有任何地方明确地说阿尔戈号是有史以来的第一艘船。她的特殊作用是基于她作为第一艘从欧洲航行到亚洲的远洋船只的地位,为全球海上贸易打开了海洋。从这个角度来看,在Phlegyas的比喻(3,124-132)和Lemnos的情节(2,107-114)中,迄今为止没有充分解释的提到船只;285-305)也可以分析为只是表面上的不一致。这里需要的解释努力吸引了读者或观众的注意力,这被要求将早期的船只与阿尔戈号进行比较。在这里,诗人提出了一个悲观的判断:海洋开放的后果是航运灾难和人类悲剧。此外,它不仅带来了文明成就的扩展,而且还带来了一种危险,即被视为野蛮的边缘地区的仪式和习俗会渗透到地中海世界的文化空间中。
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PHILOLOGUS
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