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Was the Commentary on Vergil by Aelius Donatus Extant in the Ninth Century? A Reappraisal 多纳图斯的《维吉尔评注》存在于九世纪吗?重新评价
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1515/phil-2023-0116
Vittorio Remo Danovi
Abstract That the Vergilian commentary by Aelius Donatus – one of the most influential late-antique commentaries that have not survived – was extant in the ninth century and available to some Carolingian scholars is still a widespread belief. The evidence in support of this thesis is said to have been provided by the Harvard Servianist J. J. H. Savage in three articles published between 1925 and 1931. In these articles, Savage claimed that a few marginal notes in one of the ninth-century primary witnesses to the DS scholia, the so-called ‘Vergil of Tours’ (Bern, Burgerbibliothek, Ms. 165), were drawn almost directly from Donatus’ commentary and that a marginal note in a roughly coeval Servian witness (Bern, Burgerbibliothek, Ms. 363) provided information about a place where a copy of the commentary could be found. A re-examination of the two manuscripts shows that the evidence adduced by Savage does not stand scrutiny and that the terminus post quem for the loss of Donatus’ commentary should be antedated by at least one century.
多纳图斯(Aelius Donatus)的《维吉尔注释》(Vergilian commentary)是晚期最有影响力的注释之一,但已失传,它存在于9世纪,一些加洛林王朝的学者仍然普遍认为它可以读到。支持这一论点的证据据说是由哈佛大学的服务主义者J. J. H.萨维奇在1925年至1931年间发表的三篇文章中提供的。在这些文章中,萨维奇声称,九世纪DS学者的主要证人之一,所谓的“图尔的维吉尔”(Bern, Burgerbibliothek, Ms. 165)的一些旁注几乎直接来自多纳图斯的评论,而大致同时期的Servian证人(Bern, Burgerbibliothek, Ms. 363)的旁注提供了可以找到评论副本的地方的信息。对这两份手稿的重新检查表明,萨维奇引用的证据经不起推究,而且多纳图斯的评论丢失的最终问题应该至少提前一个世纪。
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引用次数: 0
The Social Networking Function of Cicero’s Prefaces to the Philosophical Works 西塞罗哲学著作前言的社会网络功能
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1515/phil-2023-0121
C. Dowson
Abstract The value of the prohoemia or ‘prefaces’ to Cicero’s later philosophical works, composed in the last years of his life, has not yet been settled. Two schools of thought have emerged somewhat more clearly in recent times: one places a greater value on the prefaces as tools for understanding Cicero’s philosophica as a whole, the other applies a more skeptical approach, using a degree of caution as to the nexus between the prefaces and the treatises to which they were affixed. The article advocates for the latter camp, however not only to temper the recent emphasis the optimists have placed on the prefaces as key interpretive elements to the dialogues, but to refocus their importance as extensions of Cicero’s personal and social networking with other Roman elites of his time. I rely on two main lines of argument: the anecdotal evidence from Cicero’s volumen prohoemiorum, “book of prefaces”, mentioned in a letter to Atticus in 44 bce, as well as a broader analysis of a deeper disconnect between Cicero’s prefatory rhetoric regarding Latin philosophical vocabulary compared with Greek and his translation practices in his treatises.
摘要西塞罗晚年创作的哲学著作的前言,其价值至今尚未定论。最近出现了两种更清晰的思想流派:一种更重视序言作为理解西塞罗哲学的整体工具,另一种则采用更怀疑的方法,在序言和论文之间的联系上使用一定程度的谨慎。文章主张后一种阵营,然而,不仅缓和了乐观主义者最近强调的序言作为对话的关键解释元素,而且重新关注它们作为西塞罗与他那个时代的其他罗马精英的个人和社会网络的延伸的重要性。我的论据主要有两条:西塞罗在公元前44年写给阿提克斯的信中提到的《序言集》(volumen prohoemiorum)中的轶事证据,以及对西塞罗关于拉丁语哲学词汇的序言修辞与希腊语的对比以及他在论文中的翻译实践之间更深层次的脱节的更广泛的分析。
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引用次数: 0
New Evidence on Nicanor’s Theory of Punctuation 尼卡诺尔标点理论的新证据
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1515/phil-2023-0117
R. Nünlist
Abstract A concise summary of Nicanor’s theory of punctuation that has recently been discovered in a codex mixtus of the 15th century throws precious new light on a topic of some complexity. The general picture that emerges from the new extract does not substantially differ from that of the other known summary, which has been the starting point for all modern reconstructions of Nicanor’s theory. Therefore, these reconstructions need not be rewritten on a larger scale. The two summaries nevertheless display some telling differences in how they explain and present the details, not least when read against the backdrop of Nicanor’s actual practice that can be derived from the relevant scholia to Homer. The purpose of the present article is to assess the new discovery especially with regard to these differences and their effects on how Nicanor’s theory is to be reconstructed.
摘要:最近在15世纪的一本手抄本中发现了对尼卡诺尔标点符号理论的简明总结,这对一个复杂的话题提出了宝贵的新见解。从新的摘录中得出的总体情况与另一份已知的摘要并没有很大的不同,后者一直是尼康诺理论的所有现代重建的起点。因此,这些重建不需要在更大的规模上进行重写。然而,这两个摘要在如何解释和呈现细节方面显示出一些明显的差异,尤其是在尼康诺的实际实践背景下阅读时,这可以从荷马的相关学术中得到。本文的目的是评估新发现,特别是关于这些差异及其对如何重建尼康诺理论的影响。
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引用次数: 1
Frontmatter 头版头条
3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1515/phil-2023-frontmatter1
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引用次数: 0
Verifica di un pregiudizio scettico 怀疑偏见的检验
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2023-04-28 DOI: 10.1515/phil-2023-0113
Gianluca Conte
Abstract The author returns to a much debated topic, the so-called “Episode of Helen”, which has come to us only through indirect transmission, and endeavors to dismantle the prejudice against Virgilian authorship. G. P. Goold’s pugnacious intervention, dating back to more than half a century ago, contributed decisively – in fact, more than it should have – to the thesis that the text is spurious. A critical analysis of the text will demonstrate this claim to be groundless while offering arguments that support the authenticity of the episode.
作者回归到一个备受争议的话题,即所谓的“海伦的插曲”,这一话题是通过间接传播才来到我们面前的,并试图消除对弗吉尼亚作者的偏见。早在半个多世纪前,g·p·戈尔德(G. P. gold)的好斗干预就对《圣经》是假的这一论点起到了决定性的作用——事实上,比它应该起到的作用更大。对文本的批判性分析将证明这种说法是毫无根据的,同时提供支持情节真实性的论据。
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引用次数: 0
Galeno sulla lunghezza di un’epitome da Didimo: De indolentia 24 a BJP (= 121–122 KS). ἐν ἑξακισχιλίοις στίχοις versus ἐν ἓξ βιβλίοις
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2022-07-01 DOI: 10.1515/phil-2022-0106
Lorenzo Perilli
Abstract The article proposes a correction of a passage of Galen’s De indolentia, alternative to the one accepted so far. The correction ἐν ἓξ βιβλίοις (“in six books”) is proposed, as alternative to the text hitherto accepted, itself due to a conjectural intervention, ἐν ἑξακισχιλίοις στίχοις (“in six thousand lines”): the manuscript Vlatadon 14 bears an impossible ἐν ἑξακισχιλίοις βιβλίοις (“in six thousand books”). At issue is the length of the epitome made by Galen of the lexicographical works of Didymus on the terminology of ancient comedy. The paper argues that the error of the manuscript could be due to the habit of writing numerals as a single letter accompanied by an apex (here probably a digamma, or perhaps a stigma), and that, when referring to his own works, Galen normally uses the book as his unit of measurement. Finally, it is hypothesized that a length of six thousand stichoi might have been too short for an epitome of the work of Didymus.
本文提出了对盖伦《论懒惰》中的一段话的更正,而不是迄今为止所接受的一段。由于猜测性的介入,我们提出了改正的词:ν ν ο ο ακισχιλ bain bain οις(“六千行”),作为迄今为止所接受的文本的替代,即ν ο ο ακ κισχιλ bain bain οις στ rain rain χοις(“六千行”):Vlatadon 14号手稿中有一个不可能的词:ν ο ο ακ κισχιλ bain οις βιβλ耳环οις(“六千本书”)。争论的焦点是盖伦在Didymus的词典编纂作品中对古代喜剧术语的概述的长度。论文认为,手稿的错误可能是由于习惯将数字写成一个字母,并加上一个顶点(这里可能是一个双格,或者可能是一个污名),而且,当提到他自己的作品时,盖伦通常使用书作为他的测量单位。最后,据推测,六千根树枝的长度对于Didymus作品的缩影来说可能太短了。
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引用次数: 0
Schulübungen oder Kalenderblätter? Zur Interpretation einer Gruppe spätantiker Kulthymnen in der Appendix Claudianea 练习还是小册子我解释了阿帕迪尔克劳迪亚的一群后期宗教狂热
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2022-07-01 DOI: 10.1515/phil-2022-0103
Martin M. Bauer
Abstract Until now, the short cult hymns to Liber, Mars and Juno in the Appendix Claudianea have mostly been seen as rhetorical school exercises. Yet a philological-historical analysis shows that they could be remains of occasional poetry from everyday life. The hymns are structured according to the Roman festival calendar and, on the basis of language and content, should probably be dated to the final phase of public non-Christian cult practice in the fourth century. The anonymous poet was familiar with classical Greek and Latin poetry, but reveals weaknesses in Latin prosody and metre. It can therefore be supposed that he should be identified as one of the many Graeco-Egyptian ‘wandering poets’, but probably not as Claudian himself.
到目前为止,《克劳狄亚》附录中对利伯、玛尔斯和朱诺的简短崇拜赞美诗大多被视为修辞学练习。然而,语言学和历史分析表明,它们可能是日常生活中偶尔出现的诗歌的遗留物。这些赞美诗是根据罗马节日日历编制的,根据语言和内容,可能可以追溯到公元四世纪非基督教邪教公开活动的最后阶段。这位不知名的诗人熟悉古典希腊和拉丁诗歌,但在拉丁韵律和韵律方面表现出弱点。因此,我们可以假设他应该被认定为众多希腊-埃及“流浪诗人”之一,但可能不是克劳狄本人。
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引用次数: 0
Tra gli Inferi e le stelle: un problema testuale nel mito di Orfeo in Virgilio (georg. 4,509) e il Leitmotiv astronomico nelle catabasi da Omero a Dante (con echi di Apollonio Rodio) 地狱和星星之间:在维吉尔的俄耳甫斯神话中,这是一个文字问题。(4.509)和天文主题在从荷马到但丁的catabasi
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2022-07-01 DOI: 10.1515/phil-2022-0108
Francesca Boldrer
Abstract The article treats the presence of stars in terrestrial landscapes, in opposition to the Underworld and in connection to the topos of katabasis, above all in order to pursue in more depth a textual problem in the fabula Orphei of Vergil’s Georgics (4,509 astris / antris). The philological question is approached both on the basis of context and in relation to the descent into Hades of Aeneas, as well as in diachronic comparison with the earlier Homeric katabasis of Odysseus and the later otherworldly voyage of Dante in the Commedia. This internal and intertextual investigation reveals multiple functions of the celestial bodies in similar stories, as well as analogies between Homer, Vergil and Dante, linked by interests in nature and astronomy and by reciprocal influences. In fact, the Greek model and the Italian emulator seem to help clarify the contested passage in the Vergilian katabasis of Orpheus, while the Latin poet and Dante (who also share echoes of Apollonius Rhodius) rework a celestial detail already present in the νέκυια of Homer. Finally, both these classical authors, as well as Ovid, are subtly present at the ends of the three parts of the Commedia, each of which closes with the suggestive and symbolic image of “stars”, which evokes and renews an ancient tradition.
摘要:本文探讨了地球景观中星星的存在,与地下世界相对立,并与katabasis的主题相联系,首先是为了更深入地探讨维吉尔的《乔治》(4,509 astris / antris)中寓言Orphei的文本问题。语言学上的问题是在语境和埃涅阿斯堕入地狱的关系的基础上,以及在历时上与早期荷马史诗中的奥德修斯和后来喜剧中但丁的超脱世界之旅进行比较。这种内部和互文的调查揭示了类似故事中天体的多种功能,以及荷马、维吉尔和但丁之间的类比,它们因对自然和天文学的兴趣以及相互影响而联系在一起。事实上,希腊模型和意大利模拟器似乎有助于澄清《俄耳甫斯》中有争议的段落,而拉丁诗人和但丁(他们也与阿波罗尼乌斯·罗狄乌斯有相似之处)重新创作了荷马的《 κ κ ια》中已经出现的天体细节。最后,这两位古典作家,以及奥维德,都巧妙地出现在喜剧的三个部分的结尾,每个部分都以“星星”的暗示性和象征性的形象结束,这唤起并更新了一个古老的传统。
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引用次数: 0
Ein überflüssiger und ein nur ansatzweise richtiger Eingriff in den überlieferten Text von Ciceros Schrift De fato 这是一个没有用武之地,是有意无意地侵犯西塞罗的文字
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2022-07-01 DOI: 10.1515/phil-2022-0109
H. Weidemann
Abstract In the present article, proposed corrections to two passages of Cicero’s treatise De fato are examined. It is shown that, on the one hand, a widely accepted correction for §27 that replaces the well attested reading vera fuerunt instantia ... vera erunt instantia with vera fuerit instantia ... vera erit instantia is unnecessary, and that, on the other hand, my recently suggested correction for §48, which replaces the obviously false reading Nam si atomis ..., illud quoque ... with Aut num, si atomis ..., illud quoque ...?, is deficient and should be improved to Nam si atomis ..., num illud quoque ...?
摘要在本文中,提出了对西塞罗的论文De fato的两个段落的修正。结果表明,一方面,对§27的广泛接受的更正取代了得到充分证明的阅读vera fuerunt instantia…Vera erunt瞬间与Vera fuerit瞬间…vera erit instantia是不必要的,另一方面,我最近建议对§48进行更正,它取代了明显错误的Nam si atomis…,我想……有1个原子,6个原子…? ?,是有缺陷的,应该改进到南丝原子…我想问一下……
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引用次数: 1
Doctus Amyclas. I presagi della tempesta in Luc. 5.539‒560 tra epica, poesia didascalica e retorica Doctus Amyclas。《吕克风暴的预兆》,5,539 - 560史诗,标题诗和修辞
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2022-07-01 DOI: 10.1515/phil-2022-0107
Nicolò Campodonico
Abstract In response to Caesar, who intends to reach Antonius in Italy, the boatman Amyclas sets out the celestial and terrestrial signs that foretell a storm and advises against putting out to sea (Luc. 5.539‒560). In this speech Lucan draws on the treatment of such phenomena in the didactic poems of Aratus and Vergil, but the allusions are remodelled in epic language and adapted to the narrative context of the episode. Further, in the story of Amyclas Lucan develops dramatic ideas mentioned in the specific passages in which Aratus and Vergil reflect on the utility of their teachings. Thus the boatman’s meteorological doctrina is highlighted, though he is unable to gain any advantage from it. In fact, in contrast to Palinurus with Aeneas in Aen. 5 and to the rector ratis with Pompey in Luc. 8, Amyclas does not try to dissuade Caesar from the voyage and agrees to accompany him. His speech shows affinities with declamations on the theme of sailing and the presence of adverse omens; however, the speech of Amyclas sounds like a suasoria that has been interrupted. This aspect focuses the impossibility of communication between the two characters: Amyclas, powerlessly external to the civil wars, can only appeal to the force of nature, which Caesar impiously defies.
恺撒打算去意大利找安东尼,船夫阿米克拉斯(Amyclas)为了回应他,他列出了天上和地上的预兆,预示着风暴的到来,并建议不要出海(路加福音5:539 - 560)。在这次演讲中,卢坎借鉴了阿拉图斯和维吉尔的说教诗中对这种现象的处理,但这些典故被重新塑造成史诗般的语言,并适应了这一情节的叙事背景。此外,在阿米基拉斯的故事中,卢坎发展了在阿拉图斯和维吉尔反思他们的教导的效用的特定段落中提到的戏剧思想。这样,船夫的气象理论就被突出了,尽管他无法从中获得任何好处。事实上,与帕利努鲁斯与埃涅阿斯在《创世纪》第5章和拉提斯与庞培在《路加福音》第8章不同的是,阿米克拉斯并没有试图劝阻恺撒不要远航,而是同意陪伴他。他的演讲与帆船主题的宣言和不利预兆的存在有密切的联系;然而,阿米克拉斯的讲话听起来像是被打断了的苏索里亚语。这一方面强调了这两个角色之间沟通的不可能性:在内战之外无能为力的阿米克拉斯只能求助于自然的力量,而恺撒却不顾一切地反抗。
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