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„In tyrannos“ !? – Sicco Polentons Ovidvita zwischen mittelalterlichem ‚Aberglauben‘, ‚republikanischem Diskurs‘ und pragmatischem Bildungsideal "暴君"!?- 中世纪 "迷信"、"共和话语 "与实用主义教育理想之间的西科-波伦顿的《奥维德维塔
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2024-09-18 DOI: 10.1515/phil-2023-0041
Friedrich Meins
The paper offers a new interpretation of the Life of Ovid in the Scriptorum illustrium Latinae linguae libri XVIII of Sicco Polenton. While so far scholarship has mostly criticized the lack of historical and philological accuracy in this Life and Sicco’s dependency on medieval speculations, the paper tries to take a closer look at the implications of Sicco’s own methodological stance towards poetry, historiography and rhetoric. A discussion follows whether Sicco’s own biography has shaped his outlook on the ancient poet, and to what extent Sicco’s treatment of Ovid’s relegation can be integrated into an early humanist tradition of anti-tyrannical discourse. It is argued that both Sicco’s literary ideals and the elaboration of the Life of Ovid, especially the description of the exile, reflect Sicco’s own life story and social background, but also his fundamental purpose of promoting his humanistic teaching.
本文对 Sicco Polenton 的 Scriptorum illustrium Latinae linguae libri XVIII 中的《奥维德生平》进行了新的解读。迄今为止,学术界大多批评《奥维德的一生》缺乏历史和语言学方面的准确性,以及 Sicco 对中世纪推测的依赖,而本文则试图仔细研究 Sicco 本人对诗歌、历史学和修辞学的方法论立场的影响。随后讨论了西科自己的传记是否塑造了他对古代诗人的看法,以及西科对奥维德贬谪的处理在多大程度上可以被纳入早期人文主义的反传统话语传统。本文认为,无论是西科的文学理想还是对《奥维德的一生》的阐述,尤其是对流放的描述,都反映了西科自身的生活经历和社会背景,同时也反映了他推广人文主义教学的根本目的。
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引用次数: 0
The Riddles in Martius Valerius 马歇斯-瓦勒里乌斯的谜语
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2024-09-11 DOI: 10.1515/phil-2024-0002
Ruurd Nauta
The bucolic poet Martius Valerius used to be dated to the twelfth century, but has now been securely assigned to the sixth; articles on his work should therefore be published in journals not of medieval, but of classical philology. The present brief contribution proposes a new solution to the two riddles that Martius, following the example of Virgil, included at the end of his third eclogue. These solutions are then put into the context of the commentary tradition on Virgil’s Bucolics.
田园诗人马歇斯-瓦勒里乌斯(Martius Valerius)的创作年代曾被定为十二世纪,但现在已被确定为六世纪;因此,有关其作品的文章不应发表在中世纪语言学期刊上,而应发表在古典语言学期刊上。马歇斯效仿维吉尔,在他的第三首黯然销魂曲末尾加入了两个谜语,本简短的文章为这两个谜语提出了新的谜底。然后将这些谜语与维吉尔《布科利奇》的注释传统相结合。
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引用次数: 0
Capaneus philosophus? Una nota su Zenone, Filodemo, Stazio (e Lucrezio) Capaneus philosophus?关于芝诺、菲洛德摩斯、斯塔提乌斯(和卢克莱修)的说明
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2024-09-09 DOI: 10.1515/phil-2023-0058
Francesco Cannizzaro
This short article, which starts with a reconsideration of the philosophical characterization of Statius’ Capaneus, aims at investigating the reception of the mythical figure of Capaneus in Hellenistic philosophy. Both among the Stoics (Zeno and, maybe, Chrysippus, according to Diogenes Laertius and Athenaeus) and the Epicureans (Philodemus in P.Herc. 452 olim 463, fr. 13), Capaneus occurs in the philosophical discourse on the definition of the sage, albeit with different nuances and reference texts. Statius, Neapolitan poeta doctus with Stoic and Epicurean patroni, may have drawn insights from this intellectual environment to provide his Capaneus with philosophical overtones. In the last paragraph it is cautiously suggested, on the basis of P.Herc. 452 olim 463, fr. 13, that Lucretius’ Epicurus in the well-known prologue of the De rerum natura – a model for Statius’ Capaneus – may have been influenced by the Epicurean reception of Capaneus.
这篇短文从重新考虑斯塔提乌斯笔下的卡帕涅乌斯的哲学特征入手,旨在研究希腊哲学对卡帕涅乌斯这一神话人物的接受情况。无论是在斯多葛派(根据第欧根尼-拉埃提乌斯和雅典娜乌斯的说法,是芝诺,或许还有克里西普斯)还是在伊壁鸠鲁派(Philodemus in P.Herc. 452 olim 463, fr. 13)中,卡帕纽斯都出现在关于圣人定义的哲学论述中,尽管有不同的细微差别和参考文本。斯塔提乌斯是那不勒斯诗人,拥有斯多葛派和伊壁鸠鲁派的赞助人,他可能从这一思想环境中汲取了灵感,为他的 Capaneus 注入了哲学色彩。最后一段谨慎地指出,根据 P.Herc.452 olim 463, fr.13,卢克莱修在著名的《Deerum natura》序言中的伊壁鸠鲁--斯塔提乌斯笔下的卡帕尼奥斯的原型--可能受到了伊壁鸠鲁派对卡帕尼奥斯的接受的影响。
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引用次数: 0
Ovidio, Cicerone e il finale delle Metamorfosi 奥维德、西塞罗和《变形记》的结局
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2024-07-23 DOI: 10.1515/phil-2023-0042
Emanuele Berti
The finale of Ovid’s Metamorphoses contains a sphragis in which the poet proclaims the immortality of his poetic work and the eternal survival of his pars melior (Ov. Met. 15.871–879). These lines present a number of rather close parallels with excerpts from the seventh suasoria of Seneca the Elder’s collection, whose theme is Deliberat Cicero an scripta sua comburat promittente Antonio incolumitatem, si fecisset. Allusions to this declamatory exercise may activate in the Ovidian passage a reference to the theme of book-burning, evoked especially by the term ignis in line 871: this form of censorship against authors disliked by the imperial regime began to appear toward the end of Augustus’ principate, in the very same years when Ovid completed the composition of his Metamorphoses, before in turn being exiled by Augustus (an event to which the phrase Iovis ira, again in line 871, may allude). But at the same time, in the face of such a possible threat, Ovid affirms the certainty that his work will nonetheless prove stronger than fire and grant him perpetual life.
奥维德《变形记》的结尾包含了一个 sphragis,诗人在其中宣称他的诗歌作品不朽,他的 pars melior 将永存(Ov. Met. 15.871-879)。这些诗句与《老塞内加诗集》中第七首 Suasoria 的节选有许多相似之处,后者的主题是 Deliberat Cicero an scripta sua comburat promittente Antonio incolumitatem, si fecisset。在奥维德的这段话中,对这一宣言性活动的影射可能是对焚书主题的提及,尤其是第 871 行中的 ignis 一词:这种针对帝国政权不喜欢的作者的审查形式在奥古斯都执政末期开始出现,奥维德正是在这几年完成了《变形记》的创作,随后被奥古斯都流放(第 871 行中的 Iovis ira 一词可能暗指这一事件)。但与此同时,面对这种可能的威胁,奥维德肯定他的作品将比火更强大,并赋予他永恒的生命。
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引用次数: 0
Juvencus’ Präsenz im Proömium des Cento Probae: ein bisher unbemerkter Fall akustischer Imitation 朱文库斯出现在《先知书》的序言中:一个迄今未被注意到的声音模仿案例
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2024-05-07 DOI: 10.1515/phil-2023-0028
Ana Clara Sisul
In the prooemium of the Cento Vergilianus de Laudibus Christi of Faltonia Betitia Proba (lines 1–23) there are fragments not only of Vergil’s works but also of Lucan’s Bellum Civile and Juvencus’ Evangeliorum Libri. This article shows that in these lines Juvencus has a particular importance, for the references to his work increase until they reach a remarkable intensity in lines 22–23 and they stand out on different levels both formally and semantically. This thesis is supported by re-examining the origin of a reference in line 22 of the Cento (erige mentem) that is usually ascribed to Lucan. The attribution to Juvencus can be established through the phenomenon of acoustic imitation.
在 Faltonia Betitia Proba 的《Cento Vergilianus de Laudibus Christi》序言(第 1-23 行)中,不仅有维吉尔作品的片段,还有卢坎的《Bellum Civile》和尤文库斯的《Evangeliorum Libri》的片段。本文表明,在这些诗行中,尤文库斯具有特别重要的意义,因为对其作品的引用越来越多,直到第 22-23 行达到了惊人的强度,而且在形式和语义的不同层面上都非常突出。通过重新研究《Cento》第 22 行(erige mentem)中通常被认为是卢坎作品的出处,可以支持这一论点。通过声音模仿现象,可以确定该诗句出自尤文库斯之手。
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引用次数: 0
Unpublished Conjectures by Nicolaus Heinsius on Ovid’s Metamorphoses 1–4 尼古拉斯-海因斯未发表的关于奥维德《变形记》1-4 的猜想
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2024-03-27 DOI: 10.1515/phil-2023-0024
Pere Fàbregas Salis
This paper publishes for the first time 132 conjectures by Nicolaus Heinsius on Ovid’s Metamorphoses 1‒4. The value and possible motivations of each proposal are briefly assessed.
本文首次发表了尼古拉斯-海因斯关于奥维德《变形记》1-4 的 132 项猜想。本文简要评估了每项猜想的价值和可能的动机。
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引用次数: 0
Due note al testo di Marziale (1.55.4, 4.56.5) 马蒂亚尔文本的两个注释(1.55.4,4.56.5)
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2023-12-15 DOI: 10.1515/phil-2023-0027
A. Fusi
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引用次数: 0
Cornutiana Cornutiana
3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2023-11-01 DOI: 10.1515/phil-2023-0018
Giovanni Zago
Abstract This article provides conjectural emendations and exegetical notes to several passages in Cornutus’ Theologiae Graecae compendium ; it also offers an emendation of a controversial fragment of Cleanthes on physics ( SVF 1,497).
摘要本文对Cornutus的《Theologiae Graecae纲要》中的几段进行了推测性的修订和注释;它还提供了一个有争议的片段的修正克林塞斯物理学(SVF 1497)。
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引用次数: 0
... sicut mitissima satyris. Una nota testuale a Plin. Nat. 8.216 ...非常满意。给普林的文本注释。Nat 8216。
3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2023-11-01 DOI: 10.1515/phil-2022-0032
Marco Vespa
Abstract In book 8 of his Naturalis historia , Pliny the Elder mentions the particularly savage character of some monkeys. Most editions and translations of Pliny’s text maintain that the reference to the fierce nature of these animals concerns both the cynocephali and the satyri . However, in the manuscript Riccardianus 488 (R in the transmission of Pliny), a second hand, contemporary to the period in which the text was copied, added supra lineam the obscure term * miarsima , which would refer to the nature of the satyri in opposition to that of the cynocephali . By examining part of the ancient zoological and geographic traditions, in particular the De natura animalium by Aelian, this article defends editing the text of Pliny with the adjective mitissima , already present in the first printed editions of the Naturalis historia , as follows: Efferatior cynocephalis natura sicut mitissima satyris .
老普林尼在他的《自然史》第八卷中提到了一些猴子特别野蛮的性格。普林尼文本的大多数版本和翻译都认为,这些动物的凶猛本性涉及到cynocephali和satyri。然而,在里卡多努斯488年的手稿(普林尼传述的R)中,一个与抄写文本的时期同时代的二手材料,在行上增加了一个模糊的术语* miarsima,它指的是与cynocephali相反的satyri的性质。通过研究古代动物学和地理学传统的一部分,特别是埃利安的《自然动物》,本文为用形容词mitissima编辑普林尼的文本进行了辩护,该形容词已经出现在《自然史》的第一版印刷中,如下所示:Efferatior cynocephalis natura sicut mitissima satyris。
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引用次数: 0
Reuocat tua forma parentem – Hasdrubals Fest, Scipios Besuch bei Syphax und ihre epischen Bezüge 鲁本大节科幻公主殿下
3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2023-11-01 DOI: 10.1515/phil-2022-0040
Christoph Schwameis
Abstract This paper considers two scenes in Books 15 and 16 of the Punica of Silius Italicus: Hasdrubal’s celebration of the founding of Carthage with the ecphrasis of the general’s cloak (Sil. 15,410–440) and Scipio’s visit to the court of King Syphax (16,170–276). For both passages there are important reference texts in scenes of Vergil’s Aeneid and Statius’ Thebaid that have until now received no, or not enough, attention: Aeneas’ visit to the future Rome ( Aen. 8,102–553) and the sacrifice of Eteocles ( Theb. 11,205–238). After a brief assessment of the historiographical basis, I set out the influence in content and language of these reference texts on the two scenes. Further, I consider the adaptation of other epic pre-texts in the ecphrasis of Hasdrubal’s cloak and propose a new interpretation: the ecphrasis links Hasdrubal to Ganymede, Polyphemus and Cacus, and Scipio with Jupiter, Odysseus and Hercules. The study highlights positive and negative aspects of the pre-texts and shows the ambivalent characterisation of Silius’ Scipio, who is associated both with positive figures (Hercules and Aeneas) and with the sinister Polynices. The shared reference of the two scenes of the Punica has a linking, framing and preparatory function.
本文研究了西利乌斯·伊塔利库斯的《布尼卡》第15卷和第16卷中的两个场景:哈斯德鲁巴庆祝迦太基的建立,用将军的斗篷(Sil. 15,410-440)和西庇阿访问西法克斯国王的宫廷(16,170-276)。对于这两篇文章来说,维吉尔的《埃涅阿斯纪》和斯塔提乌斯的《底比斯》的场景中都有重要的参考文本,这些文本直到现在都没有得到足够的关注,或者没有得到足够的关注:埃涅阿斯对未来罗马的访问(埃涅阿斯纪8,102-553)和埃忒俄克利斯的牺牲(帖前11,205-238)。在简要评估了史学基础之后,我列出了这些参考文献在内容和语言上对这两个场景的影响。此外,我在哈斯德鲁巴斗篷的前言中考虑了其他史诗前文的改编,并提出了一种新的解释:前言将哈斯德鲁巴与伽尼米德、波吕斐摩斯和卡库斯联系起来,将西庇阿与朱庇特、奥德修斯和赫拉克勒斯联系起来。这项研究强调了前文的积极和消极方面,并显示了西庇阿的矛盾特征,他既与积极的人物(赫拉克勒斯和埃涅阿斯)联系在一起,也与邪恶的波利尼斯联系在一起。Punica的两个场景的共同参考具有连接,框架和准备功能。
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