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Acts of Self-Representation: Nazi-Fascist Wartime Cultural Diplomacy 自我展示行为:纳粹-法西斯战时文化外交
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-04-09 DOI: 10.1177/02656914241241251
Marla Stone
This article probes culture as a site of both cooperation and rivalry by examining two exhibitions, of 1939 and 1942, which were jointly supported by Hitler's Germany and Mussolini's Italy. These under-researched exhibitions reveal how the two regimes shared a common belief in culture as a tool of mobilization, but differed in their visions of race, culture, ideology and war.
本文通过研究 1939 年和 1942 年希特勒的德国和墨索里尼的意大利共同支持的两个展览,探讨文化作为合作与竞争的场所。这些未被充分研究的展览揭示了这两个政权对文化作为动员工具的共同信念,以及他们对种族、文化、意识形态和战争的不同看法。
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引用次数: 0
‘The Way We Were’: Everyday Life in Fascist Italy and Lessons of Alltagsgeschichte 我们过去的样子法西斯意大利的日常生活和《标签史》的启示
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-04-09 DOI: 10.1177/02656914241236614
Joshua Arthurs, Kate Ferris
This article shows the benefits to be drawn by applying to Fascist Italy an approach that has emerged within the German literature on Nazism within the field of Alltagsgeschichte or the history of everyday life. That approach has the potential to counter a nostalgic, rose-tinted and depoliticized view of life under Fascism, which has arisen in Italian public discourse since the crisis of anti-Fascism in the 1990s. Through a series of vignettes, the authors illustrate how ‘ordinary’ Italians encountered the Fascist state within the spaces of daily life.
本文展示了将德国关于纳粹主义的文献中在 "标签史"(Alltagsgeschichte)或 "日常生活史"(History of everyday life)领域中出现的方法应用于法西斯意大利的好处。这种方法有可能抵制自 20 世纪 90 年代反法西斯危机以来在意大利公共话语中出现的对法西斯主义时期生活的怀旧、玫瑰色和去政治化的看法。作者通过一系列小故事说明了 "普通 "意大利人如何在日常生活中遭遇法西斯国家。
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引用次数: 0
Nazi Elite-School Pupils as Youth Ambassadors: Between Fascist Italy and the Third Reich 作为青年大使的纳粹精英学校学生:法西斯意大利与第三帝国之间
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-04-09 DOI: 10.1177/02656914241236618
Helen Roche
Focused on transnational exchanges, this article examines a series of trips to Fascist Italy that were undertaken by pupils of Nazi elite schools in their role as youth ambassadors of the Third Reich. As a form of cultural diplomacy that continued during the Second World War, these trips were part of Fascist and Nazi efforts to foster a new cultural order. However, although intended to strengthen ties between the two regimes, the trips also laid bare national differences.
本文以跨国交流为重点,研究了纳粹精英学校的学生以第三帝国青年大使的身份前往法西斯意大利的一系列旅行。作为一种在第二次世界大战期间仍在继续的文化外交形式,这些旅行是法西斯和纳粹为促进新文化秩序所做努力的一部分。然而,尽管旨在加强两个政权之间的联系,这些旅行也暴露了民族差异。
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引用次数: 0
All Roads Lead to Rome? Pope Pius XII and Non-Confessional Internationalism During and After the Second World War (1944–1948) 条条大路通罗马?教皇庇护十二世与第二次世界大战期间和战后的非教派国际主义(1944-1948 年)
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-04-09 DOI: 10.1177/02656914241236653
Sante Lesti
Religion is the great absentee in the history of internationalism. Earlier studies have begun to highlight the critical role played by religious internationalism in the making of the modern world, but the relations between non-confessional internationalism and religious actors have, to date, been completely overlooked. This article explores the relationship between non-confessional internationalism and Catholicism, with the intention of enriching both the history of internationalism and that of Catholicism in the twentieth century. Specifically, it focuses on the relationship between a number of non-confessional internationalist actors – from the Paneuropean Union and other world and European federalist movements to war refugees – and Pope Pius XII, between 1944 and 1948. Based on the recently opened Vatican archives, the following pages address three fundamental issues: (1) What did the Pope represent in the internationalist imagination? (2) Why did non-confessional internationalists seek contact with him? (3) How did the Pope respond to the requests for support that he received? As a whole, the requests for support examined in this paper clearly show the centrality of Pius XII in the imagination – and strategies – of non-confessional internationalism in the 1940s, including popular internationalism. Between 1944 and 1948, all roads really seemed to lead to Rome.
宗教是国际主义历史上的一大缺席者。早期的研究已开始强调宗教国际主义在现代世界的形成中所发挥的关键作用,但迄今为止,非教派国际主义与宗教行为者之间的关系却完全被忽视了。本文探讨了非教派国际主义与天主教之间的关系,旨在丰富二十世纪国际主义史和天主教史。具体而言,文章重点探讨了 1944 年至 1948 年间一些非教派国际主义参与者--从泛欧洲联盟、其他世界和欧洲联邦主义运动到战争难民--与教皇庇护十二世之间的关系。根据最近开放的梵蒂冈档案,下文将讨论三个基本问题:(1) 教皇在国际主义想象中代表什么?(2) 为什么非宗教国际主义者寻求与教皇接触?(3) 教皇如何回应他收到的支持请求?总体而言,本文所研究的支持请求清楚地表明了庇护十二世在 20 世纪 40 年代非教派国际主义(包括大众国际主义)的想象和战略中的核心地位。从 1944 年到 1948 年,似乎所有的道路都通向罗马。
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引用次数: 0
Women in Politics and the Public Sphere: Munich 1918/1919 政治和公共领域中的女性:慕尼黑 1918/1919 年
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-04-09 DOI: 10.1177/02656914241236651
Corinne Painter
Women have never been passive bystanders to the history being made around them and they have always found ways to contribute to shaping their world. Munich in 1918/1919 provides a useful site to examine women's experiences and roles due to the long-standing involvement of women in the peace movement and welfare work, as well as the foundation of the Bavarian Soviet Republic after the First World War. However, Munich in the early years of the Weimar Republic is most commonly associated with Adolf Hitler's Beer Hall Putsch in 1923, an attempt by right-wing men to seize political power. Moreover, the 1918 revolution is also often told through the lens of male political figures. As a result, politics in the early twentieth century is easy to view as a male-dominated affair with women merely experiencing the effects of male political power. This era, particularly from the perspective of Munich, also becomes viewed through the lens of the rise of fascism, which obscures and distorts the alternative political visions many women held and worked towards. This article centres on women's experiences and roles in politics and the public sphere in revolutionary Munich to ask what opportunities the revolution and its immediate aftermath presented for women and how they were able to influence political decision-making despite huge barriers. Through an understanding of how their world was gendered, their role as political agents comes to the fore.
妇女从来都不是周围历史的被动旁观者,她们总是想方设法为塑造自己的世界做出贡献。1918/1919 年的慕尼黑为研究妇女的经历和角色提供了一个有用的场所,因为妇女长期参与和平运动和福利工作,并在第一次世界大战后成立了巴伐利亚苏维埃共和国。然而,人们通常将魏玛共和国初期的慕尼黑与 1923 年阿道夫-希特勒的啤酒馆政变联系在一起,这是一场右翼分子夺取政治权力的尝试。此外,1918 年的革命通常也是通过男性政治人物的视角来讲述的。因此,20 世纪初的政治很容易被视为男性主导的事务,女性只是经历了男性政治权力的影响。这个时代,尤其是从慕尼黑的视角来看,也是通过法西斯主义兴起的视角来看待的,这掩盖和扭曲了许多女性所持有和努力实现的另一种政治愿景。本文以革命时期慕尼黑妇女在政治和公共领域的经历和角色为中心,探讨革命及其直接后果为妇女带来了哪些机遇,以及她们如何克服重重障碍影响政治决策。通过了解她们的世界是如何被性别化的,她们作为政治推动者的作用就凸显出来了。
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引用次数: 0
The First Tourist Encounters in Mallorca (1837–1842): Colonial Denationalization and Local Resistance in Music and Dance Performance 马略卡岛上的首次游客邂逅(1837-1842 年):音乐和舞蹈表演中的殖民地非国有化与地方反抗
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-04-09 DOI: 10.1177/02656914241240918
Antoni Vives Riera
Although tourist performance of local identity has been regarded as an instrument of everyday nation-building from below, this article describes the opposite phenomenon as Mallorca became a tourist destination in the nineteenth century. The island's identity embodied through tourist dance performances, led to denationalization and subaltern silencing in the production process of a Mediterranean and insular exotic otherness of colonial nature. In this respect, this article explains how the host population refused to assume a denationalized local identity, as well as to perform a colonial stereotype through dance.
虽然游客对当地身份的表现一直被视为自下而上的日常国家建设工具,但本文描述的却是十九世纪马略卡岛成为旅游胜地时的相反现象。通过旅游舞蹈表演体现的岛屿身份导致了非国有化和次等人在殖民地性质的地中海和孤立的异国他乡的生产过程中保持沉默。在这方面,本文解释了当地居民如何拒绝接受非民族化的当地身份,以及如何通过舞蹈表演殖民地的刻板印象。
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引用次数: 0
Anarchist Prisoner Networks in Franco’s Spain and the Forging of the New Left in Europe 佛朗哥时期西班牙的无政府主义囚犯网络与欧洲新左派的形成
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-12-28 DOI: 10.1177/02656914231214933
Jessica Thorne
This article explores the little-known but formative networks developing across the 1960s between anarchist political prisoners in Franco's Spain and emerging activists of the European New Left. As social change accelerated, these prisoners broke with the out-of-touch anarchist leadership-in-exile to connect with a new generation of activists inside and outside Spain. The article uses prisoner correspondence and prisoner-aid bulletins to reconstruct these informational networks, and argues they were an important element in the ‘global rupture of 1968’. It posits that anarchist prisoners’ input was a formative influence on how New Left activists came to see post-war Europe as a whole: both looked beneath Francoism's consumerist surface (habitually foregrounded in discussions of it as a Western client regime), to its reconfigured repressive core. The article discusses key discursive shifts by the anarchist prisoners as they sought international support in a new era of decolonization, ‘national liberation’ and the ramping up of the Cold War. In a landscape shaped by Castro's success in Cuba, war in Algeria and the birth of ETA inside Spain, anarchist prisoners and New Left activists alike defined Franco's political prisoners as victims not only of a national dictatorship but also of the Western Cold-War order.
本文探讨了 20 世纪 60 年代弗朗哥统治下的西班牙无政府主义政治犯与欧洲新左派新兴活动家之间发展起来的鲜为人知的网络。随着社会变革的加速,这些囚犯与与世隔绝的流亡无政府主义领导层决裂,与西班牙国内外的新一代活动家建立了联系。文章利用囚犯通信和囚犯援助公告重建了这些信息网络,并认为它们是 "1968 年全球断裂 "的重要因素。文章认为,无政府主义囚犯的投入对新左派活动家如何看待整个战后欧洲产生了重要影响:他们都透过佛朗哥主义的消费主义表象(在将其视为西方客户政权的讨论中习惯性地将其放在首位),看到了其重构后的镇压核心。文章讨论了无政府主义囚犯在非殖民化、"民族解放 "和冷战加剧的新时代寻求国际支持时的关键话语转变。卡斯特罗在古巴的成功、阿尔及利亚的战争以及埃塔组织在西班牙的诞生塑造了这一格局,在此背景下,无政府主义囚犯和新左派活动家都将佛朗哥的政治犯定义为不仅是民族独裁统治的受害者,也是西方冷战秩序的受害者。
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引用次数: 0
Tirer La Couverture À Soi. PSOE Factions’ Views on French Socialism and the Popular Front Tirer La Couverture À Soi.社会党各派对法国社会主义和人民阵线的看法
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-12-28 DOI: 10.1177/02656914231216612
Aurelio Martí Bataller, Sergio Valero Gomez
The Partido Socialista Obrero Español (PSOE) has been interpreted as exceptional among its European counterparts because of its internal divisions, radicalization and the impossibility of reaching cross-cutting agreements. This article demonstrates how, during the 1930s, the PSOE's evolution went hand in hand with other socialist parties in Europe, especially with the Section Française de l’International Ouvrière (SFIO). In particular, this article focuses on the views of the Spanish socialist factions – prietismo and caballerismo – on the formation and development of the Popular Front in Spain and France. The press of these factions – El Socialista, Claridad and Leviatán – had a similar role in the evolution of both parties. Furthermore, this study points out how the different factions of Spanish socialism used the French experience to legitimize their positions during the first part of 1936.
西班牙社会主义党(PSOE)因其内部分裂、激进化和无法达成跨领域协议而被视为欧洲同类政党中的例外。本文论证了在 20 世纪 30 年代,西班牙社会主义工人党是如何与欧洲其他社会主义政党,尤其是法国国际行动党(SFIO)携手发展的。本文特别关注西班牙社会主义派别(prietismo 和 caballerismo)对西班牙和法国人民阵线的形成和发展的看法。这些派别的报刊--《社会主义者报》、《明确报》和《列维坦报》--在两党的演变过程中发挥了类似的作用。此外,本研究还指出了西班牙社会主义的不同派别在 1936 年上半年是如何利用法国的经验来使其立场合法化的。
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引用次数: 0
Prisons in Transition? The Prison System During and After the Political Transition from the Francoist Dictatorship 过渡时期的监狱?从佛朗哥独裁政权政治过渡期间和之后的监狱系统
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-12-28 DOI: 10.1177/02656914231216301
César Lorenzo Rubio
This article explores the chronology of change in the Spanish prison system, especially during the transition from the Francoist dictatorship (1975–1982). It indicates how the incarcerated population had come to reflect Francoism's management of social change (including via an increasing use of preventive detention). By the early 1970s, political activists represented a minority of those incarcerated, although a minority that had grown steadily again from the late 1960s. The article discusses relations between the different groups of inmate, the rapidly-deteriorating conditions inside the gaols, and the emergence in the early transition period (1976) of prison protests (COPEL) led by common prisoners whose main objective was inclusion in the gaol amnesty then being proposed as part of the exit strategy from dictatorship. The article analyzes the reactive rather than proactive response to COPEL of Spain's transitional governments, composed of reformist Francoists, and the eventual outcome in a prison reform law in 1979. The article assesses the law's limited practical effect inside the gaols, because of severe budgetary restrictions combined with Spain's rising prison population – the latter mirroring developments across Western democracies generally.
本文探讨了西班牙监狱系统的时序变化,尤其是在佛朗哥独裁统治的过渡时期(1975-1982 年)。文章指出,被监禁人口如何反映了佛朗哥主义对社会变革的管理(包括越来越多地使用预防性拘留)。到 20 世纪 70 年代初,政治活动家在被监禁者中只占少数,尽管从 20 世纪 60 年代末开始,这一少数人数又在稳步增长。文章讨论了不同囚犯群体之间的关系、监狱内迅速恶化的条件,以及在过渡时期初期(1976 年)出现的由普通囚犯领导的监狱抗议活动(COPEL),其主要目的是加入当时作为退出独裁统治战略一部分而提出的监狱大赦。文章分析了由佛朗哥改革派组成的西班牙过渡政府对 COPEL 的反应,以及 1979 年监狱改革法的最终结果。文章评估了该法在监狱中的有限实际效果,因为预算受到严重限制,加上西班牙监狱人口不断增加--后者反映了整个西方民主国家的发展情况。
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引用次数: 0
Critical and Comparative Reappraisals of the Greek Revolution 对希腊革命的批判性和比较性再评价
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-12-28 DOI: 10.1177/02656914231216406
George Kalpadakis
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引用次数: 0
期刊
European History Quarterly
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