Asian Politics & Policy最新文献

The rise of China has accelerated Renminbi (RMB) internationalization. While there seems to be global support for RMB internationalization, there is a gap in understanding how developing nations, facing potential domestic skepticism, rationalize and articulate their support. This article discusses narratives that states use to legitimize their support for RMB internationalization. Using the case of Indonesia, this article examines the country's policy responses to China's RMB internationalization strategy. It uncovers that Indonesia frames its engagement with RMB internationalization not merely as an endorsement of China's global ambitions but as a strategic move to hedge against US dollar vulnerability and to foster broader Asian regional integration, particularly in terms of currency cooperation. This article enriches the existing literature, providing a nuanced perspective on how states navigate the complexities of international economic diplomacy, crafting narratives that align with their strategic interests and policy objectives in the evolving landscape of global currency politics.

While traditional media literacy (TML) facilitates outdated patterns of digital media response, new media literacy (NML) frames the adaptation of literacy to the ever-dynamic trend of media development. It then raises the cruciality of integrating NML concepts into national educational frameworks. The study aims to explore the case of Myanmar and the Philippines' NML capacity levels. Both countries have a digital media environment enveloped by information distortions mainly rooted in tumultuous political climates. The study leans to notions of educational crises in both countries as seen in terms of (1) sociopolitical contexts that lead to the irresponsive initiatives to improve individual criticality, (2) lack of emphasis on NML response, and (3) the implication of state and individual approaches against false information. Finally, the study presents a multifaceted response to educational paradigms derived from interpretive social-scientific approaches in seeing the critical issues concerning digital media use.

The article discusses the evolution of Iraq-South Korea relations since the late 1970s. It relies on Iraq's and South Korea's governmental platforms, local media outlets, and databases such as the Korea Statistical Information Service and the Observatory of Economic Complexity. This article argues that while in the 1970s both countries had economic rapport, bilateral economic diplomacy between both countries began in the 1980s, faced challenges in the 1990s and was revived by 2003. In the 1970s, the relationship was focused on trade and infrastructure. By the 1980s, official diplomatic and bilateral relations took shape, resulting in increased trade and South Korea energy ventures in Iraq. By the 1990s relations were dormant due to Iraq's invasion of Kuwait and the UN sanctions. In 2003, the diplomatic relationship was revived and further enhanced. These include energy, trade, infrastructure, and South Korea's humanitarian, military, and industrial assistance to Iraq. The post-2003 phase shows the expansion of ties between both countries including the Kurdistan Regional Government. Bilateral economic diplomacy between South Korea and Iraq has not been without political and security challenges, particularly concerning Iraq's political stability.

This article contributes a new layer to the existing analyses of Duterte's foreign policy by arguing that he epitomized a transactionalist approach to Philippine foreign policy. This approach favored bilateral to multilateral relations, focused on short-term wins rather than long-term foresight, adhered to a zero-sum worldview, rejected value-based policymaking, and did not follow a grand strategy. Most of these qualities have been apparent in Duterte's relationship with China, Russia, and the United States but became even more prominent during the COVID-19 crisis. The analysis revealed that Duterte's transactionalist foreign policy rhymed with his domestic politics, and his obsession with winning now resulted in contradictions in his foreign policy, indicating a lack of a grand strategy that informed his decision-making. This article contributes a real-world case of a transactionalist foreign policy while considering whether it would persist in future policymaking in the Philippines.

This article undertakes a comparative analysis of two cases, Hong Kong and South Korea, each characterized by distinct levels of political and civil liberties to elucidate how the institutionalization of national security operates in shaping the repertoires of popular political actions and the repressive conduct of state actors. In both cases, the legal frameworks serve to curtail popular political action, both online and offline, often through discretionary applications of national security norms, resulting in ambiguity. They bestow legitimacy upon state agencies to engage in protest policing, surveillance, and the suppression of individuals or organizations in the name of upholding national security. In contrast, the national security laws in Hong Kong and South Korea, influenced by varying interpretations and applications of perceived threats to national security, result in differences in the extent and degree of contentious political actions and state repression.

This article compares the authoritarian regimes of early South Korea and Albania, identifying historical anecdotes of state authoritarianism that resulted in state-led crimes and human rights violations. It identifies the historical connections between the establishment and maintenance of authoritarian regimes, as well as the consequences of such meticulous upkeep, by comparing and contrasting the efforts made in dealing with the past and lustration, as well as their significance for peace and stability. We compare the South Korean and Albanian cases from these perspectives to find similarities and differences. By comparing two different countries with similar authoritarian pasts, this article analyzes the efforts of both countries towards transitional justice, and unified rhetoric across the political spectrum for lustration and punishment of past crimes, and discovered that when it comes to practice, these laws tend to be unilateral and were strongly challenged in courts and used as political tools against ideological opponents.

We are now indeed in the age of rapid transformations in information and communications technology (ICT). The so-called Fourth Industrial Revolution has brought forth sea changes in not just how people communicate, but in the production, transmission, and consumption of information. While the past 50 years focused more on the communication side of new technologies, at present, the revolution seems to emphasize the information aspect. This is seen in the fast-paced evolution of social media and artificial intelligence (AI).

Similar to other technological revolutions in the history of human civilization, their impact on politics and society are far-reaching and even menacing. It is not coincidental that the dysfunction of democratic regimes are going side-by-side with the “infodemic” caused by disinformation. Us versus Them polarization though is not just seen in democracies but is a current political condition worldwide. The destruction of political consensus, ideological compromise, collective memory, and even previously accepted knowledge are all characteristics of this post-truth era.

Asia is becoming a nexus of the social media and AI revolution. As an economically and demographically dynamic part of the world, countries in Asia like China and South Korea are at the forefront of these massive changes. Moreover, Asians are vociferous consumers of social media content as “netizens” in the Southeast Asian states like the Philippines and Thailand are among the most digitally connected societies in the world. Like a double-edged knife, their penchant for social media exposes them to both legitimate information as well as fake news. The amplification of social media disinformation, perpetuated by domestic and external agents, are contributing to the pernicious polarization in these polities. As advances in AI are outpacing the ability of governments to regulate and control their repercussions, their disruptive and even destructive impacts cannot be over exaggerated.

Asian Politics & Policy has long recognized the importance of focusing research energies on media, the internet, and other ICTs. In 2006, it re-launched a special section called Media Review, which sets it apart from other policy-oriented academic journals in Asia. As our previous editor-in-chief wrote, “… much of what citizens understand about politics is derived from what they are exposed to in the media” (Baviera, 2016). Since then, we continue to feature reviews of traditional and new media coverage of a host of political and policy topics in Asia under the stewardship of our Senior Editor and journalism professor Ma. Diosa Labiste. We expect more submissions of media reviews in the future given the sustained attention paid by scholars and researchers on this topic.

Our current issue reflects this media and communication gaze as three original articles cover different aspects of the current ICT revolution. Yang's article (Tang