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The Revolution Will Be Danced 革命将被跳舞
IF 0.7 Q2 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1215/23289252-10133860
Malú Machuca Rose
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引用次数: 0
Finding the Familiar in the Strange 在陌生中寻找熟悉
IF 0.7 Q2 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1215/23289252-10133874
A. Everhart
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引用次数: 0
TERFism, Zionism, and Right-Wing Annihilationism 恐怖主义、犹太复国主义和右翼灭绝主义
IF 0.7 Q2 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-08-01 DOI: 10.1215/23289252-9836022
C. Schotten
This article traces the emergence of what the author calls predation TERFism to the development of US Jewish-identified feminism and, in particular, Zionist lesbian separatism. This historical connection is reflected in the rhetorical and ideological similarities between predation TERFism and Zionism, both of which are defined by an “extinction phobia” that confuses oppressor and oppressed, presenting the subordinate party as capable of eliminating the dominant one. This extinction phobia transforms into “right-wing annihilationism” via a dehumanization of the subordinate party as innately harmful and therefore requiring elimination; hence the hallmark predation TERF abjection of trans women as rapists of cis women and the Zionist abjection of Palestinians as “savage” and/or “terrorist.” These connections can be obscured by the siloization of social justice movement work in the United States, wherein anti-colonial and anti-imperial organizing is often separated from organizing for gender and reproductive justice and sexual freedom. Recognizing the continuities, however—whether historical, material, or ideological—between predation TERFism and Zionism offers useful lessons for understanding not only the power of the contemporary global anti-trans resurgence, but also how we might build solidaristic, anti-colonial movements to defeat it.
这篇文章将作者所谓的掠夺性恐怖主义的出现追溯到美国犹太人认同的女权主义,特别是犹太复国主义女同性恋分离主义的发展。这种历史联系反映在掠夺性恐怖主义和犹太复国主义在修辞和意识形态上的相似性上,两者都被定义为一种“灭绝恐惧症”,它混淆了压迫者和被压迫者,将从属方呈现为能够消灭主导方。这种灭绝恐惧症转化为“右翼歼灭主义”,通过将下属政党非人化,认为其天生有害,因此需要消除;因此,TERF将跨性别女性贬为对顺性女性的强奸犯,而犹太复国主义者则将巴勒斯坦人贬为“野蛮人”和/或“恐怖分子”。这些联系可能被美国社会正义运动工作的孤立化所掩盖,在美国,反殖民主义和反帝国主义的组织往往与争取性别和生殖正义以及性自由的组织分开。然而,认识到掠夺性恐怖主义和犹太复国主义之间的连续性——无论是历史的、物质的还是意识形态的——不仅为理解当代全球反跨性别复兴的力量,而且为我们如何建立团结的反殖民运动来击败它提供了有用的经验。
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引用次数: 1
A Report from LGBTI Philanthropy 一份来自LGBTI慈善机构的报告
IF 0.7 Q2 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-08-01 DOI: 10.1215/23289252-9836190
Ezra Berkley Nepon
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引用次数: 2
GID as an Acceptable Minority; or, The Alliance between Moral Conservatives and “Gender Critical” Feminists in Japan GID作为可接受的少数群体;或者《日本道德保守主义者和“性别批判”女权主义者的联盟》
IF 0.7 Q2 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-08-01 DOI: 10.1215/23289252-9836162
Hidenobu Yamada
This essay articulates how feminist, queer, and trans politics in the early aughts have become a precondition for the rise of feminist transphobia in Japan now. On the one hand, mainstream feminists in that period overlooked transphobia in the gender backlash from moral conservatives. On the other hand, a 2003 law on gender recognition for people with GID (gender identity disorder) endorsed the patriarchal system in which only some transsexual people would be recognized. The author argues that these backgrounds allow “gender critical” feminists to oppose what they see as the transgender ideology, forging an implicit alliance with moral conservatives while portraying themselves as being tolerant of people with GID.
这篇文章阐述了早期的女权主义、酷儿和跨性别政治如何成为现在日本女权主义跨性别恐惧症兴起的先决条件。一方面,那个时期的主流女权主义者在道德保守派的性别反弹中忽视了跨性别恐惧症。另一方面,2003年关于性别认同障碍(GID)患者性别认同的法律支持了男权制度,只有部分变性人会得到承认。作者认为,这些背景允许“性别批判”女权主义者反对他们所认为的跨性别意识形态,与道德保守派结成隐性联盟,同时将自己描绘成对性别认知障碍患者的宽容。
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引用次数: 0
Pulpit of Performative Reason 行为理性讲坛
IF 0.7 Q2 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-08-01 DOI: 10.1215/23289252-9836092
Kathryn Lofton
This essay observes that a hostile relationship to religion is an elemental component of contemporary debates about gender and sexuality, and this hostility has its origin in a specific movement, freethought. A long line of Anglophone self-described freethinkers argues that human beings embrace religions because they cannot think without direction. TERF voices echo this explanation as they seek to right what they determine are wrong figurations of gender. The freethinker's ritual presentation requires standing at a pulpit determined by their claimed associations with and commitment to reason, and then correcting someone else's view of themselves with a red pen in front of a crowd. Understanding TERFs, and their ability to declare what gender is and is not, requires a foray into the history of religions to perceive why this is such a tenacious prejudicial rite of modernity.
本文观察到,对宗教的敌对关系是当代关于性别和性的辩论的一个基本组成部分,这种敌意起源于一个特定的运动——自由思想。一长串自称自由思想者的英语国家认为,人类信奉宗教是因为他们无法在没有方向的情况下思考。TERF的声音呼应了这种解释,因为他们试图纠正他们认为错误的性别形象。自由思想者的仪式性陈述需要站在一个讲坛上,由他们声称的与理性的联系和对理性的承诺决定,然后在人群面前用红笔纠正别人对他们的看法。要理解terf,以及它们宣称性别是什么和不是什么的能力,需要深入研究宗教史,才能理解为什么这是一种如此顽固的带有偏见的现代性仪式。
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引用次数: 0
Fascist Feminism 法西斯主义的女权主义
IF 0.7 Q2 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-08-01 DOI: 10.1215/23289252-9836120
Sophie Lewis, Asa Seresin
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引用次数: 2
Moving toward Radical Love in Organizing Spaces 在组织空间中走向激进的爱
IF 0.7 Q2 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-08-01 DOI: 10.1215/23289252-9836148
P. Krishnakumar, Annapurna Menon
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引用次数: 0
Is “Gender Ideology” Western Colonialism? “性别意识形态”是西方殖民主义吗?
IF 0.7 Q2 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-08-01 DOI: 10.1215/23289252-9836036
Jenny Andrine Madsen Evang
How should we interrogate and oppose the current anti-gender misappropriation of postcolonial thought and struggles? Recently, we have seen a resurgence of organized anti-gender sentiments across Europe and the globe. A specific anti-gender rhetoric of victimization defines so-called Western genderists as a common enemy and colonizing force against “the people.” By focusing on some key European anti-gender actors, this article analyzes the strategic significance of the specific anti-gender assertion that gender is a neocolonial imposition. Beyond examining how the European anti-gender takeover of postcolonial framing is hypocritical—as anti-gender thinkers are themselves invested in the cisheterosexist myth that is perhaps the most colonial of all—the article argues that the misappropriation reveals something central about the racialized imaginary underpinning their rhetoric. They reproduce a racialized hierarchy of biological plasticity that positions white Europeans as both the ultimate saviors and the most vulnerable victims in the face of “genderism.” By unpacking the politics through which European anti-gender actors use the “non-Western” world as a rhetorical ruse to further Western supremacy, the article also shows the danger of the impulse to suspend postcolonial feminist critique in an effort to distance oneself from the anti-gender misappropriation of such theory and to unite around a common liberal front. Instead, it proposes that postcolonial thought is more vital than ever if we are to counter current anti-gender movements, their Islamophobia, and their transphobia.
我们应该如何诘问和反对当前对后殖民思想和斗争的反性别挪用?最近,我们看到欧洲和全球各地有组织的反性别情绪死灰复燃。一种具体的反性别受害修辞将所谓的西方性别主义者定义为反对“人民”的共同敌人和殖民力量。本文通过关注欧洲一些关键的反性别行动者,分析了性别是新殖民主义强加的具体反性别主张的战略意义。除了研究欧洲在后殖民框架下的反性别接管是如何虚伪的——因为反性别思想家们自己也投入到可能是最具殖民主义色彩的异性恋神话中——文章还认为,这种盗用揭示了支撑他们修辞的种族化想象的一些核心问题。他们再现了一种种族化的生物可塑性等级制度,在面对“性别歧视”时,欧洲白人既是最终的救世主,也是最脆弱的受害者。通过揭示欧洲反性别行动者利用“非西方”世界作为进一步提升西方霸权的修辞诡计的政治,文章还显示了暂停后殖民女权主义批评的冲动的危险,这种冲动旨在使自己远离对这种理论的反性别滥用,并团结在一个共同的自由主义阵线周围。相反,它提出,如果我们要对抗当前的反性别运动、他们的伊斯兰恐惧症和变性恐惧症,后殖民思想比以往任何时候都更加重要。
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引用次数: 2
TERF or Transfeminist Avant la Lettre? TERF还是跨性别女权主义先锋文学?
IF 0.7 Q2 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-08-01 DOI: 10.1215/23289252-9836050
Blase A. Provitola
French lesbian author and theorist Monique Wittig's early contestations of woman as the subject of feminism have played an important role in gender studies in both anglophone and francophone spaces. Since the mid-1990s, French lesbian studies scholars and queer theorists alike have looked to her to anchor their contestations of normative sexuality within a French tradition and counter some of the universalizing aspects of Anglocentric queer theory. As a result, polarizing debates have sprung up over interpretations of Wittigian political lesbianism, typically focusing on divergent readings of her theorization of sex and gender between radical lesbians on the one hand and queer theorists on the other. However, far less attention has been paid to the implications of such debates for transgender studies. Since she has been claimed by trans-exclusionary radical feminists as well as by queer and materialist transfeminists in France, her legacy serves as a rich site through which to understand how the ideological conflicts between those groups relate to feminist history. Taking as a point of departure the appropriation of her name by the anti-trans group Résistance Lesbienne (Lesbian Resistance) that took over the 2021 Paris Pride March, this article fleshes out the implications of her work concerning the place of transgender people, and especially transgender women, in feminist spaces. Ultimately, it is her complexity that makes her a crucial figure for transgender studies insofar as she elucidates French “gender-critical” feminism and its transfeminist critics.
法国女同性恋作家和理论家Monique Wittig早期关于女性作为女权主义主题的争论在英语和法语国家的性别研究中都发挥了重要作用。自20世纪90年代中期以来,法国的女同性恋研究学者和酷儿理论家都把目光投向了她,希望她能将他们关于规范性性行为的争论固定在法国的传统中,并反驳一些以英国为中心的酷儿理论的普遍性方面。因此,对维蒂格政治女同性恋的解释出现了两极分化的辩论,主要集中在激进女同性恋者和酷儿理论家之间对她的性和性别理论的不同解读上。然而,很少有人关注这些争论对跨性别研究的影响。由于法国排外跨性别的激进女权主义者以及酷儿和唯物主义的跨性别主义者都声称她是她的拥护者,她的遗产为理解这些群体之间的意识形态冲突与女权主义历史之间的关系提供了丰富的基础。以反跨性别团体“女同性恋抵抗”(r sistance Lesbienne)在2021年巴黎骄傲游行中盗用她的名字为出发点,本文充实了她的作品对跨性别者,尤其是跨性别女性在女权主义空间中的地位的影响。最终,正是她的复杂性使她成为跨性别研究的关键人物,因为她阐明了法国的“性别批判”女权主义及其跨性别女权主义批评者。
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TSQ-Transgender Studies Quarterly
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