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Diplomacy, the Media, and a Search for Legitimacy: Reassessing Gerald Ford’s Pacific Tours 外交、媒体与寻求合法性:重新评估杰拉尔德·福特的太平洋之旅
IF 0.4 3区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/09592296.2022.2143119
T. Allcock
ABSTRACT This article assesses President Gerald Ford’s two major tours of Asia that saw him visit Japan, South Korea, China, the Philippines and Indonesia in 1974 and 1975. The trips were intended to reemphasise American commitment to longstanding allies in the Pacific, shore up recent gains in relations with Beijing, and boost his image with voters at home. On the first two points, Ford was broadly successful, but his moderate diplomatic achievements did not translate into electoral success. In assessing both the impact of his diplomacy and failure to leverage this domestically, the article demonstrates the importance of presidential diplomacy in furthering American interests, the power of the media in shaping the narratives of diplomatic travel, and the interconnected nature of domestic and foreign affairs. It also adds depth to our understanding of an often-overlooked administration and its impact on a region of crucial strategic importance to American foreign relations.
本文回顾了杰拉尔德·福特总统在1974年和1975年对日本、韩国、中国、菲律宾和印度尼西亚的两次重要亚洲之行。这些访问旨在再次强调美国对太平洋地区长期盟友的承诺,巩固最近与北京的关系,并提升他在国内选民中的形象。在前两点上,福特总体上是成功的,但他适度的外交成就并没有转化为选举的成功。通过对奥巴马外交政策的影响和未能在国内发挥作用的评估,本文展示了总统外交在促进美国利益方面的重要性、媒体在塑造外交行程叙事方面的力量,以及国内和外交事务相互关联的本质。它还加深了我们对一个经常被忽视的政府的理解,以及它对一个对美国外交关系具有至关重要战略意义的地区的影响。
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引用次数: 0
‘If This Is the People’s Will, the People Should Be Replaced’: The Shi’ization of Syria During the Civil War, 2011–2018 “如果这是人民的意愿,人民就应该被取代”:2011-2018年叙利亚内战期间的什叶派化
IF 0.4 3区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/09592296.2022.2143123
Yehuda Blanga
ABSTRACT For the past decade, a cruel and bloody civil war has wracked Syria. The conflict, and especially its military and humanitarian aspects, has been surveyed extensively. But like every war, that in Syria involves a ‘soft conflict’ in addition to the military confrontation. By this is meant the religious, educational, social, and cultural actions undertaken by the Shi’ite axis – the Syrian regime and its allies, Iran and Hezbollah – vis-à-vis the Sunni majority in the country. For Bashar Assad, a member of the Alawite sect, and his Shi’ite allies, the Sunnis pose a real threat, which can best be countered by converting them to Shi’ism.
在过去的十年里,一场残酷而血腥的内战蹂躏着叙利亚。对冲突,特别是其军事和人道主义方面进行了广泛的调查。但就像每一场战争一样,叙利亚战争除了军事对抗之外还涉及“软冲突”。这指的是什叶派轴心——叙利亚政权及其盟友伊朗和真主党——对-à-vis国内占多数的逊尼派所采取的宗教、教育、社会和文化行动。对于阿拉维派成员巴沙尔·阿萨德(Bashar Assad)和他的什叶派盟友来说,逊尼派构成了真正的威胁,最好的应对办法是将他们转变为什叶派。
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引用次数: 0
The Architects of International Relations: Building a Discipline, Designing the World, 1914-1940 国际关系的建筑师:建立一门学科,设计世界,1914-1940
IF 0.4 3区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/09592296.2022.2143131
Alexander Mack
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引用次数: 2
Tears, Fire, and Blood: The United States and the Decolonization of Africa 眼泪、火焰和鲜血:美国与非洲的非殖民化
IF 0.4 3区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/09592296.2022.2143125
Cary Fraser
The Churchill complex is more complex than Buruma allows. Historians will continue to write the kind of high politics history that he has done, but they are also exploring the subject in other ways and widening the field valuably. Studies of culture, identity, memory and race, and Churchill himself, are now revealing much about why the relationship has had longevity despite vast asymmetry in power and different national histories.
丘吉尔的复杂程度超出了布鲁马的想象。历史学家将继续写他所写的那种高级政治史,但他们也在以其他方式探索这个主题,并有价值地拓宽了这个领域。对文化、身份、记忆、种族以及丘吉尔本人的研究,揭示了尽管权力悬殊、国家历史不同,英英关系却能长久存在的原因。
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引用次数: 0
The Aftermath of the Suez Crisis: The Reopening of the Canal and Anglo–American Relations 苏伊士危机的后果:运河的重开与英美关系
IF 0.4 3区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/09592296.2022.2143115
R. Ikeda
ABSTRACT There have been a great number of works on the Suez Crisis, but scarce academic attention has been paid to the process whereby its settlement was achieved. This paper argues that Britain succeeded in securing fairly sufficient Egyptian concessions with support from the US and the UN. The Americans, who had been hostile to the British prior to their agreement to withdraw troops from the Canal Zone, led the effort to make the Egyptians concede during negotiations on the Canal’s reopening. Contrary to the prevailing argument that Britain suffered a political defeat because of international pressure, this paper argues that Britain persuaded the US to acquiesce to the de facto arrangement because of the Canal’s economic value. The deployment of the UNEF brought a certain level of humiliation to Egyptian sovereignty. As Nasser’s influence in Middle Eastern affairs was contained, Britain chose a pragmatic deal with Egypt over the Canal.
关于苏伊士运河危机的研究已经有大量的著作,但学术界对其解决过程的关注却很少。本文认为,在美国和联合国的支持下,英国成功地获得了埃及相当充分的让步。在英国同意从运河区撤军之前,美国人一直对英国怀有敌意,在重开运河的谈判中,美国人带头让埃及人让步。与普遍认为英国因国际压力而遭受政治失败的观点相反,本文认为,由于运河的经济价值,英国说服美国默许了事实上的安排。联合国儿童基金会的部署给埃及的主权带来了一定程度的羞辱。由于纳赛尔在中东事务中的影响力受到遏制,英国选择了与埃及就运河问题达成务实的协议。
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引用次数: 0
Fraternal Enemies: Israel and the Gulf Monarchies 兄弟敌人:以色列和海湾君主国
IF 0.4 3区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/09592296.2022.2143121
Eldad Ben Aharon
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引用次数: 0
Breaking Protocol: America’s First Female Ambassadors, 1933-1964 打破礼仪:1933-1964年美国首位女大使
IF 0.4 3区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/09592296.2022.2143107
Aurélie Basha i Novosejt
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引用次数: 0
The British Army, Upper Silesia, and European Diplomacy, 1920–22 英国军队、上西里西亚和欧洲外交,1920 - 1922
IF 0.4 3区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/09592296.2022.2143109
W. Butler
ABSTRACT At the end of the First World War, Britain was at the limit of its capabilities, both militarily and diplomatically. Despite large reductions in the size of its armed forces, it had an increasing number of responsibilities as a victorious power. One of these responsibilities was to ensure the success of a plebiscite in Upper Silesia. It had little desire to do this but was compelled to provide support in order to counter French influence in the region, having to do so with minimal expertise and manpower. This article explores the decision-making which occurred in relation to the British role in Upper Silesia, placing it within the wider context of British strategic and diplomatic policy in the years immediately after the First World War, while also assessing the use (or not) of British civilian and military experts on the ground. Belatedly taking a role in the region certainly helped to aid a situation which was spiralling out of control, but highlights how a short-term outlook on foreign policy and decision-making hindered British efforts to exert influence in the region and further afield.
摘要第一次世界大战结束时,英国的军事和外交能力都已到了极限。尽管其武装部队规模大幅缩减,但作为一个胜利国,它肩负着越来越多的责任。其中一项责任是确保上西里西亚公民投票的成功。它几乎没有这样做的意愿,但不得不提供支持,以对抗法国在该地区的影响力,而这样做只需要最少的专业知识和人力。本文探讨了与英国在上西里西亚的作用有关的决策,将其置于第一次世界大战后几年英国战略和外交政策的更广泛背景下,同时也评估了英国文职和军事专家在当地的使用(或不使用)。姗姗来迟地在该地区发挥作用当然有助于帮助局势失控,但也突显了外交政策和决策的短期前景如何阻碍了英国在该地区和更远地区发挥影响力的努力。
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引用次数: 0
Diplomatic Deliberative Practices in International Organizations: Does Institutional Design Matter? 国际组织中的外交协商实践:制度设计重要吗?
IF 0.4 3区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/09592296.2022.2143126
D. Panke, Gurur Polat, Franziska Hohlstein
ABSTRACT Scholars have demonstrated that deliberation between political actors in states as well as in International Organizations (IOs) matters because it can impact the quality and legitimacy of outcomes. Yet, we do not know much about how deliberation between political actors can be triggered in practice. Drawing on insights from the deliberative turn that has taken place in Comparative Politics as well as insights from International Relations, this paper inquires how different IO institutional features effect the extent of diplomatic deliberation. Unique and novel survey data shows that there is variation between and within IOs. In some IOs, such as the UNFCCC or CoE, diplomats engage in extensive deliberations, while they do so considerably less in others, such as the UNWTO or IWC. Our paper provides novel insights into the inner working of IOs. In general, diplomatic debates are most pronounced in large IOs with high level delegates that often opt for negotiating behind closed doors. In addition, specific institutional design elements matter in the different stages of an IO policy-cycle, such as procedural rules fostering interaction between diplomats in the negotiation stage or a limited policy scope in the voting stage.
学者们已经证明,国家和国际组织中的政治行为者之间的审议很重要,因为它可以影响结果的质量和合法性。然而,我们对如何在实践中触发政治行为者之间的审议知之甚少。本文借鉴比较政治学中的审议转向以及国际关系学的见解,探讨了不同的国际关系制度特征如何影响外交审议的程度。独特而新颖的调查数据表明,IOs之间和内部存在差异。在一些国际组织中,如联合国气候变化框架公约(UNFCCC)或欧洲委员会(CoE),外交官参与广泛的审议,而在其他国际组织中,如联合国世界旅游组织(UNWTO)或国际捕鲸委员会(IWC),外交官参与的审议要少得多。我们的论文对IOs的内部运作提供了新颖的见解。一般来说,外交辩论在有高层代表的大型IOs中最为明显,他们通常会选择闭门谈判。此外,具体的制度设计要素在国际组织政策周期的不同阶段很重要,例如在谈判阶段促进外交官之间互动的程序规则或在投票阶段限制政策范围。
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引用次数: 0
Military Education and the British Empire, 1815–1949 军事教育与大英帝国,1815-1949
IF 0.4 3区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/09592296.2022.2143120
Iain E. Johnston-White
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引用次数: 0
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