Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/19436149.2022.2129339
A. Ozturk, Hakkı Taş, Bahar Başer
Diasporas have become a topic of academic and political discussion and interest since 2000. Until recently, most diaspora research has focused on the ways the states in the Global North ‘ receive ’ outsiders but has devoted limited scrutiny to the role of sending states in shaping opportunity structures abroad. 1 The recently growing literature on diaspora politics draw our attention to the rise of state-led diaspora engagement initiatives which aim at cultivating, (re)building, (re)shaping and (de/re)mobilizing diasporas. Currently, more than one hundred states have established forms of diaspora engagement policies and institutions, with a variety of motivations. 2 Scholars try to understand the development of diaspora-engagement policies cultivated by political actors in the homeland from various disciplines including international relations, political science and sociology. 3 How these policies are cultivated and transformed through time 4 and their
{"title":"Guest Editors’ Introduction: Turkey’s Diaspora Governance Policies from the Past to the Present","authors":"A. Ozturk, Hakkı Taş, Bahar Başer","doi":"10.1080/19436149.2022.2129339","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19436149.2022.2129339","url":null,"abstract":"Diasporas have become a topic of academic and political discussion and interest since 2000. Until recently, most diaspora research has focused on the ways the states in the Global North ‘ receive ’ outsiders but has devoted limited scrutiny to the role of sending states in shaping opportunity structures abroad. 1 The recently growing literature on diaspora politics draw our attention to the rise of state-led diaspora engagement initiatives which aim at cultivating, (re)building, (re)shaping and (de/re)mobilizing diasporas. Currently, more than one hundred states have established forms of diaspora engagement policies and institutions, with a variety of motivations. 2 Scholars try to understand the development of diaspora-engagement policies cultivated by political actors in the homeland from various disciplines including international relations, political science and sociology. 3 How these policies are cultivated and transformed through time 4 and their","PeriodicalId":44822,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Critique","volume":"31 1","pages":"303 - 309"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49596264","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/19436149.2022.2132192
Banu Senay
Abstract: Since the early 2000s, under successive Justice and Development Party (AKP) governments, Turkey has developed more systematic ‘engagement’ policies with its extra-territorial communities, including citizens abroad, kin and ‘relatives’, and non-Turkish international students sponsored to study in Turkey. This article examines the governmental techniques taken up by the ruling AKP elites to mobilize these constituencies as a source of what Félix Krawatzek and Lea Müller-Funk call ‘political remittance.’ To achieve this goal, the Turkish state has configured itself as an ‘impresario.’ It utilizes public pedagogy and political spectacle as key devices through which to generate desired remittances from extra-territorial communities, as well as to cast and craft its future leaders, friends, and allies.
{"title":"The Impresario State: Rituals of Diaspora Governance and Constructing Regime-Friendly Publics beyond Turkey’s Borders","authors":"Banu Senay","doi":"10.1080/19436149.2022.2132192","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19436149.2022.2132192","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:\u0000 Since the early 2000s, under successive Justice and Development Party (AKP) governments, Turkey has developed more systematic ‘engagement’ policies with its extra-territorial communities, including citizens abroad, kin and ‘relatives’, and non-Turkish international students sponsored to study in Turkey. This article examines the governmental techniques taken up by the ruling AKP elites to mobilize these constituencies as a source of what Félix Krawatzek and Lea Müller-Funk call ‘political remittance.’ To achieve this goal, the Turkish state has configured itself as an ‘impresario.’ It utilizes public pedagogy and political spectacle as key devices through which to generate desired remittances from extra-territorial communities, as well as to cast and craft its future leaders, friends, and allies.","PeriodicalId":44822,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Critique","volume":"31 1","pages":"341 - 354"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41842989","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/19436149.2022.2135363
Hakkı Taş
Abstract: Diasporas do not arise from fixed connections to objective circumstances such as dispersion or relation to a homeland, but instead constantly are negotiated and re-constituted. Ranging from internal gradual change to sudden exogenous change, the re-making of a diaspora can take diverse forms. Despite the prevalence of constructivist and processual approaches, however, research on diaspora identity change has been limited. This paper takes a comparative historical perspective to the post-2016 diasporization of the Gülen Movement (GM) and discusses how the GM responded differently to sudden exogenous shocks in 1997, 2007, and 2016. In both historical institutionalism and rational choice theories, the sudden exogenous shocks do the heavy lifting to explain change; however, it is rather the endogenous parameters that account for the variation in the GM’s responses to those shocks.
{"title":"Collective Identity Change under Exogenous Shocks: The Gülen Movement and Its Diasporization","authors":"Hakkı Taş","doi":"10.1080/19436149.2022.2135363","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19436149.2022.2135363","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract: Diasporas do not arise from fixed connections to objective circumstances such as dispersion or relation to a homeland, but instead constantly are negotiated and re-constituted. Ranging from internal gradual change to sudden exogenous change, the re-making of a diaspora can take diverse forms. Despite the prevalence of constructivist and processual approaches, however, research on diaspora identity change has been limited. This paper takes a comparative historical perspective to the post-2016 diasporization of the Gülen Movement (GM) and discusses how the GM responded differently to sudden exogenous shocks in 1997, 2007, and 2016. In both historical institutionalism and rational choice theories, the sudden exogenous shocks do the heavy lifting to explain change; however, it is rather the endogenous parameters that account for the variation in the GM’s responses to those shocks.","PeriodicalId":44822,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Critique","volume":"31 1","pages":"385 - 399"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44046943","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-28DOI: 10.1080/19436149.2022.2127631
Damla Aksel
Abstract: In examining the transformations in statecraft, the existing scholarship on Turkish diaspora policies largely adopts Foucault’s governmentality perspective and suggests that the shifting policies reflect the home states’ attempt to assert control over citizens, not through coercion but rather through consent. While this framing has proved workable, it provides limited room for students of diaspora studies to incorporate the overall conceptualization on the resistance in which the non-resident citizens and countries of residence engage vis-à-vis home country politics and the potential failures of these policies. I propose to follow James Scott’s legibility framework to emphasize that the home states’ evolving policies to engage with non-resident citizens is a social engineering project, aiming to facilitate the state’s ability to monitor and mold the behavior of mobile populations in the context of neoliberal globalization. I argue that the legibility framework allows us to analyze not only the standardization processes, but also the resistance against it both from the migrants and from their countries of residence. To make my argument, I employ the framework to the case of Turkey, which has received considerable attention since the mid-2010s. This article is based on archival research of Turkish state documents on emigration, empirical research conducted between 2013 and 2014 involving nearly 100 interviewees including Turkish state officials in Turkey and with migrant representatives in France and the United States, and further examination of secondary resources, including informal talks with policy makers and diaspora representatives in the post-2016 period.
{"title":"Diaspora Engagement Policies as Transnational Social Engineering: Rise and Failure of Turkey’s Diaspora Policies","authors":"Damla Aksel","doi":"10.1080/19436149.2022.2127631","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19436149.2022.2127631","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:\u0000 In examining the transformations in statecraft, the existing scholarship on Turkish diaspora policies largely adopts Foucault’s governmentality perspective and suggests that the shifting policies reflect the home states’ attempt to assert control over citizens, not through coercion but rather through consent. While this framing has proved workable, it provides limited room for students of diaspora studies to incorporate the overall conceptualization on the resistance in which the non-resident citizens and countries of residence engage vis-à-vis home country politics and the potential failures of these policies. I propose to follow James Scott’s legibility framework to emphasize that the home states’ evolving policies to engage with non-resident citizens is a social engineering project, aiming to facilitate the state’s ability to monitor and mold the behavior of mobile populations in the context of neoliberal globalization. I argue that the legibility framework allows us to analyze not only the standardization processes, but also the resistance against it both from the migrants and from their countries of residence. To make my argument, I employ the framework to the case of Turkey, which has received considerable attention since the mid-2010s. This article is based on archival research of Turkish state documents on emigration, empirical research conducted between 2013 and 2014 involving nearly 100 interviewees including Turkish state officials in Turkey and with migrant representatives in France and the United States, and further examination of secondary resources, including informal talks with policy makers and diaspora representatives in the post-2016 period.","PeriodicalId":44822,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Critique","volume":"31 1","pages":"311 - 325"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2022-09-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49025173","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/19436149.2022.2098901
Kürşad Ertuğrul
Abstract This article defines the Gezi insurgency as a case of ‘counter-conduct’ with a heterotopia in a Foucauldian sense and compares it with similar movements to underline its peculiarity. It argues that Gezi cannot be defined as an ‘anti-austerity’ or ‘anti-dictatorship’ movement. Rather, it was a struggle against the neoliberal-cum-neoconservative conduct under AKP rule and its leadership taking the form of a pseudo-presidential regime. Gezi not only was a search for a different conduct but also a possible self-conduct through self-invention in prefigurative experimentations with different ways of being and practicing direct democracy in the reclaimed public spaces that characterized the action process. What sustained this counter-action process was the spontaneous constitution or deployment of certain platforms like Blok and Çarşı which did not, in themselves, express or represent any given social or political organization nor a corresponding form of a generic identity. In the Gezi insurgency, actors tended to outflow their defining social categories and become a part of the series of performances in which a sense of self-transformation has been common.
{"title":"Gezi Insurgency as ‘Counter-Conduct’","authors":"Kürşad Ertuğrul","doi":"10.1080/19436149.2022.2098901","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19436149.2022.2098901","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article defines the Gezi insurgency as a case of ‘counter-conduct’ with a heterotopia in a Foucauldian sense and compares it with similar movements to underline its peculiarity. It argues that Gezi cannot be defined as an ‘anti-austerity’ or ‘anti-dictatorship’ movement. Rather, it was a struggle against the neoliberal-cum-neoconservative conduct under AKP rule and its leadership taking the form of a pseudo-presidential regime. Gezi not only was a search for a different conduct but also a possible self-conduct through self-invention in prefigurative experimentations with different ways of being and practicing direct democracy in the reclaimed public spaces that characterized the action process. What sustained this counter-action process was the spontaneous constitution or deployment of certain platforms like Blok and Çarşı which did not, in themselves, express or represent any given social or political organization nor a corresponding form of a generic identity. In the Gezi insurgency, actors tended to outflow their defining social categories and become a part of the series of performances in which a sense of self-transformation has been common.","PeriodicalId":44822,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Critique","volume":"31 1","pages":"221 - 240"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49218871","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-01DOI: 10.1080/19436149.2022.2092669
Aynur Unal
Abstract Self-identification is a vital element in ethnic identity especially in the sense of indigenousness. This concept not only has been of concern for scholars, but also it is recognized as the most important definitive item in international law by such organizations as the UN, the World Bank and the ILO. This article focuses on self-identification of Kurdish ethnic identity by investigating how and to what extent indigeneity is expressed within the discourse on Kurdishness. Although the Kurds commonly are defined as an ethnic minority, the representatives of Turkey’s Kurdish political movement certainly refuse to be identified as such. The claim of pre-existence/indigenousness of the Kurds appears particularly in two levels that include the narrative of being an ‘autochthonous nation’ of Mesopotamia (‘kadim halk' in Turkish). Second, in reference to an agreement between Turks and Kurds during the First World War, Kurds are described as one of the ‘primary components [asli unsur in Turkish] of the Turkish Republic. To explore the concept of indigeneity based on self-identification within the discourse about Kurdishness, this article specifically examines how the Kurdish political movement in Turkey has a significant influence in regional politics and growing grassroots support.
{"title":"Self-Identification of Indigeneity within Turkey’s Kurdish Political Movement","authors":"Aynur Unal","doi":"10.1080/19436149.2022.2092669","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19436149.2022.2092669","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Self-identification is a vital element in ethnic identity especially in the sense of indigenousness. This concept not only has been of concern for scholars, but also it is recognized as the most important definitive item in international law by such organizations as the UN, the World Bank and the ILO. This article focuses on self-identification of Kurdish ethnic identity by investigating how and to what extent indigeneity is expressed within the discourse on Kurdishness. Although the Kurds commonly are defined as an ethnic minority, the representatives of Turkey’s Kurdish political movement certainly refuse to be identified as such. The claim of pre-existence/indigenousness of the Kurds appears particularly in two levels that include the narrative of being an ‘autochthonous nation’ of Mesopotamia (‘kadim halk' in Turkish). Second, in reference to an agreement between Turks and Kurds during the First World War, Kurds are described as one of the ‘primary components [asli unsur in Turkish] of the Turkish Republic. To explore the concept of indigeneity based on self-identification within the discourse about Kurdishness, this article specifically examines how the Kurdish political movement in Turkey has a significant influence in regional politics and growing grassroots support.","PeriodicalId":44822,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Critique","volume":"31 1","pages":"263 - 284"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2022-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44387955","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-24DOI: 10.1080/19436149.2022.2087950
G. Baldi
Abstract In the 2016 Bir Zeit University elections Hamas’ women launched two videos in which un-veiled, western-dressed young girls urged viewers to vote for Hamas. The videos sparked a passionate debate: Religious forces accused the girls of being ‘westernized’ and abandoning the norm of Islamic modesty; while secular forces accused them of promoting a form of women’s empowerment linked to their success in accommodating religious values to secular ones. The debate mirrors scholarly works on Islamist women’s subjectivity that tend to adhere to the dominant liberal analytical frames and lack a clear problematization of the relationship between Islam, gender, and new forms of liberal and secular sensitivity, as Islamic practices, secularization, and neo-liberal projects are seen as opposed. Most of the literature that analyzes women within Islamist movements overlooks the historical and economic trajectories that have operated to shift the relation between gender, sexuality and religion. In 2017, I conducted extensive field research in the Occupied Palestinian Territories among Hamas women with the objective to unwrap the relationship between Islamism and the secular/neo-liberal and nationalist project instituted in the West Bank. By taking distance from the assumption that religion and secularism are opposing poles of a binary, this article provides an understanding of Hamas women’s shifting subjectivities in the encounter with new forms of secular modernity, an encounter that signifies a shifting understanding of the categories of secular and religious, and which I analyze through a new understanding of women’s bodies and sexuality.
{"title":"Re-Thinking Islam and Islamism: Hamas Women between Religion, Secularism and Neo-Liberalism","authors":"G. Baldi","doi":"10.1080/19436149.2022.2087950","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19436149.2022.2087950","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In the 2016 Bir Zeit University elections Hamas’ women launched two videos in which un-veiled, western-dressed young girls urged viewers to vote for Hamas. The videos sparked a passionate debate: Religious forces accused the girls of being ‘westernized’ and abandoning the norm of Islamic modesty; while secular forces accused them of promoting a form of women’s empowerment linked to their success in accommodating religious values to secular ones. The debate mirrors scholarly works on Islamist women’s subjectivity that tend to adhere to the dominant liberal analytical frames and lack a clear problematization of the relationship between Islam, gender, and new forms of liberal and secular sensitivity, as Islamic practices, secularization, and neo-liberal projects are seen as opposed. Most of the literature that analyzes women within Islamist movements overlooks the historical and economic trajectories that have operated to shift the relation between gender, sexuality and religion. In 2017, I conducted extensive field research in the Occupied Palestinian Territories among Hamas women with the objective to unwrap the relationship between Islamism and the secular/neo-liberal and nationalist project instituted in the West Bank. By taking distance from the assumption that religion and secularism are opposing poles of a binary, this article provides an understanding of Hamas women’s shifting subjectivities in the encounter with new forms of secular modernity, an encounter that signifies a shifting understanding of the categories of secular and religious, and which I analyze through a new understanding of women’s bodies and sexuality.","PeriodicalId":44822,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Critique","volume":"31 1","pages":"241 - 261"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2022-06-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41514996","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-24DOI: 10.1080/19436149.2022.2087951
Tareq Sydiq
Abstract In this article, I argue that contentious ruptures in Iran have produced socio-political generations with differing views on political processes and strategic approaches toward contestations. Using a constructivist approach to sociological generations, I argue that the experience of such events creates ruptures that shape the emergence of generations beyond demographic similarities. While the last event to produce major systemic change was the revolutionary generation, later generations had relative success in shaping relations with the state and defining new political strategies. The most recent protest cycle between December 2017 and November 2019 seems to have the capacity of shaping another generation: One that is defined by a greater disillusionment with the state and a strategy of contention defined by a more decentralized and more adversarial approach regarding state institutions. Barring major changes to accommodate this development, the regime may be facing the emergence of a new generational group whose attitudes and strategies could shape politics in Iran for decades to come.
{"title":"Youth Protests or Protest Generations? Conceptualizing Differences between Iran’s Contentious Ruptures in the Context of the December 2017 to November 2019 Protests","authors":"Tareq Sydiq","doi":"10.1080/19436149.2022.2087951","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19436149.2022.2087951","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In this article, I argue that contentious ruptures in Iran have produced socio-political generations with differing views on political processes and strategic approaches toward contestations. Using a constructivist approach to sociological generations, I argue that the experience of such events creates ruptures that shape the emergence of generations beyond demographic similarities. While the last event to produce major systemic change was the revolutionary generation, later generations had relative success in shaping relations with the state and defining new political strategies. The most recent protest cycle between December 2017 and November 2019 seems to have the capacity of shaping another generation: One that is defined by a greater disillusionment with the state and a strategy of contention defined by a more decentralized and more adversarial approach regarding state institutions. Barring major changes to accommodate this development, the regime may be facing the emergence of a new generational group whose attitudes and strategies could shape politics in Iran for decades to come.","PeriodicalId":44822,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Critique","volume":"31 1","pages":"201 - 219"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2022-06-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41727403","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-24DOI: 10.1080/19436149.2022.2087949
Eray Alim
Abstract This article analyzes the reasons behind the Third World-averse and overtly pro-Western character of Turkish foreign policy by focusing on the period 1961–65. I argue that Turkey’s lopsided foreign policy approach resulted from the failure to comprehend the advent of the Post-colonial phase of international relations and the leadership’s dismissal of non-alignment as a policy strategy in world politics. These factors resulted in Turkey’s overreliance on its alliance with the West through NATO. However, as the Cyprus Crisis of the early 1960s illustrates, the West was not always willing to support Turkey’s position.
{"title":"Turkey between the Third World and the West: Consequences of Failing to Strike the Right Balance (1961–1965)","authors":"Eray Alim","doi":"10.1080/19436149.2022.2087949","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19436149.2022.2087949","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article analyzes the reasons behind the Third World-averse and overtly pro-Western character of Turkish foreign policy by focusing on the period 1961–65. I argue that Turkey’s lopsided foreign policy approach resulted from the failure to comprehend the advent of the Post-colonial phase of international relations and the leadership’s dismissal of non-alignment as a policy strategy in world politics. These factors resulted in Turkey’s overreliance on its alliance with the West through NATO. However, as the Cyprus Crisis of the early 1960s illustrates, the West was not always willing to support Turkey’s position.","PeriodicalId":44822,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Critique","volume":"31 1","pages":"285 - 302"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2022-06-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42460436","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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