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Economic Affairs Applied Research Workshop 2024 Advancing a Classical Liberal Understanding of the Agenda for a Free Society 经济事务应用研究工作坊 2024 推进古典自由主义对自由社会议程的理解
IF 1 Q3 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-06-27 DOI: 10.1111/ecaf.12658
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引用次数: 0
Monetary system stability as a precondition for local and international order 货币体系的稳定是地方和国际秩序的先决条件
IF 1 Q3 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-06-27 DOI: 10.1111/ecaf.12642
Paul Tucker
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引用次数: 0
Ralph Hawtrey: A forgotten pioneer of macroeconomics 拉尔夫-霍特里被遗忘的宏观经济学先驱
IF 1 Q3 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-06-27 DOI: 10.1111/ecaf.12647
David Glasner

This article considers the contributions of Ralph Hawtrey to monetary theory and macroeconomics, focusing on his monetary business cycle theory and his monetary explanation of the Great Depression. Unlike Milton Friedman's US-centred explanation of the Great Depression, Hawtrey's was focused on the international gold standard that collapsed with the outset of World War I and the attempt to restore it. Hawtrey urged that, after restoration of the gold standard, increased monetary demand for gold be restrained to prevent gold appreciation and deflation. But deliberate French gold accumulation in 1928 and interest-rate increases by the Federal Reserve, led to the ruinous deflation foreseen by Hawtrey. The article then critically evaluates recent discussions of Hawtrey's contributions in books by Hetzel (2023) and Mattei (2022).

本文探讨了拉尔夫-霍特里对货币理论和宏观经济学的贡献,重点是他的货币商业周期理论及其对大萧条的货币解释。与米尔顿-弗里德曼以美国为中心对大萧条的解释不同,霍特里的解释侧重于随着第一次世界大战爆发而崩溃的国际金本位制以及恢复金本位制的尝试。霍特里敦促在恢复金本位之后,抑制对黄金的货币需求增长,以防止黄金升值和通货紧缩。但法国在 1928 年蓄意积累黄金以及美联储提高利率,导致了霍特里所预见的毁灭性通货紧缩。文章随后批判性地评价了最近在 Hetzel(2023 年)和 Mattei(2022 年)的著作中对霍特里贡献的讨论。
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引用次数: 0
Do social justice fallacies imply social justice is a fallacy? 社会正义谬论是否意味着社会正义是一种谬论?
IF 1 Q3 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-06-27 DOI: 10.1111/ecaf.12637
Kaveh Pourvand
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引用次数: 0
May contain lies: How stories, statistics and studies exploit our biases – and what we can do about it By Alex Edmans. Penguin Random House. 2024. pp. 310. £18.99 (hbk). ISBN: 978-0241630167. £9.99 (ebk). ISBN: 978-0241630174 可能包含谎言:故事、统计和研究如何利用我们的偏见--以及我们能做些什么 作者:亚历克斯-埃德曼斯。企鹅兰登书屋。 2024. pp. 310.18.99英镑(精装本)。ISBN: 978-0241630167.ISBN: 978-0241630174
IF 1 Q3 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-06-27 DOI: 10.1111/ecaf.12649
Andy Mayer
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引用次数: 0
How did Britain come to this? A century of systemic failures of governance By Gwyn Bevan. LSE Press. 2023. 326 pp. £26.00 (pbk). ISBN: 978-1911712107. Free (PDF). ISBN: 978-1911712114 英国何以沦落至此?一个世纪的系统性治理失败 作者:Gwyn Bevan。伦敦政治经济学院出版社。 2023.326 pp.26.00 英镑(平装本)。ISBN:978-1911712107。免费 (PDF)。ISBN: 978-1911712114
IF 1 Q3 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-06-27 DOI: 10.1111/ecaf.12629
Christopher Snowdon
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引用次数: 0
Rebuilding the Roman imperial currency in nineteenth century Britain 在十九世纪的英国重建罗马帝国货币
IF 1 Q3 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-06-27 DOI: 10.1111/ecaf.12641
George Maher
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引用次数: 0
Seven crashes: The economic crises that shaped globalisation By Harold James. Yale University Press. 2023. 376 pp. £20.00 (hbk). ISBN: 978-0300263398. £12.34 (ebk). ISBN: 978-0300271492 七次崩溃:塑造全球化的经济危机 作者:哈罗德-詹姆斯。耶鲁大学出版社。 2023.376 pp.20.00 英镑(精装本)。ISBN:978-0300263398。12.34英镑(电子书)。ISBN: 978-0300271492
IF 1 Q3 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-06-27 DOI: 10.1111/ecaf.12632
Geoffrey Wood
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引用次数: 0
Not following the script: When institutional development is uneven 不按部就班:当机构发展不平衡时
IF 1 Q3 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-06-17 DOI: 10.1111/ecaf.12650
Ryan H Murphy

Three characteristics of developed twenty-first century countries are high levels of state capacity, democracy, and economic freedom. This article compares countries that lack one of the characteristics with countries that have more even levels of institutional development. Countries which lack democracy use other means to secure political legitimacy, and those without strong states are geographically concentrated in Latin America and eastern Europe. Those without liberalised economic institutions are an idiosyncratic group that have unconventional historical paths. These findings speak to the prospects for development outside the liberal democratic path, the nature of development in the absence of a state, and unexplored determinants of economic freedom.

21 世纪发达国家的三个特征是高水平的国家能力、民主和经济自由。本文将缺乏其中一个特征的国家与制度发展水平较为均衡的国家进行比较。缺乏民主的国家使用其他手段来确保政治合法性,而那些没有强大国家的国家在地理上主要集中在拉丁美洲和东欧。那些没有自由化经济体制的国家是一个特立独行的群体,它们有着非常规的历史道路。这些发现说明了自由民主道路之外的发展前景、无国家状态下的发展性质以及尚未探索的经济自由决定因素。
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引用次数: 0
The new paternalism does not replace older wisdom 新家长制不能取代旧智慧
IF 1 Q3 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-06-09 DOI: 10.1111/ecaf.12648
Erik W Matson

The Berlin and Lewis epigraphs draw out the moral psychology of paternalism. The paternalist, enlightened as he is, sees past your empirical shell and into the true essence of your being. Setting aside the protestations of the shell that you mistake for yourself, he steers you towards the good. The steering might involve violence, but that is a small price to pay in the grand scheme of things. Nobody enjoys being flogged for heresy; but eliciting conversion is worth the pain. The convicted paternalist persists in his drive to serve the good with the approval of his own conscience.

The liberal tradition rejects paternalism and exalts the dignity and freedom of the individual person. We have been gifted by our Creator with the inalienable rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, Thomas Jefferson asserted. Each should be free, Adam Smith said, to pursue his interest in his own way. The question of the good is too discursive, in most cases, to warrant violence against those with differing opinions. And in any event, we ought to presumptively respect human freedom and agency per se, regardless of whether someone follows a life path that we approve.

The liberal rejection of paternalism notwithstanding, a new species of paternalism has in recent decades reared its head in the West. This new paternalism has come forth on the wings of inferences from laboratory experiments and surveys, in cognitive psychology and behavioral economics, about the extent of human rationality. Evidence, it is claimed, has accumulated that we human beings are consistently poor reasoners: we are “predictably irrational” (Ariely, 2010). Instead of properly calculating probabilities when assessing risks and making decisions, it has been discovered that we rely on a range of mental short cuts or heuristics. The heuristics work sometimes, but they systematically lead us to make avoidable mistakes in, for example, financial decisions (Tversky & Kahneman, 1974). We “think fast” when apparently we should be “thinking slow” (Kahneman, 2011). Irrationalities are said to abound in other areas, too. The salience of the present, for example, leads us to overestimate the benefits of present pleasures and underestimate the pain of future costs (Laibson, 1997; Read & van Leeuwen, 1998). Our ‘present bias’ erodes our self-control and subverts our goals. We save too little, smoke too much, and repeatedly renege on our New Year's resolutions.

Each of us predictably fails to pursue the good as we ourselves understand it. And we do so across a wide set of domains.

The new paternalism proposes to use knowledge of our decision-making processes to steer us towards what we ourselves judge to be good. Part of the steering involves the regulation of ‘choice architecture’. This refers to the framing of choice options in a situation to render certain options salient to the chooser, and

柏林和刘易斯的书信引出了家长制的道德心理。开明的家长式人物会透过你的经验外壳,看到你的真正本质。撇开你误以为是自己的外壳的抗议,他引导你向善。这种引导可能会涉及暴力,但从大局来看,这只是很小的代价。没有人喜欢因异端邪说而被鞭打,但促使人皈依是值得的。自由主义传统反对家长制,推崇个人的尊严和自由。托马斯-杰斐逊断言,造物主赋予我们不可剥夺的生命权、自由权和追求幸福的权利。亚当-斯密说,每个人都应该自由地以自己的方式追求自己的利益。在大多数情况下,"善 "的问题太具争议性,没有理由对持不同意见的人使用暴力。而且,无论如何,我们都应该假定性地尊重人的自由和能动性本身,无论某人走的人生道路是否得到我们的认可。尽管自由主义反对家长制,但近几十年来,一种新的家长制在西方抬头。在认知心理学和行为经济学的实验室实验和调查中,人们对人类的理性程度进行了推断。有证据表明,我们人类的推理能力一直很差:我们是 "可预见的非理性"(Ariely,2010 年)。人们发现,在评估风险和做出决策时,我们不是正确地计算概率,而是依赖一系列思维捷径或启发式方法。这些启发式方法有时会奏效,但在财务决策等方面却会系统性地导致我们犯下本可避免的错误(Tversky &amp; Kahneman, 1974)。我们 "思考得很快",而我们显然应该 "思考得很慢"(Kahneman,2011 年)。据说在其他领域也充斥着非理性。例如,当下的显著性导致我们高估当下快乐的好处,低估未来代价的痛苦(Laibson, 1997; Read &amp; van Leeuwen, 1998)。我们的 "当下偏见 "侵蚀了我们的自制力,颠覆了我们的目标。我们存钱太少,抽烟太多,一再违背我们的新年愿望。新家长主义建议利用我们决策过程中的知识,引导我们追求我们自己认为是好的东西。引导的一部分涉及对 "选择架构 "的管理。这指的是在某种情况下对选择方案进行构架,使某些方案对选择者来说更突出,从而更有可能被选择。选择架构的一个典型例子是产品摆放决策--实体企业更迫切希望销售的产品被摆放在显眼的位置,目的是吸引消费者的注意。选择架构在生活中无处不在,因为每一种选择情况,无论是杂货店的产品摆放决策,还是退休储蓄注册流程的设计,都必然有一个架构或安排。在杂货店的结账通道上摆放糖果,在某些情况下几乎肯定会增加顾客购买糖果的可能性。然而,某些选择结构的长期效应却不那么明显。很明显,人们会习惯于自己所处的环境,并发展出相应的策略来应对每次购物时购买糖果的诱惑。人类在 "自我指挥的亲密较量"(谢林,1980 年)中具有非凡的创造力。自 21 世纪初以来,尤其是理查德-塔勒(Richard Thaler)和卡斯-桑斯坦(Cass Sunstein)在其 2008 年的开创性著作《推力》(Nudge:新家长主义者认为,在人们容易自我颠覆的领域,如烟草、糖和酒精消费、金融风险评估以及退休账户缴费决策等领域,他们提出了改变现有私人选择架构的法规。新家长主义者强调了这些监管建议的非强制性甚至 "自由主义"(解读为:保留选择权)特征(卡默尔等人,2003;孙斯坦与amp;泰勒,2003a)。严格说来,许多法规建议并没有限制消费者的选择范围--尽管它们肯定会提高自诩为选择设计师的人所不喜欢的选择的交易成本。 行为科学家可以为有关美好生活的讨论做出有价值的贡献,但她绝不能声称自己对什么符合每个人的利益拥有特权知识。休谟抱怨说,哲学家们 "过于拘泥于自己的原则,而没有考虑到大自然在其所有活动中影响巨大的多样性"(1994 年,第 159 页)。今天,行为科学家和家长式决策者也会受到同样的指责。当我们反思斯密和休谟的论述时,我们得出了一个许多新家长制批评者都得出过的结论。这个结论就是,新家长式监管不是--也不可能是--帮助个人实现其主观目标的简单问题。辨别个人想要什么并非易事,即使对个人本身来说也是如此。新的家长式政策法规只是在努力催促、鼓励或推搡公民按照监管者自己持有的民间善理论(Hausman,2018)生活(Rizzo &amp; Whitman, 2020, p.400)。监管者很少将他们的行为发现和非理性主张应用于自身(Berggren, 2012; Rizzo &amp; Whitman, 2020, pp.329-47)。"我们应该少吃糖、少抽烟、多储蓄等等,这当然是一种非正式的民间共识。但是,我们是否应该引导人们实现这些目标,即使他们可能并不希望被引导?也许在某些情况下,这种家长式的教育是有道理的,但我们应该非常谨慎。在这些问题上,我们最好坚持大卫-休谟和亚当-斯密的著作为我们提供的自由假定、自愿结社假定和反对胁迫的假定。
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