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Can machine learning reduce volatility in electricity markets? Lessons from the economic calculation debate 机器学习能降低电力市场的波动性吗?经济计算辩论的教训
IF 1 Q3 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-02-12 DOI: 10.1111/ecaf.12686
Fuat Oğuz, Mustafa Çağrı Peker

The knowledge problem and volatility in electricity markets have long been central to policy debates in energy markets. This study examines the successes and limitations of machine learning in addressing these issues, contributing to the existing literature. Machine learning has shown promise in tackling specific technical aspects of power markets, but its shortcomings in forecasting customer behaviour and managing decentralised, renewable-driven systems highlight the need for further refinement. While machine learning offers potential in reducing certain aspects of market volatility, it is not a comprehensive solution to the broader challenges faced by the electricity market.

长期以来,电力市场的知识问题和波动性一直是能源市场政策辩论的核心问题。本研究考察了机器学习在解决这些问题方面的成功和局限性,为现有文献做出了贡献。机器学习在解决电力市场的具体技术问题方面显示出了希望,但它在预测客户行为和管理分散的可再生能源驱动系统方面的缺点凸显了进一步改进的必要性。虽然机器学习在减少市场波动的某些方面具有潜力,但它并不是解决电力市场面临的更广泛挑战的全面解决方案。
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引用次数: 0
Impact of the Medicaid expansions on heart disease mortality in the United States: A county-level analysis 医疗补助扩大对美国心脏病死亡率的影响:一项县级分析
IF 1 Q3 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-02-12 DOI: 10.1111/ecaf.12685
Grady King, Srinivas Palanki

Despite the significant changes that the Affordable Care Act (ACA) has made to the US healthcare system since 2010, little statistical analysis of its impact on the deadliest chronic diseases has been made. County-level data from the United States is used in conjunction with difference-in-difference models to isolate the effect of the Affordable Care Act on preventable deaths due to heart disease. Our national causal inference analysis found a significant decrease of preventable heart disease mortality due to the Medicaid expansions.

尽管自2010年以来,《平价医疗法案》(ACA)对美国医疗体系做出了重大改变,但关于其对最致命的慢性疾病影响的统计分析却很少。来自美国的县级数据与差中差模型结合使用,以分离《负担得起的医疗法案》对可预防的心脏病死亡的影响。我们的全国因果推理分析发现,由于医疗补助计划的扩大,可预防的心脏病死亡率显著下降。
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引用次数: 0
The returns to power: A political theory of economic inequality By Thomas Remington. Oxford University Press. 2023. pp. 432. £64.00 (hbk). ISBN: 978-0197685952. £19.99 (pbk). ISBN: 978-0197685969. £13.33 (Kindle ebk). ISBN: 978-0197685976 《权力的回归:经济不平等的政治理论》托马斯·雷明顿著。牛津大学出版社,2023。432页。£64.00 (hbk)。ISBN: 978 - 0197685952。£19.99 (pbk)。ISBN: 978 - 0197685969。13.33英镑(Kindle电子书)。ISBN: 978 - 0197685976
IF 1 Q3 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-02-12 DOI: 10.1111/ecaf.12687
Dmitrii Trubnikov
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引用次数: 0
Liz Truss: More than a lettuce? 莉斯·特拉斯:不仅仅是莴苣?
IF 1 Q3 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-02-03 DOI: 10.1111/ecaf.12695
J R Shackleton

Anthony Seldon (with Jonathan Meakin), Truss at 10: How Not to Be Prime Minister. Atlantic Books. 2024. 366 + xvi pp. £22.00 (hbk). ISBN: 978-1805462132. £12.99 (pbk). ISBN: 978-1805462163. £11.99 (ebk). ISBN: 978-1805462156

Liz Truss, Ten Years to Save the West: Lessons from the Only Conservative in the Room. Biteback Publishing. 320 pp. £20.00 (hbk). ISBN: 978-1785908576. £10.99 (pbk). ISBN: 978-1785909238. £14.99 (ebk). ISBN: 978-1785908637

On 6 September 2022, Liz Truss replaced Boris Johnson to become Queen Elizabeth II's 15th and last prime minister of the United Kingdom. Two days later, the queen was dead. Following a short period of official mourning, Truss and her Chancellor of the Exchequer1 Kwasi Kwarteng launched a ‘mini-budget’ which was intended to cut taxes dramatically without any immediate matching spending cuts. Coming on top of an earlier (and potentially extremely expensive) commitment to subsidising energy prices, this sparked a serious financial crisis. This led to Truss dismissing Kwarteng and installing a new chancellor, who then scrapped almost the entire proposed fiscal package. This U-turn, together with bond-buying by the Bank of England to stave off a potential collapse of pension funds, stabilised the markets. However, she had been compromised by this reversal of her signature policy, became subject to public ridicule, and quickly lost the support of the parliamentary Conservative Party. She had little option but to resign as Conservative leader and prime minister on 20 October after just 44 days in 10 Downing Street. Five days later she was replaced as prime minister by Rishi Sunak. This was the shortest period of office of any British prime minister.

On 11 October, The Economist (2024) had published a leader column which compared Truss's expected shelf-life to that of an iceberg lettuce. This image was seized upon by the tabloid Daily Star, which began to livestream a wilting supermarket lettuce, soon attracting a huge number of viewers and becoming a meme which persisted well after her resignation. In August 2024, for example, Truss walked out of a stage appearance to promote Ten Years to Save the West after some jokers unfurled a remote control banner with a picture of a lettuce and the legend ‘I crashed the economy’ (BBC News2024). She was reportedly unamused.

The Truss government was certainly something of a fiasco. But why? These two books offer contrasting reasons. While Sir Anthony Seldon largely blames the personal inadequacies of Britain's 56th prime minister, Truss herself sees her administration as fatally undermined by ‘the Blob’, an amorphous grouping including “the quangocracy, an unaccountable judiciary and undemocratic international institutions” (p. 286). She argues that her experience suggests tha

安东尼·塞尔登(与乔纳森·米金),《10岁的特拉斯:如何不成为首相》。大西洋出版社,2024。366 + xvi页,22.00英镑(英镑)。ISBN: 978 - 1805462132。£12.99 (pbk)。ISBN: 978 - 1805462163。£11.99(订购)。利兹·特拉斯,《拯救西方的十年:来自房间里唯一保守派的教训》。Biteback出版社,320页,20.00英镑。ISBN: 978 - 1785908576。£10.99 (pbk)。ISBN: 978 - 1785909238。£14.99(订购)。2022年9月6日,利兹·特拉斯取代鲍里斯·约翰逊,成为英国女王伊丽莎白二世的第15任、也是最后一任首相。两天后,王后死了。在短暂的官方哀悼之后,特拉斯和她的财政大臣夸西·夸滕(Kwasi Kwarteng)推出了一项“迷你预算”,旨在大幅减税,但不会立即削减相应的支出。在早先(可能极其昂贵)补贴能源价格的承诺之上,这引发了一场严重的金融危机。这导致特拉斯解雇了Kwarteng,并任命了一位新总理,这位新总理随后几乎取消了整个拟议的财政方案。这一180度大转弯,加上英国央行为避免养老基金可能崩溃而购买债券,稳定了市场。然而,她因这一标志性政策的逆转而受到损害,成为公众嘲笑的对象,并很快失去了议会保守党的支持。她别无选择,只能在10月20日辞去保守党领袖和首相的职务,此前她在唐宁街10号只待了44天。五天后,她的总理职位被理希·苏纳克(Rishi Sunak)取代。这是英国首相任期最短的一次。10月11日,《经济学人》(2024)发表了一篇领导专栏文章,将特拉斯的预期保质期与冰山生菜的保质期进行了比较。小报《每日星报》(Daily Star)抓住了这张照片,开始直播一颗枯萎的超市生菜,很快吸引了大量观众,并成为一个在她辞职后一直持续的梗。例如,在2024年8月,特拉斯在宣传“拯救西部十年”的舞台上露面,因为一些开玩笑的人展开了一个遥控器横幅,上面有一棵生菜的图片和“我摧毁了经济”的字样。据报道,她很不高兴。特拉斯政府无疑是一场惨败。但是为什么呢?这两本书提供了截然相反的理由。虽然安东尼·塞尔登爵士主要指责英国第56任首相的个人不足,但特拉斯本人认为,她的政府受到了“Blob”的致命破坏,这是一个无定形的团体,包括“泛政府、不负责任的司法机构和不民主的国际机构”(第286页)。她认为,她的经验表明,要彻底改变正在扼杀英国和西方其他国家经济增长的政治共识,面临着巨大的障碍。那么,特拉斯那一集不比一棵累了的莴苣更重要吗?还是她的失败预示着更深层次的疾病?早在她短暂的首相任期之前,塞尔登和特拉斯都是相当著名的公众人物,但直到2023年7月的一个夏季聚会,他们才发表过讲话。塞尔顿讲述了当时的情景:塞尔顿的书和他的方法需要背景化。他是一位多产的作家,撰写或编辑了50本书(方便地列在他的Truss卷的后面)。他写过各种各样的主题,但他的许多书都涉及首相的角色,他称之为“不可能的办公室”(Seldon et al., 2021)。他报道过战后大多数英国首相:温斯顿·丘吉尔、爱德华·希思、玛格丽特·撒切尔、约翰·梅杰、托尼·布莱尔、戈登·布朗、大卫·卡梅伦、特蕾莎·梅、鲍里斯·约翰逊,现在是特拉斯。我想他已经在开发Truss的继任者Rishi Sunak了。从戈登·布朗开始的每一卷都被命名为“某某十岁”。塞尔顿并不是典型的21世纪资深学者,拥有充裕的时间和大笔的研究经费。他成年后的大部分时间都是兼职历史学家。多年来,他的日常工作是惠灵顿学院的院长,这是一所领先的私立学校。随后,他在白金汉大学(University of Buckingham,我在那里工作,他是在那里认识的)当了五年的校长,然后又回到中学,接管了一所校长在悲惨的情况下被谋杀的学校。除了这些承诺,塞尔顿多年来一直是政治舞台上忙碌的媒体评论员。因此,这本内容丰富的书,在它记录这些活动的18个月之后出版,是一项令人印象深刻的成就——就像他之前的几卷即时历史一样。那么他是怎么做到的呢?好吧,他并不是唯一的作者,在《Truss at 10》一书中,他解释了(第15-16页,第331-2页)他的出版是一个团队的努力。 这一次,他的团队由乔纳森·米金(Jonathan Meakin)领衔,塞尔登之前曾与他合作过。与团队一起,他为这本书设定了结构——章节标题。然后,他对所报道事件的参与者进行了120次采访。他表示,这些内容约占全书内容的80%。该小组“为每章编写简报,并将其与其他已出版和记录的材料结合起来”。然后他开始了“轻松有趣的部分,写书”(第331页)。这个体量选择的结构很有趣。塞尔顿之前在他的书《不可能的办公室?》(Seldon et al., 2021)和《新政治家》(New Statesman)的一篇文章(Seldon, 2022)——列出了他认为总理成功执政所必需的条件,这些条件最不可避免地无法实现。在Truss的书中,他提供了这些方法的一种变体。虽然有半时间顺序,但成功的条件,总共十个,提供了章节标题。第一个要求是“确保权力基础”,在特拉斯的情况下,权力基础是议会保守党。正如Seldon所指出的,从一开始,Truss的位置就不稳定。她在国会议员中只有非常有限的追随者,也不是议会党的领袖人选;在第一轮投票中,她获得第三名,在经过一系列的淘汰之后,她在最后一轮投票中仍然远远落后于Rishi Sunak。她能否成为首相取决于国内保守党成员的投票,而相当一部分议员从未真正支持她,甚至从一开始就对她怀有敌意。然后,塞尔顿说,首相们需要有一个“清晰而现实的政府计划”。与她的三位前任(约翰逊、梅和卡梅伦)不同,特拉斯有着强烈的意识形态倾向,她的策略也很明确:包括减税、放松管制和缩减政府规模。但她未能在国会议员中就迅速采取行动达成共识。塞尔顿认为,她匆忙制定小型预算,坚持绕过或无视现有机构(英格兰银行、财政部和预算责任办公室),以及考虑不周的能源价格保证,这些都是不现实的。首相必须“任命最好的内阁/团队”。塞尔顿认为,利兹•特拉斯应该把党内最有才华、最具代表性的成员带进来,不管他们的政治立场如何,这样她才有机会维持一个强大的政府。她没有选择一个基础广泛的内阁,而是选择了一个主要由朋友和支持者组成的平庸团队,遗漏了许多经验丰富的重要人物(第103页)。总理必须“指挥重大事件”。在上任的头几周,特拉斯面临着两件大事:女王去世,以及能源危机——乌克兰战争导致的天然气价格急剧上涨。虽然塞尔登承认,特拉斯在向新君主过渡的过程中表现得很有尊严,但她缺乏“历史感和个人的庄重感”(第143页),这意味着她没有像丘吉尔那样华丽而团结的言辞,而是退缩在后台,担心在仪式上绊倒。在能源方面,特拉斯起初排除了任何支持方案,但他被简报“吓坏了”(第121页),走向了相反的极端,宣布支持,当时威胁要花费高达1500亿英镑,尽管最终花费了大约400亿英镑。塞尔顿还认为,一个成功的首相必须“在国外具有可信度和高度声誉”。尽管特拉斯有担任外交大臣的经历,但她被认为没有通过这项考验。她在乌克兰问题上立场坚定,对中国持强烈批评态度。但塞尔顿认为,她未能与欧洲人,尤其是美国人相
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引用次数: 0
Not just the top five journals: A recipe for European economists 不只是五大期刊:给欧洲经济学家的秘方
IF 1 Q3 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-01-28 DOI: 10.1111/ecaf.12690
Magnus Henrekson, Lars Jonung, Mats Lundahl
<p>Recently, the incentive structure facing doctoral students and researchers in economics has changed significantly in many European countries as a result of the adoption of the US approach to evaluating research output. This poses a threat to the development and position of the subject of economics in Europe since evaluation for promotion is characterised by an excessive focus on publishing in the five most highly ranked journals, all but one located in the United States. However, the probability of getting an article into the top five is low and the social cost of the promotion system is consequently high. Promotion criteria other than just top-five publications should be used as a guide.</p><p>About 30 years ago, two Swiss economists, Bruno Frey and Reiner Eichenberger (<span>1993</span>), described how incentives differed between the European and North American academic markets for economists. They argued that because US economists were expected to be more mobile, there were fewer reasons for them to study conditions specific to a particular region or country. Frey and Eichenberger (<span>1993</span>, p. 189) painted a very different picture for Europe:</p><p>Since this was written, the situation has changed considerably. The use of English as a lingua franca has allowed greater exchange and mobility among European researchers and across borders. Postdoctoral and tenure-track positions are filled through recruitment in the institutionalised US or European job market.</p><p>Is this constructive? How should doctoral education and post-doctoral careers be organised in Europe? Until the late 1970s, doctoral candidates usually prepared and defended monographs. When compilation theses, consisting of a number of separate essays, began to take over, the constituent papers were expected to revolve around a common theme. However, over time it has become increasingly common that a dissertation consists of ‘three essays in economics’, without any connection between them.</p><p>In line with the American model, doctoral students are increasingly expected to concentrate on a long ‘job market paper’ which can be presented to prospective employers.<sup>1</sup> The idea is that it should show how skilled the PhD student is as an economist. Technical know-how, economic intuition and ability to conduct independent, innovative research should be demonstrated in this paper.</p><p>Job market papers tend to be extraordinarily long, increasingly to the point where they approach the length of the old monographs.<sup>2</sup> Everything has to be shown. But does the research idea emanate from the doctoral student or from the supervisor? Moreover, the thesis should have a single author, but this is far from always the case, especially in Europe. There are even job market papers where the student has several co-authors. But who did what, and what does the thesis say about the PhD student's savvy? Does it reveal a skilled economist, a virtuoso number cruncher, or a skille
最近,由于采用了美国的研究产出评估方法,许多欧洲国家的经济学博士生和研究人员所面临的激励结构发生了重大变化。这对欧洲经济学学科的发展和地位构成了威胁,因为促进评价的特点是过分注重在排名最高的五种期刊上发表论文,除了一种期刊以外,其他期刊都在美国。然而,文章进入前五名的概率很低,因此推广系统的社会成本很高。除了排名前五的出版物之外,还应该以推广标准为指导。大约30年前,两位瑞士经济学家Bruno Frey和Reiner Eichenberger(1993)描述了欧洲和北美学术市场对经济学家的激励是如何不同的。他们认为,由于预计美国经济学家的流动性更大,他们研究特定地区或国家具体情况的理由就更少了。Frey和Eichenberger(1993,第189页)为欧洲描绘了一幅非常不同的画面:自从这篇文章发表以来,情况发生了很大变化。英语作为通用语言的使用,使得欧洲研究人员之间以及跨国界的交流和流动性得以加强。博士后和终身职位通过在制度化的美国或欧洲就业市场招聘来填补。这是建设性的吗?在欧洲,博士教育和博士后职业应该如何组织?直到20世纪70年代末,博士候选人通常准备和辩护专著。当汇编论文,包括一些单独的文章,开始接管,组成论文预计将围绕一个共同的主题。然而,随着时间的推移,越来越多的论文由“三篇经济学论文”组成,它们之间没有任何联系。按照美国的模式,博士生被越来越多地要求集中精力写一篇长篇的“就业市场论文”,以便提交给未来的雇主其理念是,它应该显示博士生作为经济学家的技能。技术知识、经济直觉和进行自主创新研究的能力应该在本文中得到展示。就业市场的论文往往特别长,越来越接近旧专著的长度所有的东西都要展示出来。但研究思路是由博士生还是导师提出的呢?此外,论文应该只有一个作者,但这远非总是如此,特别是在欧洲。甚至在就业市场论文中,学生有几个共同作者。但是,谁做了什么,论文对博士生的悟性有什么评价?它揭示了一个熟练的经济学家,一个精通数字的大师,还是一个熟练的网络工作者?这标志着博士生的创造力、毅力和动力是什么?一旦论文完成,博士生或刚毕业的学生就会开始巡回演讲,在尽可能多的会议和部门研讨会上展示论文,希望获得一到两年的博士后职位或四到六年的终身职位,以便有资格获得永久职位。博士生们投入了大量的工作来获得允许他们进入这些职位的资格。而院系则会花费大量的时间和资源来确定哪些申请人应该得到录取通知。写推荐信,阅读论文,确定要面试的候选人,计划航班,进行似乎没完没了的工作面试。要想成功地获得一个学术职位,就需要把相当一部分工作时间花在把有时超过100页的就业市场论文减少到20-25页上,使其有可能在五大期刊之一——《美国经济评论》、《计量经济学》、《政治经济学杂志》、《经济研究评论》和《经济学季刊》——由此开始了最终可能成为国内外知名大学教授的征程。不幸的是,大多数时候这都失败了。康利和Önder (2014, p. 212)在《经济展望杂志》(Journal of Economic Perspectives)上发表了一篇发人深省的文章,指出:太多的研究人员在五六年的时间里不断修改他们的论文,却没有在任何顶级期刊上发表。他们中的一些人甚至会让手稿保持未发表状态,而不是在排名较低的期刊上发表文章“污染他们的简历”。不幸的是,从优点的角度来看,这已被证明是合理的。当Powdthavee等人。 (2018)让经济学家比较两份发表在顶级期刊上的文章数量相同的出版物名单,但其中一份在排名较低的期刊上也有一些文章,其他条件相同,后者被评为次等!最近在斯堪的纳维亚三个顶级经济系(Hylmö et al., 2024)进行的一项访谈调查证实了这一结论。受访者一致认为,在经济学领域,质量评级完全基于排名前五的出版物,而引用次数被认为是无关紧要的。就主题而言,关注的是大众感兴趣的领域,而不是专业领域,当然也没有跨学科。更令人担忧的是,受访者表示没有排名低于前五名的。这个排名甚至不是按词典编纂的——前五名之后什么都没有。但是,实际上很少适用这一标准,必须考虑排名前五名以下的出版物。这一制度的合理性值得怀疑。从我们的科学中得出的关键见解并没有被应用于评估我们自己:收益递减、资源有限、机会成本、比较优势和专业化都没有立足之地。花五六年的时间写一篇论文,希望实现一个不切实际的目标,这相当于糟糕的资源配置。在一些不那么“有价值”的期刊上发表文章,然后开始一个新的项目,这可能会更好。经济学的见解还包括通过分散投资降低风险的价值——不要把所有的鸡蛋放在同一个篮子里。在顶级期刊上发表文章的努力可能会导致社会效率低下和福利减少,因为这可能会使研究人员不愿发表可能具有巨大价值的研究,因为这样的出版物会降低他们在自己专业领域的声誉。这意味着社会不能享受研究资助者(通常是纳税人)为使研究成为可能所贡献的资源所获得的成果的价值。根据我们刚刚描述的出版标准,大多数新博士当然是无用的,因为绝大多数人无法进入前五名。进入顶级期刊的概率是多少?我们提供了两个答案。首先,Frey (2009, p. 335)认为:与此同时,其他有意义的活动受到阻碍。Björklund(2014)指出,对顶级出版物的关注意味着国内调查和辩论的时间更少,特别是因为顶级出版物通常需要与其他国家的研究人员进行广泛和长期的合作。顶尖的美国大学可能负担得起前五名的标准。但即使在美国,也有人对前五大重点提出批评(Akerlof, 2020;Deaton, 2023;赫克曼,Moktan, 2020)。此外,排名前五的期刊发表的论文数量随着时间的推移而减少。如今,他们每年发表约350篇论文。根据Deaton(2023,第179页),进入门槛逐渐提高,特别是对于北美以外的研究人员。由此可见,对于绝大多数在欧洲从事研究的人来说,进入前五名是不可能获得终身职位的。迪顿(2023,第178页)强调,在前五名中,有两份是哈佛大学和芝加哥大学的内部期刊(分别是《经济学季刊》和《政治经济学季刊》)。因此,与这两所大学有联系的研究人员在这些期刊上发表论文的可能性要大得多。这五家期刊中有四家的编辑委员会设在美国,这有助于美国的主导地位,并对美国以外的经济学家不利。因此,欧洲的研究人员并没有面对一个公平的竞争环境。获得顶级出版物的最简单方法是与美国知名经济学家合作,或许是三、四位作者共同发表一篇论文;但正如我们已经注意到的,谁做了什么,这说明了欧洲合著者的技能如何?此外,使用美国数据比使用国内数据更有吸引力,因为它增加了被排名最高的期刊接受的机会(Das et al., 2013)。系统发出的信号很容易导致我们认为是欧洲研究人员不希望看到的优化行为。此外,美国院校的规模足够大,可以采用“组合方法”,即根据“需要”来指导招聘,以获得多样化的教师组成。在那里,前五种方法被其他考虑补充或取代。这些大学还建立了一个市场,在这个市场上,它们既可以从欧洲聘请顶尖经济学家,也可以从彼此之间聘请顶尖经济学家。很少有人离开这个俱乐部,除非他们是出于思乡之情,或者是为了在自己的国家获得更高的职位,比如央行行长。经济学家的既定偏好往往与美国五大经济学家的做法不一致。 一项对全球10,000名研究人员的调查发现,关于研究应该关注什么,意见
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引用次数: 0
The economic surplus: A history of an eventually problematic idea 经济盈余:一个最终有问题的想法的历史
IF 1 Q3 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-01-23 DOI: 10.1111/ecaf.12691
Evan W Osborne

The economy-wide economic surplus, defined as output beyond what is needed to sustain the labouring workforce, is one of the oldest ideas in Western political economy. Marx permanently changed economic thinking by characterising it as exploitation. As confidence in government management of economic affairs grew in the twentieth century, how to spend the surplus better than free individuals would spend it themselves became a growing theme among economists and among the broader public. While the role of the surplus in economic theory today is modest, its vibrancy in the public conversation remains.

整个经济体的经济盈余是西方政治经济学中最古老的概念之一,其定义为产出超出了维持劳动劳动力所需的水平。马克思将经济定义为剥削,从而永久地改变了经济思想。20世纪,随着人们对政府管理经济事务的信心日益增强,如何比自由的个人自己更好地使用盈余,成为经济学家和广大公众日益关注的主题。尽管盈余在当今经济理论中的作用不大,但它在公众讨论中的活力依然存在。
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引用次数: 0
Exploitation of Eurosystem loopholes and their quantitative reconstruction 欧元体系漏洞的利用及其定量重构
IF 1 Q3 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-01-22 DOI: 10.1111/ecaf.12688
Karl Svozil

This article identifies and analyses six key strategies used to exploit the Eurosystem's financial mechanisms, and attempts a quantitative reconstruction: inflating TARGET balances, leveraging collateral swaps followed by defaults, diluting self-imposed regulatory rules, issuing money through Emergency Liquidity Assistance (ELA), acquisitions facilitated via the Agreement on Net Financial Assets (ANFA), and the perpetual (re)issuance of sovereign bonds as collateral. These practices stem from systemic vulnerabilities or deliberate opportunism within the Eurosystem. While it does not advocate for illicit activities, the article highlights significant weaknesses in the current structure and concludes that comprehensive reforms are urgently needed.

本文确定并分析了用于利用欧元体系金融机制的六种关键策略,并尝试进行定量重建:膨胀目标余额,利用违约后的抵押品互换,稀释自我施加的监管规则,通过紧急流动性援助(ELA)发行货币,通过净金融资产协议(ANFA)促进收购,以及永久(重新)发行主权债券作为抵押品。这些做法源于系统脆弱性或欧元体系内部蓄意的机会主义。虽然这篇文章不提倡非法活动,但它强调了当前结构中的重大弱点,并得出结论认为,迫切需要进行全面改革。
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引用次数: 0
What Sweden thinks about markets, capitalism and the rich 瑞典对市场、资本主义和富人的看法
IF 1 Q3 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-12-02 DOI: 10.1111/ecaf.12684
Anders Ydstedt, Rainer Zitelmann

Attitudes towards the rich are far more positive in Sweden than in France, Spain, Germany, and Italy. Attitudes towards the market economy are also more positive in Sweden than in all other European countries, except Poland. Although Sweden is perceived by some as a model of ‘democratic socialism’, it has been 50 years since that this was – almost – the case. Today, Sweden is one of the ten most economically free countries in the world, although income tax is still above average. Corporate taxes are moderate, however, and inheritance, gift, and wealth taxes have been abolished. This article presents the findings of two surveys conducted by Ipsos MORI in Sweden. The first survey focused on perceptions of the rich, the second explored attitudes towards the market economy and capitalism.

与法国、西班牙、德国和意大利相比,瑞典对富人的态度要积极得多。瑞典对市场经济的态度也比除波兰以外的所有其他欧洲国家更为积极。虽然瑞典被一些人认为是“民主社会主义”的典范,但这几乎是50年前的事了。今天,瑞典是世界上经济最自由的十个国家之一,尽管所得税仍然高于平均水平。但是法人税比较温和,继承税、赠与税、财产税也被废除。本文介绍了益普索莫里在瑞典进行的两项调查的结果。第一项调查关注的是对富人的看法,第二项调查探讨的是对市场经济和资本主义的态度。
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引用次数: 0
Human presence is a necessary part of the solution for environmental conservation and land use 人类的存在是解决环境保护和土地利用问题的必要组成部分
IF 1 Q3 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-11-20 DOI: 10.1111/ecaf.12681
José Ramón Arévalo

Throughout history, overpopulation has consistently been recognised as a significant issue, causing concern even among early civilisations. In certain societies, such as the Neanderthal, Maori, Fijian and Congolese, cannibalism emerged to control population and provide a source of sustenance for the rest of the tribe (Culotta, 1999; Rubinstein, 2004). The Greeks were also among the first to raise awareness about the problem of overpopulation, expressing concerns about food supplies and population growth (Harrow, 1996). Even parts of the Bible can be seen as advocating population control to maintain balance in the world (Ehrlich, 1968), although it can be considered contradictory to the dictum “be fruitful and multiply” (Genesis 1: 28).

These concerns have persisted over time and have been reinforced by the works of influential researchers on public policies. Examples include The Population Bomb (Ehrlich, 1968) and The Limits of Growth (Meadows et al., 1972), which made dire predictions about the future of humanity. These concerns continue to be relevant with regular media reports or reports by institutional agencies such as the International Panel for Climate Change (IPCC) and the Intergovernmental Science-Policy Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services (IPBES) indicating that we have passed the sustainable equilibrium point. Moreover, more extreme predictions are made pointing towards global warming exceeding 5 °C by 2100, undeniably alarming and posing an existential threat to the lives and well-being of billions. Furthermore, despite lacking recognition by the International Union of Geological Sciences (IUGS), the concept of the ‘Anthropocene epoch’ is now present in scientific literature.

In the light of these ideas, human activity is often seen as incompatible with the preservation of the planet, and directly affects the continuance of the human population itself (Shukla et al., 2019). This is partly due to the limited availability of agricultural land and political proposals to control anthropogenic greenhouse gas emissions. Although it has been nearly 250 years since Malthus (1798) and 150 years since William Stanley Jevons (Missemer, 2012) sounded the alarm, the message remains the same: humans are the problem.

In this challenging situation, it is apparently difficult to reconcile continued human population growth with environmental conservation or the establishment of protected areas. Around the world, there are various types of such protected areas, including rural parks and marine protected areas, that attempt to balance human presence with environmental conservation. Indeed, some argue that humans should be removed from these areas altogether. In contrast, I aim to demonstrate that the presence of humans in many regions is not detrimental but rather beneficial. Even in densely p

纵观历史,人口过剩一直被认为是一个重大问题,甚至在早期文明中也引起了关注。在某些社会中,如尼安德特人、毛利人、斐济人和刚果人,食人现象的出现是为了控制人口,并为部落的其他成员提供食物来源(Culotta, 1999;鲁宾斯坦,2004)。希腊人也是最早提高对人口过剩问题认识的国家之一,他们表达了对粮食供应和人口增长的担忧(Harrow, 1996)。甚至《圣经》的某些部分也可以被视为主张控制人口以保持世界平衡(Ehrlich, 1968),尽管它可以被认为与“生养众多”(创世记1:28)的格言相矛盾。随着时间的推移,这些担忧一直存在,并被有影响力的公共政策研究人员的工作所强化。例如,《人口炸弹》(埃利希,1968)和《增长的极限》(梅多斯等人,1972)都对人类的未来做出了可怕的预测。这些担忧与媒体的定期报道以及国际气候变化专门委员会(IPCC)和政府间生物多样性和生态系统服务科学政策平台(IPBES)等机构的报告有关,表明我们已经超过了可持续平衡点。此外,还有更极端的预测指出,到2100年全球变暖将超过5°C,这无疑令人担忧,并对数十亿人的生命和福祉构成生存威胁。此外,尽管缺乏国际地质科学联合会(IUGS)的认可,“人类世”的概念现在已经出现在科学文献中。根据这些观点,人类活动通常被视为与地球的保护不相容,并直接影响到人口本身的延续(Shukla等人,2019)。这在一定程度上是由于农业用地的有限性和控制人为温室气体排放的政治建议。尽管马尔萨斯(1798)和杰文斯(William Stanley Jevons, Missemer, 2012)发出警告已经分别过去了近250年和150年,但传递的信息始终是一样的:人类才是问题所在。在这种具有挑战性的情况下,显然很难协调持续的人口增长与环境保护或保护区的建立。在世界各地,有各种类型的保护区,包括农村公园和海洋保护区,试图平衡人类存在与环境保护。事实上,一些人认为人类应该完全从这些地区撤走。相反,我的目的是证明人类在许多地区的存在不是有害的,而是有益的。即使在像欧洲这样人口稠密的地区,与自然环境密切接触的人类也应被视为保护工作的组成部分。人口过剩的问题经常通过中国或印度人口密集地区的图像形象地描绘出来。然而,其他人口密集但高度发达的地区,如摩纳哥、澳门、新加坡或马耳他,很少出现在这些描绘中。我的讨论探讨了不同的例子,并简要地评估了它们,以说明这些地区的保护只有在人类参与的情况下才有可能。我讨论了人类是环境问题的问题还是解决方案,重点关注三个不同的方面:土地遗弃,野火和土地征用用于保护。还强调了关于人类对全球影响的一些考虑。在发达国家,由于城市化、全球化和荒漠化,农业用地的废弃是一种显著的土地利用变化(Geeson等,2002)。这一现象引起了人们对多样性和文化价值潜在损失的担忧(Palmer et al., 2010;拉科姆,2008)。研究表明,土地遗弃预计将在未来增加(Rounsevell et al., 2006)。举一些例子,据报道,在欧洲联盟内,每年的撂荒率为农业总面积的3 - 4%。在西班牙,到2030年,撂荒率预计将达到每年总农业用地的0.8% (Keenleyside &amp;塔克,2010)。加那利群岛(西班牙)政府估计,在过去几十年里,该群岛大约60%的农业用地已被废弃自20世纪60年代旅游业开始发展以来,这种情况发生得更加广泛。目前,由于难以确定所有者以及土壤类别和管理的差异,缺乏这些地区恢复的具体计划,尽管许多评论员认为这些废弃土地是恢复的机会(Perino等人,2019)。 在发展中国家,停止粗放型耕作导致边缘土地上的干草地和矮灌木地显著增加(Hernández, 1997)。最初,由于初始植被覆盖稀疏、土壤性质不利和水土保持结构缺乏维护,这些废弃的田地容易受到侵蚀(Gallart等人,1994年;Imeson et al., 1998)。了解这些废弃农田的植被和土壤特性如何变化,以及植被模式如何演变,对于实施以减少侵蚀、恢复或重新造林为重点的管理方案至关重要(Lesschen等人,2008年)。植被格局的变化也可以表明干旱地区沙漠化的开始。然而,在某些情况下,土地放弃可以产生积极影响,例如植被覆盖的变化可以影响水资源的可用性、土壤性质和地球动力学(Lasanta等人,2006;Ruecker et al., 1998)。以欧洲为例,农业的可持续性要求和最低工资规定使其几乎不可能保持生产力。这使得市场的焦点转向了发展中国家,并在欧洲造成了严重的土地荒废。以西班牙为例,如果放弃农业活动,Parque Nacional de Doñana地区的灌溉作物每公顷将获得约10万欧元的收益这对该地区树莓等作物的生产构成了重大威胁,因为这些作物的竞争能力与规模经济有关。因此,由于生产规模和固定成本增加等问题,限制耕地面积对生产力的影响较大,而对保护区的积极影响相对较大。另一个值得注意的例子是西班牙的橄榄油。西班牙是世界上最大的初榨橄榄油生产国和出口国。然而,橄榄油的价格已经飙升到前所未有的水平。这种激增可归因于多种因素,包括零售采购计划、消费者习惯、税率和不利的气候条件。这些因素导致人们在应对粮食供应挑战时越来越脆弱,而这往往是由于政治决定造成的。幸运的是,西方社会对传统农业和畜牧业日益增长的反对可能不会对粮食供应造成太大影响,这在一定程度上要归功于技术的进步,比如人造肉生产领域的技术进步。科学的解决方案将抵消为保护地球的“可持续性”而对农业和畜牧业施加限制的可能决定。因此,人类技术和发展(在大量人口的支持下)可能是解决问题的答案。自二十世纪初以来,火灾一直被视为一种灾难,如果可能的话,要避免,因为它对生命和宝贵的资产有风险(Kornas, 1958;Molinier, 1968)。然而,Leopold et al.(1963)强调了灭火对生态系统的负面影响,使人们认识到火灾是受群落结构和组成影响的内生因素(White, 1979)。目前,在大多数植物群落中,火被广泛认为是一种自然力量,只要可行,就应该允许它的自然发生(Perry, 1994)。事实上,在地中海生态系统中,火灾被认为对植被结构有重大影响(Naveh, 1975;Trabaud, 1994)。长期以来,火一直是争论的主题,也是矛盾的来源。日常生活中有节制地使用火与不加控制地使用火对生命和财产造成的威胁之间存在着明显的矛盾。火灾生态学的一个特殊矛盾和破坏性因素是灭火,特别是在非商业保护森林地区(arsamvalo &amp;Naranjo-Cigala, 2018;Fernandes et al., 2011;Silva et al., 2010)。矛盾之处在于,“自然”火灾通常每年燃烧有限的公顷。然而,根据目前的火灾管理实践和保护措施,只要有可能,所有火灾都会被长期抑制。因此,灾难性森林火灾(在欧洲等许多地区的分类范围超过1000公顷)可能在10-15年后一次发生,原因包括生物量积累(通常是由于这些地区缺乏人类利用)、易火植物物种增加、与冠层相连的林下植被过度生长造成的生物量连续性和/或天气条件。另一方面,发达国家森林火灾造成的人员伤亡已经减少(尽
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引用次数: 0
Pax economica: Left-wing visions of a free trade world By Marc-William Palen. Princeton University Press. 2024. pp. 328. £30.00 (hbk). ISBN: 978-0691199320. £21.00 (ebk). ISBN: 978-0691205137 经济大同:自由贸易世界的左翼愿景 Marc-William Palen 著。普林斯顿大学出版社。 2024. pp. 328.30.00 英镑(精装本)。ISBN:978-0691199320。21.00 英镑(电子书)。ISBN: 978-0691205137
IF 1 Q3 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-10-12 DOI: 10.1111/ecaf.12665
Catherine McBride
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引用次数: 0
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