Pub Date : 2018-07-03DOI: 10.1080/10999949.2018.1532757
J. T. Roane
This article examines Black communities’ engagement with practices of place and alternative figurations of land and water in the antebellum and post-emancipation periods around the lower–Chesapeake Bay. It historicizes the work of enslaved, free, and emancipated communities to create a distinctive and often furtive social architecture rivaling, threatening, and challenging the infrastructures of abstraction, commodification, and social control developed by white elites before and after the formal abolition of slavery. Practices centered in the various iterations of the plot—the site of the body's interment, the garden parcel, and hidden insurrectionary activity—fostered a vision of de-commodified water and landscapes as well as resources. Evolving in dialectic with mastery and dominion—or biblically justified total control—enslaved and post-emancipation communities claimed and created a set of communal resources within the interstices of plantation ecologies, constituting the Black commons.
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Pub Date : 2018-07-03DOI: 10.1080/10999949.2018.1532758
Timeka N. Tounsel
As authors of their own series, Mara Brock Akil, creator of Being Mary Jane, and Issa Rae, creator of Insecure, have articulated their commitment to constructing black women as multidimensional subjects that embody contradictions. This article explores how Akil and Rae strategically deploy vulnerability in their televisual narratives to reframe black women as human; countering the Hollywood convention of representing black women in extremes, either superhuman or subhuman. The cumulative bodies of their work—that is, television series, press interviews, and promotional content—function as a pathway to humanity that does not require black women to capitulate to hegemonic scripts in order to be visible in the televisual sphere.
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Pub Date : 2018-07-03DOI: 10.1080/10999949.2018.1521691
Sharon Luk
This article presents a preliminary sketch of a broader investigation into encounters between “engaged Buddhism” and Black liberation theology in the United States from 1965–1968, motivated by the eventual goal of articulating a different approach toward a politics of death, or what scholars now call “necropolitics,” at this interface. Focusing on a world-transformative dialogue between Thich Nhat Hanh and Martin Luther King, Jr., this study begins with Hanh's vindications of the practice of self-immolation during the imperialist wars in Viet Nam, as mediated through his pedagogy of “engaged Buddhism” and its epistemological and historical elaboration in the West. Decisive to King's momentous shift toward both anti-imperialist and anti-capitalist political commitments, formally enunciated in his 1967 speech “Beyond Vietnam,” I interrogate how this encounter develops and globalizes a distinctive epistemology of death, justice, and nonviolence—one that absolutely cannot be accessed without an avowal or faith in something beyond those ontologies assumed by the limits of modern secularism or any formation of civil society. Ultimately, my goal is to bring this earlier formulation to bear on contemporary discourses of bio- or necropolitics that predominantly revolve around either terroristic martyrdom or the limits of white ontology precipitating Black “social death.”
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Pub Date : 2018-04-03DOI: 10.1080/10999949.2018.1520067
A. S. Halliday, Nadia Elizabeth Brown
Nicki Minaj and Beyoncé are two of the most successful Black women artists in today’s popular culture. They occupy a hypervisible and invisible position in Black and mainstream popular culture, and therefore exist as a crucial discursive site to understand Black girls’ self-articulation as “blackgirlmagic” at this moment. Faced with the rise of public feminist and postracial discourses presented in new digital media forms, Minaj and Beyoncé’s representations of sexualized Black femininity reimagined popular notions of race, gender, sexuality, and representation. Both women navigate sexuality and play, which allows them to promote claims to sexual autonomy, consent, and empowerment for girls. Together, they articulated blackness as arrogance, femininity as sexual confidence, and friendship as powerfully seductive in the song “Feeling Myself” (2015). We argue that the song became a #blackgirlmagic anthem for Black girls and women because of the ways Black girls and women engaged with the song on social media. They created a visual language to articulate the political stakes of #blackgirlmagic in an age of police brutality, anti-blackness, and misogyny. Through the use of focus group data with young Black women, we assess how this particular brand of “blackgirlmagic” impacts the political behavior and empowerment of Black college aged women.
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Pub Date : 2018-04-03DOI: 10.1080/10999949.2018.1434376
Paula Ioanide
This article outlines the distinct logics that govern embodied, affective forms of anti-Black racism in order to theorize cultural countermeasures that disrupt them. I argue that attempting to dismantle affective forms of racism by creating “positive” representations of Black people is an ineffective strategy in the long term. This approach tends to amplify investments in racial exceptionalism, fetishism, and restrictive conditions of acceptability, ultimately leaving Eurocentric epistemological and ontological frameworks intact. Instead, I consider cultural methodologies and epistemological frames that allow the complexities of Black ontology to thrive and proliferate. I examine Kendrick Lamar’s album To Pimp a Butterfly for the ways it uses Black epistemological frames and methods that hold the potential to diminish affective forms of racism.
这篇文章概述了支配反黑人种族主义的具体情感形式的不同逻辑，以理论化破坏它们的文化对策。我认为，从长远来看，试图通过创造黑人的“积极”表现来消除种族主义的情感形式是一种无效的策略。这种方法倾向于扩大对种族例外论、拜物教和可接受性限制条件的投资，最终使以欧洲为中心的认识论和本体论框架完好无损。相反，我认为文化方法论和认识论框架允许黑人本体论的复杂性蓬勃发展。我研究了肯德里克·拉马尔的专辑《To Pimp a Butterfly》，了解它使用黑人认识论框架和方法的方式，这些框架和方法有可能减少种族主义的情感形式。
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Pub Date : 2018-04-03DOI: 10.1080/10999949.2018.1434377
D. Dunkley
This article examines Leonard P. Howell’s understanding of repatriation as a form of black resistance aimed at decolonizing Jamaica. Howell, who is considered a Rastafari founder, engaged in political activities that indicated an investment in psychological repatriation as opposed to physical repatriation to facilitate a Rastafari black nationalist agenda for Jamaica. The Rastafari movement was inspired by the conception of Ethiopia’s Emperor Haile Selassie I as the promised return of the Messiah, prophesied by the Bible. Howell’s use of repatriation to Ethiopia for black people has been equated to the back-to-Africa campaign of Marcus Garvey, the great pan-Africanist and black nationalist. However, Howell’s efforts to use repatriation to decolonize the Jamaican people suggests an alternative view. His back-to-Africa rhetoric was inflated by the British colonial government of Jamaica, and later creole nationalists, to undermine his political successes. The colonial strategy applied to Howell has left distorted knowledge about his radical anti-colonialism and political agency. While it is indisputable that he paid homage to Ethiopia, this article demonstrates that Howell intended to remain in Jamaica, where he would work to make the island a part of a global diaspora of the kingdom of God in Ethiopia.
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Pub Date : 2018-04-03DOI: 10.1080/10999949.2018.1471923
Adam Ewing
In the spring of 1921, a young Kongo prophet named Simon Kimbangu launched a revival that won thousands of followers and posed a growing threat to Belgian rule in the Congo. This article examines the dynamic confluence of the Kimbanguist revival and the spread of Garveyism along the west coast of Africa. Scholarly treatments of Kimbanguism have not satisfactorily explained this connection, in large part because Garveyism has been traditionally miscast as an American-centered doctrine of immediate liberation rather than a malleable and portable diasporic movement that acquired a uniquely African cast as a result of its spread through the subcontinent. In the Belgian Congo, Garveyism provided an organizational spark that aided the emergence of Kimbangu's church. Perhaps more consequentially, the spread of Garveyism through the region facilitated the emergence of rumors that conditioned the manner in which both Africans and Europeans perceived and responded to the revival. Viewing Garveyism from this perspective helps us understand why it was such a vibrant politics during the interwar period. It also suggests the broader utility of diasporic identifications and ideas as potentially emancipatory materials for local politics making.
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Pub Date : 2018-01-02DOI: 10.1080/10999949.2018.1520064
Sarah A. Haley
Mary Fitzpatrick's historical life sheds light on the role of liberal discourse and racialized and gendered affective politics in entrenching black captivity. Her imprisonment and coerced domestic servitude reveal the role of black women's carceral exploitation in a pivotal 1970s moment in which the future of the U.S. carceral state was contested and contingent.
{"title":"Care Cage: Black Women, Political Symbolism, and 1970s Prison Crisis","authors":"Sarah A. Haley","doi":"10.1080/10999949.2018.1520064","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10999949.2018.1520064","url":null,"abstract":"Mary Fitzpatrick's historical life sheds light on the role of liberal discourse and racialized and gendered affective politics in entrenching black captivity. Her imprisonment and coerced domestic servitude reveal the role of black women's carceral exploitation in a pivotal 1970s moment in which the future of the U.S. carceral state was contested and contingent.","PeriodicalId":44850,"journal":{"name":"Souls","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2018-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/10999949.2018.1520064","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45674602","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-01-02DOI: 10.1080/10999949.2018.1520058
K. Gross
This article, which serves as an introduction to this special issue, explores the relationship between white supremacy, carceral violence, and black womanhood and it examines the symbiosis of gendered violence enacted against black women by state agents and everyday white men using the 1910 trial of Bessie Banks. It also discusses the articles included in the special issue, calling attention to the authors’ essential contributions as well as briefly spotlighting a few areas in the historiography that would benefit from richer excavation.
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Pub Date : 2018-01-02DOI: 10.1080/10999949.2018.1520061
Lashawn Harris
This article recovers the life of Bronx resident Eleanor Bumpurs from historical obscurity, moving beyond her tragic death and departing from disability and legal studies that primarily focus on her killing and New York Police Department officer Stephen Sullivan’s 1987 bench trial.
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