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Evolving patterns of insurgency in Southern and West Africa: Refocusing the Boko Haram lens on Mozambique 南部和西非不断演变的叛乱模式:重新将博科圣地的镜头对准莫桑比克
IF 0.8 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-08-02 DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2021.1959360
S. Okunade, O. Faluyi, Emmanuel Matambo
ABSTRACT Insurgency has gained prominence in Africa. It is usually associated with marginalisation, poverty, and inequality and often has religious links and bases. Insurgency frequently originates in communities situated along the borders of a country but soon spreads to neighbouring countries due to the poor response from the concerned state. The literature reveals that when state institutions ignore insurgent groups, they utilise that window of time to network with terrorist organizations such as Al-Qaeda and the Islamic State (IS) to solicit funds, arms and ammunition and training of new recruits and existing members. This was the case with Boko Haram, which was initially ignored by the Nigerian government only for it to become a security threat to the entire West African sub-region. An Islamic group, Ahlu Sunnah Wal Jammah (ASWJ) has recently emerged in Mozambique's Cabo Delgado Province with the aim of creating an Islamic state within the region. Drawing from the Boko Haram experience in West Africa, this article critically assesses the short- and long-term security threats that this group poses to Mozambique and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and explores the strategies that could be deployed to combat the insurgency before it becomes a fully-fledged security challenge.
叛乱在非洲日益突出。它通常与边缘化、贫困和不平等联系在一起,通常有宗教联系和基础。叛乱经常发生在一国边境附近的社区,但由于有关国家反应不佳,叛乱很快蔓延到邻国。文献显示,当国家机构忽视叛乱组织时,他们会利用这一时间窗口与基地组织和伊斯兰国等恐怖组织建立联系,筹集资金、武器弹药,并培训新兵和现有成员。博科圣地就是这样,它最初被尼日利亚政府忽视,但后来却成为整个西非次区域的安全威胁。一个伊斯兰组织Ahlu Sunnah Wal Jammah(ASWJ)最近在莫桑比克德尔加杜角省成立,目的是在该地区建立一个伊斯兰国。本文借鉴博科圣地在西非的经验,批判性地评估了该组织对莫桑比克和南部非洲发展共同体(SADC)构成的短期和长期安全威胁,并探讨了在叛乱成为正式的安全挑战之前,可以部署哪些战略来打击叛乱。
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引用次数: 2
Uncovering the processes and ritual practices of indigenous conflict resolution in the shimgelina system 揭示shimgelina系统中土著冲突解决的过程和仪式实践
IF 0.8 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-07-22 DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2021.1944886
Belay Asmare
ABSTRACT Despite the availability of numerous studies on the issue of indigenous conflict resolution mechanisms, the process and ritual practices have not been explored in detail. Thus, the objective of this study is to examine the process and ritual practices during conflict resolution by shimgelina. To achieve these objectives, the study involved fourteen purposely selected shimageles and five conflicting parties for in-depth interviews, and three key informants. Personal observation and document reviews were used to collect data. In addition, one Focus Group Discussion, containing seven Idir leaders, was held to generate rich data about the issue. Thematic categorisation and analysis were used to examine the collected data. This study reveals that shimageles are employing a series of processes of conflict resolution with different ritual practices. Furthermore, this study argues that each ritual practice has its own importance in the process of conflict resolution. Despite the existence of different rituals that are important for conflict resolution and transformation, the shimageles and conflicting parties have fewer adherences to those ritual practices. Therefore, the study recommends that unless the rituals which are important for conflict resolution are strictly followed, the capacity of the shimageles to perform their conflict resolution role is undermined and remains elusive.
摘要尽管有许多关于土著冲突解决机制问题的研究,但尚未对这一过程和仪式实践进行详细探讨。因此,本研究的目的是考察shimgelina解决冲突的过程和仪式实践。为了实现这些目标,这项研究涉及14名有意选择的岛民和5名冲突方进行深入采访,以及3名关键线人。个人观察和文件审查被用来收集数据。此外,还举行了一次由七位Idir领导人参加的焦点小组讨论,以生成有关该问题的丰富数据。专题分类和分析被用来检查收集的数据。这项研究表明,岛民采用了一系列不同仪式实践的冲突解决过程。此外,本研究认为,在冲突解决过程中,每种仪式实践都有其自身的重要性。尽管存在着对解决和转变冲突很重要的不同仪式,但岛民和冲突各方对这些仪式的遵守程度较低。因此,该研究建议,除非严格遵守对解决冲突至关重要的仪式,否则岛民履行解决冲突作用的能力就会受到削弱,而且仍然难以捉摸。
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引用次数: 2
Implementation of the ECOWAS collective security framework: The role of multilateral cooperation in the Liberian crisis 西非经共体集体安全框架的执行情况:多边合作在利比里亚危机中的作用
IF 0.8 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2021.1944887
Ahmad Dahiru Aminu, Sivachandralingam Sundara Raja
ABSTRACT The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) was founded exclusively to focus on economic integration. However, in 1976, the Nigerian government proposed the adoption of a non-aggression protocol to regulate issues of regional collective security. The proposal was accepted in principle and the secretariat was tasked to formulate policy prescriptions for adoption of the decision organs. Using historical techniques, this article peruses existing literature, official reports and minutes of meetings of the ECOWAS authority and Council of Ministers to highlight the successes of the executive secretariat and reflect on the political, structural and security challenges that it encountered in facilitating the implementation of inter-organisational cooperation in the Liberian crisis.
摘要西非国家经济共同体(西非经共体)的成立完全是为了关注经济一体化。然而,1976年,尼日利亚政府提议通过一项互不侵犯议定书,以规范地区集体安全问题。该提案原则上得到接受,秘书处的任务是为通过决策机构制定政策规定。本文运用历史技巧,仔细阅读了西非经共体当局和部长理事会的现有文献、官方报告和会议记录,以突出执行秘书处的成功,并反思其在促进利比里亚危机中实施组织间合作方面遇到的政治、结构和安全挑战。
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引用次数: 0
Reign of terror: A review of police brutality on Nigerian youth by the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) 恐怖统治:特别反抢劫小组(SARS)对尼日利亚青年警察暴行的回顾
IF 0.8 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2021.1947863
T. Akinyetun
ABSTRACT Few days after Nigeria attained the sexagenarian status on October 1, 2020, the country has once again become a subject of unusual discourse both home and abroad. This is due to the protests by disgruntled youths against the activities of the Special Anti-Robbery Squad; a unit of the Nigeria Police Force, which has been accused of brutality, human rights violation, sexual abuse, torture, and extrajudicial killings among others. This study adopts a qualitative approach which draws data from reports of reputable international organisations, juried scholarly articles, working papers, and newspaper articles. The study concludes that the police adopts brutality, abuse, and violations as its tactics due to its inadequate equipment for investigation which makes officers deploy torture as a means of extracting the truth. This is further complicated by an ingrained culture of corruption, inadequate funding, political interference, inadequate personnel, and a pro-elite orientation. As a result, it is recommended that a sincere and comprehensive reform of the police be carried out to improve the welfare of the police; encourage the use of extensive technology, and improve police-community relations.
摘要尼日利亚于2020年10月1日获得性别平等地位几天后,该国再次成为国内外不同寻常的话题。这是因为心怀不满的年轻人抗议特别反抢劫小组的活动;尼日利亚警察部队的一支部队,被指控犯有暴行、侵犯人权、性虐待、酷刑和法外处决等罪行。这项研究采用了定性方法,从知名国际组织的报告、经评审的学术文章、工作论文和报纸文章中提取数据。该研究得出的结论是,警察采用暴行、虐待和侵犯行为作为其策略,因为其调查设备不足,这使得警察将酷刑作为提取真相的手段。根深蒂固的腐败文化、资金不足、政治干预、人员不足和亲精英的倾向使情况更加复杂。因此,建议对警察进行真诚和全面的改革,以改善警察的福利;鼓励广泛使用技术,改善警民关系。
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引用次数: 8
Covid-19 and the restrictive measures: The national security conundrum for Zimbabwe 新冠肺炎和限制措施:津巴布韦的国家安全难题
IF 0.8 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2021.1972015
Ishmael Mugari, E. Obioha
ABSTRACT The emergence of the COVID-19 pandemic at the onset of the year 2020 brought unprecedented suffering to humanity. Economic activities in virtually all nations across the globe were brought to a shuddering halt, with the third world suffering the worst effects on the economic front. The health security of nations across the globe was shaken, as nations came to terms with the surging health needs for the infected citizens. In order to grapple with the pandemic, nations took drastic measures, chief among them being the implementation of lockdowns, coupled with harsh restrictions. These measures, however, came at a cost. This paper explores the impacts of the restrictive measures that were implemented by the Zimbabwean government to combat COVID-19 pandemic. The paper interrogates these measures in the context of the national security discourse. In the analysis, the paper also makes reference to South Africa- a more developed nation and Zimbabwe’s neighbour.
摘要新冠肺炎疫情在2020年初爆发,给人类带来了前所未有的痛苦。全球几乎所有国家的经济活动都戛然而止,第三世界在经济方面受到的影响最为严重。随着各国接受感染公民激增的健康需求,全球各国的健康安全受到了动摇。为了应对疫情,各国采取了严厉措施,其中最主要的是实施封锁,再加上严厉的限制。然而,这些措施是有代价的。本文探讨了津巴布韦政府为抗击新冠肺炎疫情而实施的限制措施的影响。本文在国家安全话语的背景下对这些措施进行了质疑。在分析中,该论文还提到了南非——一个更发达的国家和津巴布韦的邻国。
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引用次数: 3
Russo-African Relations and electoral democracy: Assessing the implications of Russia's renewed interest for Africa 俄非关系与选举民主:评估俄罗斯对非洲重新感兴趣的影响
IF 0.8 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2021.1956982
Akinlolu E. Akinola, Olusola Ogunnubi
ABSTRACT After decades of diplomatic disengagement from Africa, Russia is making a strong bid to facilitate bilateral relations with more African states. Many analysts regard this as an attempt to project power and influence outside of Russia's immediate borders in Eastern Europe and to whittle down the West's influence in Africa. The deepening ties between Russia and African states have led to the incursion of Russian political operatives and disinformation experts who have meddled in the political and electoral processes of countries such as Zimbabwe, Mozambique and the Democratic Republic of the Congo. However, while Russian election interference in advanced western democracies has attracted extensive scholarly interest, similar meddling by Russian agents on the African continent has been subject to little scrutiny. This article sheds light on the methods used by Russian political operatives to meddle in elections in Africa. It concludes that Russia's renewed interest in Africa could have grave consequences for democracy on the continent if left unchecked.
在与非洲断绝外交关系数十年后,俄罗斯正在大力推动与更多非洲国家的双边关系。许多分析人士认为,此举意在向俄罗斯毗邻的东欧边境以外投射力量和影响力,并削弱西方在非洲的影响力。俄罗斯与非洲国家之间日益加深的关系,导致俄罗斯政治特工和造反专家进入非洲,干预津巴布韦、莫桑比克和刚果民主共和国等国的政治和选举进程。然而,尽管俄罗斯对西方发达民主国家选举的干预引起了广泛的学术兴趣,但俄罗斯特工对非洲大陆的类似干预却几乎没有受到审查。这篇文章揭示了俄罗斯政治特工干预非洲选举的方法。报告的结论是,如果不加以控制,俄罗斯在非洲重新燃起的兴趣可能会对非洲大陆的民主造成严重后果。
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引用次数: 3
Securing the African space: A collective response to threats under persisting constraints 确保非洲空间:在持续制约下对威胁的集体反应
IF 0.8 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2021.2006902
Dries Velthuizen, Lisa Otto
In this edition, as in others, we focus on some persisting trends that emphasise the gravity of security challenges in Africa, but also succeed in showcasing the successes of some security mechanisms that are causes of optimism and sources of good practices. The current security situation in Africa continues to be characterised by instability in some spaces with several threats to socio-economic development and the general well-being of people being affected by violent conflict. In all cases, as highlighted in this edition, the transnational nature of conflicts requires a collective response involving states and institutions as stakeholders to find solutions and to act against perpetrators to protect people, infrastructure, and assets. In this regard, it is always good to start with a success story such as the micro-disarmament experiences in Africa presented by Patrick Kachope on lessons learned from the Karamoja Integrated Disarmament and Development Programme in North-Eastern Uganda. In his work, he reasons that a human security approach anchored in a well-coordinated, multiactor framework is an essential lesson for other African communities who must deal with arms infiltration into communities. Jetnor Kasmi and Mohsin Khan sketch a much bleaker picture of the situation in Burundi when they confirm that imbalances created by land ownership and class structure in society causes armed conflict, the general outbreak of violence, forced displacement, paralysed governance, and contestation in power relations. Therefore, reintegration and reconciliation in countries such as Burundi require multiple diplomacies involving local and regional authorities to enhance state legitimacy, to improve the capacity of the state to ensure justice during the reconciliation process as well as to secure and sustain legitimate land tenure. The regional transnational nature of conflict is demonstrated by Ernest Aniche, Inocent Moyo and Christopher Nshimbi who interrogate the nexus between irregular migration and insecurity in the ungoverned spaces of West Africa. The authors confirm the need for sufficient governance mechanisms involving both state and non-state actors to reclaim ungoverned spaces like those in West Africa. Ahmad Aminu and Sivachandralingam Raja also focus on a success story of cooperation among regional organisations by discussing the pivotal role of the Executive Secretariat of Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in dealing with political, structural and security challenges in the implementation of inter-organisational cooperation in the Liberian crisis within the ECOWAS Collective Security Framework. The importance of inter-regional cooperation in security matters is further highlighted by Stephen Idahosa, Denis Degterev and Solomon Ikhidero who appraise securitisation initiatives amidst security challenges in the sub-Saharan region of Sahel. The authors discovered that security actors in the Sahel should go beyond speech acts to leg
与其他版本一样,本期我们将重点关注一些持续存在的趋势,这些趋势强调了非洲安全挑战的严重性,但也成功地展示了一些安全机制的成功,这些机制是乐观主义的原因和良好做法的来源。非洲目前的安全局势继续以某些地区的不稳定为特点,社会经济发展受到若干威胁,人民的普遍福祉受到暴力冲突的影响。在所有情况下,正如本期所强调的那样,冲突的跨国性质要求作为利益攸关方的国家和机构采取集体应对措施,寻找解决方案,并对肇事者采取行动,以保护人民、基础设施和资产。在这方面,以一个成功的故事作为开始总是好的,例如帕特里克·卡乔普就从乌干达东北部的卡拉莫贾综合裁军和发展方案中吸取的教训所介绍的非洲微型裁军经验。在他的工作中,他认为,建立在一个协调良好的多主体框架下的人类安全方法,对其他必须应对武器渗透的非洲社区来说是一个重要的教训。杰特诺·卡斯米(Jetnor Kasmi)和莫辛·汗(Mohsin Khan)对布隆迪局势的描述更为悲观,他们证实,土地所有权和社会阶级结构造成的不平衡导致武装冲突、暴力的普遍爆发、被迫流离失所、治理瘫痪和权力关系的争夺。因此,布隆迪等国的重新融合与和解需要涉及地方和地区当局的多种外交手段,以增强国家合法性,提高国家在和解进程中确保正义的能力,并确保和维持合法的土地保有权。Ernest Aniche、Inocent Moyo和Christopher Nshimbi对西非不受管制地区的非正规移民和不安全之间的联系进行了调查,证明了冲突的区域跨国性质。作者确认需要有足够的治理机制,包括国家和非国家行为体,以收回像西非那样的不受治理的空间。Ahmad Aminu和Sivachandralingam Raja还通过讨论西非国家经济共同体(西非经共体)执行秘书处在西非经共体集体安全框架内处理利比里亚危机中实施组织间合作的政治、结构和安全挑战方面的关键作用,重点讨论了区域组织之间合作的成功故事。Stephen Idahosa、Denis Degterev和Solomon Ikhidero对撒哈拉以南萨赫勒地区安全挑战中的证券化举措进行了评估,进一步强调了区域间安全事务合作的重要性。作者发现,萨赫勒地区的安全行为者应该超越言论行为,使“反恐战争”和军事行动合法化,转向全面解决发展问题,解决恐怖主义的社会和经济根源,并改善该地区的经济前景。
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引用次数: 0
Securitisation initiatives and the lingering security challenges in Sub-Saharan Sahel region: An appraisal 证券化举措与撒哈拉以南萨赫勒地区挥之不去的安全挑战:评估
IF 0.8 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2021.1970597
Stephen Osaherumwen Idahosa, D. Degterev, S. I. Ikhidero
ABSTRACT Security in the Sahel region has traditionally been studied through a realist prism, emphasising military concerns and the pre-eminent influence of great powers in shaping local security concerns. The paper reviews the securitisation initiatives in Africa's Sahel. It specifically explores Buzan and Waever's ‘securitisation' framework to re-evaluate securitising discourse and the contemporary initiatives of the EU, France and the U.S.A. in the Sahelian States. Its main observation is that the central security actors in the Sahel have over the years paid less attention to the securitisation of threats in the region. The paper provides indicators of successful securitisation, which includes but goes beyond speech acts. It underscores the reality that though the securitisation of Africa's Sahel has helped to legitimise the ‘war on terrorism', it has very little to offer for Africa’s development problems. The paper posits that securitisation, though a laudable initiative, does not sufficiently address root causes of terrorism, which are not military but social and economic. It thus recommends a holistic approach to addressing the security challenges in the Sahel; which must include: providing increased safe access for those who want to work in the West while also assisting to create economic prospects and opportunities in the region.
萨赫勒地区的安全传统上是通过现实主义的棱镜来研究的,强调军事关切和大国在塑造当地安全关切方面的卓越影响力。本文回顾了非洲萨赫勒地区的证券化举措。它具体探讨了Buzan和Waever的“证券化”框架,以重新评估证券化话语以及欧盟、法国和美国在萨赫勒国家的当代举措。其主要观察结果是,萨赫勒地区的中央安全行为者多年来对该地区威胁的证券化关注较少。该文件提供了成功证券化的指标,其中包括但不限于言论行为。它强调了一个现实,即尽管非洲萨赫勒地区的证券化有助于使“反恐战争”合法化,但它对非洲的发展问题几乎没有什么帮助。该论文认为,证券化虽然是一项值得称赞的举措,但并不能充分解决恐怖主义的根本原因,恐怖主义不是军事原因,而是社会和经济原因。因此,它建议采取综合办法应对萨赫勒地区的安全挑战;其中必须包括:为那些想在西方工作的人提供更多的安全通道,同时帮助在该地区创造经济前景和机会。
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引用次数: 1
Micro-disarmament experiences in Africa: Learning from the Karamoja integrated disarmament and development programme, north- eastern Uganda 非洲的微观裁军经验:向乌干达东北部的卡拉莫贾综合裁军和发展方案学习
IF 0.8 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2020.1828117
P. Kachope
ABSTRACT Micro-disarmament, which refers to the removal of small arms and light weapons (SALW) from the civilian population, is one of the recent international policy frameworks through which the global challenge of illicit gun proliferation has been approached. Although Africa still grapples with this challenge, a number of successful micro-disarmament programmes have been implemented from which important lessons can be drawn. One such success story has been the disarmament of pastoral communities in the Karamoja region of north-eastern Uganda under the Karamoja Integrated Disarmament and Development Programme (KIDDP). This paper argues that even though micro-disarmament success may be context specific, there are generic conceptual and practical lessons that should be learned from the KIDDP. Particularly, the paper argues that a human security approach anchored on a well-coordinated multi-actor structural framework is an essential lesson from the KIDDP which can benefit the rest of the African communities still grappling with the management of small arms infiltration.
微观裁军是指从平民中消除小武器和轻武器,是最近应对非法枪支扩散这一全球挑战的国际政策框架之一。尽管非洲仍在努力应对这一挑战,但已经实施了一些成功的微观裁军方案,可以从中吸取重要教训。其中一个成功案例是根据卡拉莫贾综合裁军与发展方案解除乌干达东北部卡拉莫贾地区牧民社区的武装。本文认为,尽管微观裁军的成功可能是具体情况的,但应该从KIDDP中吸取一些一般的概念和实际经验教训。特别是,该文件认为,以协调良好的多行动者结构框架为基础的人类安全方法是KIDDP的一个重要教训,它可以使仍在努力管理小武器渗透的其他非洲社区受益。
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引用次数: 0
Interrogating the nexus between irregular migration and insecurity along ‘ungoverned’ border spaces in West Africa 质疑西非“无人管理”边境地区的非正常移民与不安全之间的关系
IF 0.8 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-05-14 DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2021.1901753
Ernest Toochi Aniche, I. Moyo, C. Nshimbi
ABSTRACT The ‘coloniality’, porosity, and ‘ungovernability’ of borders in West Africa, have engendered undocumented migration, in which most people engage to visit their kin and for economic reasons such as herding, farming, fishing, hunting, and trading. This occurs concurrently with human smuggling, human trafficking, gun-running, terrorism, and money laundering. The rise in these cross-border criminal activities and the resultant insecurity have put irregular migration into the mainstream of political and academic conversation, generating national, regional, and global concerns. Against this backdrop, this paper examines the nexus between irregular migration and insecurity along ‘ungoverned’ borders in West Africa, based on a review of relevant literature on migration, security, and governance in scholarly journals, books as well as relevant reports, newspaper, and media accounts. The overarching question which this raises and is addressed in this paper is: How does the coloniality and porosity of ungoverned borders in West Africa engender and/or entrench cross-border insecurity? Addressing this question suggests the need to provide sufficient governance mechanisms that involve both state and non-state actors in order to reduce the ungoverned spaces in this part of Africa.
摘要西非的“殖民主义”、多孔性和边境的“不可管理性”导致了无证移民,在这种移民中,大多数人都是出于放牧、务农、捕鱼、狩猎和贸易等经济原因来拜访自己的亲人。这与人口走私、人口贩运、枪支走私、恐怖主义和洗钱同时发生。这些跨境犯罪活动的增加以及由此产生的不安全感使非正常移民成为政治和学术对话的主流,引发了国家、地区和全球的担忧。在这种背景下,本文根据对学术期刊、书籍以及相关报道、报纸和媒体报道中有关移民、安全和治理的相关文献的回顾,研究了西非“无人管理”边境的非正常移民与不安全之间的关系。这提出并在本文中解决的首要问题是:西非无政府边界的殖民性和多孔性是如何产生和/或巩固跨境不安全的?解决这个问题表明,需要提供足够的治理机制,让国家和非国家行为者都参与进来,以减少非洲这一地区的无人治理空间。
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引用次数: 6
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African Security Review
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