ABSTRACT Empirical studies have shown that the use of temporary volunteers to control crime is common in sub-Saharan countries. This study examines the contentious nature of volunteers’ crime control duties along Nigeria’s borders. Using a mixed-method approach, shortcomings in the volunteer scheme’s operation were discovered such as inadequate training, non-hierarchical leadership, poor conditions of service and administrative and technical loopholes that tempted volunteers to become more involved in criminal activity than in crime control. During active service, the volunteers engaged more in economic-related misdemeanours; after being demobilised, they committed felonious offences. Exacerbating factors include the temporary nature of the volunteering, an inability to meet societal and personal demands, a high knowledge of border road networks, closeness to and affinities with known criminals, unemployment and security experience. The use of volunteers in crime control should be halted for multiple reasons, including to reduce leaks about details of security operations.
{"title":"Temporary paramilitary volunteers at Nigeria’s Chad and Niger borders: A source of recruitment for Boko Haram","authors":"Adeleke Gbadebo Fatai, Lawal Musediq Olufemi, Ajayi Oluwagbemiga Oluwaseun, Ayantunji Isola Oyelekan","doi":"10.1080/10246029.2022.2125329","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2022.2125329","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Empirical studies have shown that the use of temporary volunteers to control crime is common in sub-Saharan countries. This study examines the contentious nature of volunteers’ crime control duties along Nigeria’s borders. Using a mixed-method approach, shortcomings in the volunteer scheme’s operation were discovered such as inadequate training, non-hierarchical leadership, poor conditions of service and administrative and technical loopholes that tempted volunteers to become more involved in criminal activity than in crime control. During active service, the volunteers engaged more in economic-related misdemeanours; after being demobilised, they committed felonious offences. Exacerbating factors include the temporary nature of the volunteering, an inability to meet societal and personal demands, a high knowledge of border road networks, closeness to and affinities with known criminals, unemployment and security experience. The use of volunteers in crime control should be halted for multiple reasons, including to reduce leaks about details of security operations.","PeriodicalId":44882,"journal":{"name":"African Security Review","volume":"32 1","pages":"3 - 19"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-11-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49112577","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-11DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2022.2138769
Susan Henrico, Ivan Henrico, Dries Putter
ABSTRACT The prospect of extra-terrestrial (outer space) armed conflict between major powers is a real possibility. As early as 1966, an Outer Space Treaty was signed by over 100 countries in response to such a possibility. In 2019, NATO declared outer space a new potential war zone or military operational domain alongside air, land, sea, and cyberspace. This new war zone is mainly a strategic frontier, exclusively dominated by a few global superpowers. It would be naive to think that global superpowers’ wars fought in outer space will not have a detrimental socio-economic effect on non-participating countries. On the contrary, an outer space war will have dire consequences for the developing world, such as South Africa. This article is descriptive and explanatory in nature and analyses the potential risks of a twenty-first-century space war to South Africa's national security. It provides a deeper understanding by contextualising the international legal regulation of the military use of space, the use of force against the architecture of space resources, technological advances in satellite systems and weapons, the current geopolitical tensions between the major superpowers related to space and highlights South Africa's international relations with some of these global superpowers.
{"title":"A grey zone: The contours of outer space armed conflict and South Africa’s national interests","authors":"Susan Henrico, Ivan Henrico, Dries Putter","doi":"10.1080/10246029.2022.2138769","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2022.2138769","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The prospect of extra-terrestrial (outer space) armed conflict between major powers is a real possibility. As early as 1966, an Outer Space Treaty was signed by over 100 countries in response to such a possibility. In 2019, NATO declared outer space a new potential war zone or military operational domain alongside air, land, sea, and cyberspace. This new war zone is mainly a strategic frontier, exclusively dominated by a few global superpowers. It would be naive to think that global superpowers’ wars fought in outer space will not have a detrimental socio-economic effect on non-participating countries. On the contrary, an outer space war will have dire consequences for the developing world, such as South Africa. This article is descriptive and explanatory in nature and analyses the potential risks of a twenty-first-century space war to South Africa's national security. It provides a deeper understanding by contextualising the international legal regulation of the military use of space, the use of force against the architecture of space resources, technological advances in satellite systems and weapons, the current geopolitical tensions between the major superpowers related to space and highlights South Africa's international relations with some of these global superpowers.","PeriodicalId":44882,"journal":{"name":"African Security Review","volume":"32 1","pages":"57 - 80"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-11-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43695552","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2022.2131448
K. Lamidi
ABSTRACT Studies have examined the dimensions and components of conflict analysis. However, little or no review attention has been paid to understanding the conceptual perspectives, theoretical underpinnings and methodological issues. Hence, this paper aimed at filling the gaps and answered the basic questions: Is conflict analysis a potential tool for peacebuilding? In what ways does conflict analysis influence the practice of peacebuilding? How can conflict analysis cover the limitations of peacebuilding? Using secondary data sources, this paper underscored the perspectives and theoretical discourse which underpin the context and structural dynamics of conflict analysis. It also discussed methodological issues by exposing its different levels of practical benefit. Evident examples of conflict analysis were reviewed with notable instances in Africa. This paper, therefore, found out that conflict analysis has great potential for facilitating positive value and social coherence for peacebuilding practices. On the one hand, the outcome of conflict analysis has a direct response to the implementation of peacebuilding strategies. On the other hand, conflict analysis exposes complementary problems resulting in the limitations of peacebuilding. Also, this paper contributed to knowledge by remedying the limitations of peacebuilding. It concluded that a broad participation network would guarantee insightful conflict analysis towards the enhancement of peacebuilding.
{"title":"Conflict analysis in peacebuilding: A review","authors":"K. Lamidi","doi":"10.1080/10246029.2022.2131448","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2022.2131448","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT\u0000 Studies have examined the dimensions and components of conflict analysis. However, little or no review attention has been paid to understanding the conceptual perspectives, theoretical underpinnings and methodological issues. Hence, this paper aimed at filling the gaps and answered the basic questions: Is conflict analysis a potential tool for peacebuilding? In what ways does conflict analysis influence the practice of peacebuilding? How can conflict analysis cover the limitations of peacebuilding? Using secondary data sources, this paper underscored the perspectives and theoretical discourse which underpin the context and structural dynamics of conflict analysis. It also discussed methodological issues by exposing its different levels of practical benefit. Evident examples of conflict analysis were reviewed with notable instances in Africa. This paper, therefore, found out that conflict analysis has great potential for facilitating positive value and social coherence for peacebuilding practices. On the one hand, the outcome of conflict analysis has a direct response to the implementation of peacebuilding strategies. On the other hand, conflict analysis exposes complementary problems resulting in the limitations of peacebuilding. Also, this paper contributed to knowledge by remedying the limitations of peacebuilding. It concluded that a broad participation network would guarantee insightful conflict analysis towards the enhancement of peacebuilding.","PeriodicalId":44882,"journal":{"name":"African Security Review","volume":"31 1","pages":"399 - 414"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47833444","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2022.2134810
Cedric de Coning, Andrew E. Yaw Tchie, Anab Ovidie Grand
ABSTRACT This article contends that Ad-hoc Security Initiatives (ASI) have developed over the last decade in the Sahel and Lake Chad Basin and represents a new form of African collective security mechanism. The G5 Sahel Force and the Multi-National Joint Task Force emerged from a context-specific need for small clusters of African states to respond collectively to a shared cross-border security threat(s). The existing African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) mechanisms were not specific and responsive enough to meet this emerging need. Despite substantial investments over the last twenty years by the African Union, Regional Economic Community/ Regional Mechanisms and international partners to establish the African Standby Force, this instrument was not agile enough to respond to the type of threats experienced in the greater Sahel region. In this article, we trace the emergence of a new type of ASI, examine how they fill an essential gap and analyse why the African Standby Force was not able to meet this need. We then consider the implications of these developments for the future of the APSA and how closer collaboration between ASIs and APSA can be developed.
{"title":"Ad-hoc Security Initiatives, an African response to insecurity","authors":"Cedric de Coning, Andrew E. Yaw Tchie, Anab Ovidie Grand","doi":"10.1080/10246029.2022.2134810","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2022.2134810","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article contends that Ad-hoc Security Initiatives (ASI) have developed over the last decade in the Sahel and Lake Chad Basin and represents a new form of African collective security mechanism. The G5 Sahel Force and the Multi-National Joint Task Force emerged from a context-specific need for small clusters of African states to respond collectively to a shared cross-border security threat(s). The existing African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) mechanisms were not specific and responsive enough to meet this emerging need. Despite substantial investments over the last twenty years by the African Union, Regional Economic Community/ Regional Mechanisms and international partners to establish the African Standby Force, this instrument was not agile enough to respond to the type of threats experienced in the greater Sahel region. In this article, we trace the emergence of a new type of ASI, examine how they fill an essential gap and analyse why the African Standby Force was not able to meet this need. We then consider the implications of these developments for the future of the APSA and how closer collaboration between ASIs and APSA can be developed.","PeriodicalId":44882,"journal":{"name":"African Security Review","volume":"31 1","pages":"383 - 398"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49347486","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2022.2132872
E. Obioha, Ishmael Mugari
ABSTRACT The emergence of the COVID-19 pandemic brought about a myriad of responses on the global, regional and national levels. One of the widely adopted measures of dealing with the scourge was the crafting of stringent regulatory frameworks to curtail the spreading of the virus through restriction of citizens’ movement. The role of the police services and, importantly, the military, came under spotlight, as they were instrumental in enforcing COVID-19 containment-related laws. The confinement of people to their homes, as well as the enforcement of the restrictive regulations, led to a paradigm shift in the crime trends. More often, the police and the military had to contend with allegations of various criminal activities and human rights violations. In this paper, which was based on a documentary survey, we discuss the policing environment during the COVID-19 era. We focus on how the COVID-19 era has altered the criminal environment, focusing on criminal activities by both the public and the law enforcement agents. We also explore the human rights implications of the enforcement of COVID-19 containment regulations.
{"title":"Policing COVID-19 restrictive regulations in Zimbabwe: The shifting crime trends and the human rights implications","authors":"E. Obioha, Ishmael Mugari","doi":"10.1080/10246029.2022.2132872","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2022.2132872","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The emergence of the COVID-19 pandemic brought about a myriad of responses on the global, regional and national levels. One of the widely adopted measures of dealing with the scourge was the crafting of stringent regulatory frameworks to curtail the spreading of the virus through restriction of citizens’ movement. The role of the police services and, importantly, the military, came under spotlight, as they were instrumental in enforcing COVID-19 containment-related laws. The confinement of people to their homes, as well as the enforcement of the restrictive regulations, led to a paradigm shift in the crime trends. More often, the police and the military had to contend with allegations of various criminal activities and human rights violations. In this paper, which was based on a documentary survey, we discuss the policing environment during the COVID-19 era. We focus on how the COVID-19 era has altered the criminal environment, focusing on criminal activities by both the public and the law enforcement agents. We also explore the human rights implications of the enforcement of COVID-19 containment regulations.","PeriodicalId":44882,"journal":{"name":"African Security Review","volume":"31 1","pages":"415 - 428"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41780391","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2022.2125817
Moses B. Khanyile
ABSTRACT The South African National Defence Force (SANDF) has been faced with a declining budget for many years, resulting in the deterioration of prime mission equipment, inability to upgrade critical infrastructure, and a very limited capacity to recruit, train, maintain, and deploy forces. This paper argues that the military can alleviate the impact of budgetary constraints through a systematic and structured sweating of land assets under its control. It articulates the rationale for embarking on such an initiative, while proposing approaches and models for the decision-making process. It also highlights the risks of inaction based on precedents in other countries.
{"title":"Development and value extraction of defence land assets in South Africa: Current paradigm revisited","authors":"Moses B. Khanyile","doi":"10.1080/10246029.2022.2125817","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2022.2125817","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The South African National Defence Force (SANDF) has been faced with a declining budget for many years, resulting in the deterioration of prime mission equipment, inability to upgrade critical infrastructure, and a very limited capacity to recruit, train, maintain, and deploy forces. This paper argues that the military can alleviate the impact of budgetary constraints through a systematic and structured sweating of land assets under its control. It articulates the rationale for embarking on such an initiative, while proposing approaches and models for the decision-making process. It also highlights the risks of inaction based on precedents in other countries.","PeriodicalId":44882,"journal":{"name":"African Security Review","volume":"31 1","pages":"367 - 382"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48723585","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2022.2130083
I. E. Nwafor
{"title":"Digital Rights in Nigeria: Through the Cases","authors":"I. E. Nwafor","doi":"10.1080/10246029.2022.2130083","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2022.2130083","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44882,"journal":{"name":"African Security Review","volume":"31 1","pages":"452 - 454"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49492750","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-27DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2022.2054719
Mauro Tiago Njelezi
ABSTRACT Resulting from several social, political, economic and above all radical Islamic factors, the armed conflict in Cabo Delgado raised a variety of questions in the national and international system, among them the modus operandi of the group, now called Ahlu Sunnah Wa-Jammá. Thus, the present article analyses the way in which the modes of insurgency and subversion help to understand the modus operandi of the Ahlu Sunnah Wa-Jammá. For this purpose, a methodological study was established in which the semi-structured interview technique involved officers and documentary analysis for data collection. The results of the study show that the modus operandi of the Ahlu Sunnah Wa-Jammá is circumscribed to the organisation of numerous semi-autonomous cells which carry out guerrilla, terrorist and subversive actions. Furthermore, it was highlighted that the conflict was initiated by a minority of individuals subordinate to a radical religious ideology, and the objective of its operationalisation, until then, was carried out in three phases: preparatory, agitation and insurrection.
由于社会、政治、经济和最重要的伊斯兰激进因素的影响，德尔加多角的武装冲突在国内和国际体系中提出了各种问题，其中包括现在被称为Ahlu Sunnah wa - jamm 的组织的运作方式。因此，本文分析了叛乱和颠覆的模式如何有助于理解Ahlu Sunnah wa - jamm的运作方式。为此目的，建立了一项方法学研究，其中涉及官员的半结构化面谈技术和收集数据的文件分析。研究结果表明，Ahlu Sunnah wa - jamm的行动方式仅限于组织许多半自主的小组，进行游击、恐怖主义和颠覆行动。此外，有人强调指出，冲突是由隶属于激进宗教意识形态的少数人发起的，在此之前，其行动目标分三个阶段进行:准备、煽动和起义。
{"title":"Insurgency and subversion: An analysis of the modes of operation for understanding the attacks in Cabo Delgado, Mozambique","authors":"Mauro Tiago Njelezi","doi":"10.1080/10246029.2022.2054719","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2022.2054719","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Resulting from several social, political, economic and above all radical Islamic factors, the armed conflict in Cabo Delgado raised a variety of questions in the national and international system, among them the modus operandi of the group, now called Ahlu Sunnah Wa-Jammá. Thus, the present article analyses the way in which the modes of insurgency and subversion help to understand the modus operandi of the Ahlu Sunnah Wa-Jammá. For this purpose, a methodological study was established in which the semi-structured interview technique involved officers and documentary analysis for data collection. The results of the study show that the modus operandi of the Ahlu Sunnah Wa-Jammá is circumscribed to the organisation of numerous semi-autonomous cells which carry out guerrilla, terrorist and subversive actions. Furthermore, it was highlighted that the conflict was initiated by a minority of individuals subordinate to a radical religious ideology, and the objective of its operationalisation, until then, was carried out in three phases: preparatory, agitation and insurrection.","PeriodicalId":44882,"journal":{"name":"African Security Review","volume":"31 1","pages":"353 - 366"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-09-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42846973","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-05DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2022.2114375
Washington Mazorodze, Enock Ndawana
ABSTRACT This study discusses the human security costs and benefits generated by the coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic-induced state monopoly on the urban public transport system in Zimbabwe through the Zimbabwe United Passenger Company (ZUPCO) since March 2020. Using empirical evidence from Harare, it argues that the ZUPCO initiative had far-reaching safety and security implications on urban residents’ lives during the COVID-19 pandemic. The study found that though the ZUPCO initiative mainly benefited commuters through affordable fares, it had many human security costs. The costs included reduced safety and decreased and unreliable services, which exposed the commuting public to the risk of contracting COVID-19 and other security challenges. The state monopoly on urban transport exacerbated the social and economic impact of COVID-19, promoted inequalities, police corruption and urban residents’ use of informal transport services, which were unsafe and costly. The study concludes that the Zimbabwean government lacks the capacity to provide services in the urban transport sector, akin to nearly every sector in the country. As a stop-gap measure, the government is encouraged to regulate and allow private players to complement its efforts for the benefit, convenience, security, and safety of commuters until it develops an efficient urban public transport system.
{"title":"State monopoly on urban transport system and human (in)security in Harare during the COVID-19 pandemic","authors":"Washington Mazorodze, Enock Ndawana","doi":"10.1080/10246029.2022.2114375","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2022.2114375","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This study discusses the human security costs and benefits generated by the coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic-induced state monopoly on the urban public transport system in Zimbabwe through the Zimbabwe United Passenger Company (ZUPCO) since March 2020. Using empirical evidence from Harare, it argues that the ZUPCO initiative had far-reaching safety and security implications on urban residents’ lives during the COVID-19 pandemic. The study found that though the ZUPCO initiative mainly benefited commuters through affordable fares, it had many human security costs. The costs included reduced safety and decreased and unreliable services, which exposed the commuting public to the risk of contracting COVID-19 and other security challenges. The state monopoly on urban transport exacerbated the social and economic impact of COVID-19, promoted inequalities, police corruption and urban residents’ use of informal transport services, which were unsafe and costly. The study concludes that the Zimbabwean government lacks the capacity to provide services in the urban transport sector, akin to nearly every sector in the country. As a stop-gap measure, the government is encouraged to regulate and allow private players to complement its efforts for the benefit, convenience, security, and safety of commuters until it develops an efficient urban public transport system.","PeriodicalId":44882,"journal":{"name":"African Security Review","volume":"31 1","pages":"429 - 451"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-09-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43711587","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：