Pub Date : 2023-03-07DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2023.2179413
T. Akinyetun
ABSTRACT Insecurity is a prominent phenomenon that threatens the peace and development of Africa in general and particularly, the Lake Chad Basin [LCB]. One of the factors driving the menace is the phenomenon of youth bulge. This article argues that young people with poor economic prospects are liable to be recruited for violence. Situated within the grievance model, the article shows how youth make up the larger percentage of protesting, violent and armed groups in the region and presents evidence of how grievance against deprivation moves demography to exacerbate insecurity. The article adopts a qualitative approach and relies on secondary data sourced from briefs, government reports, peer-reviewed journal articles and internet sources. The findings show that the endless supply of children and young people in the LCB is a major factor driving insecurity. By examining the phenomenon of Almajiri, child soldiers and youth radicalisation as enablers of conflict and insecurity in the LCB, the article concludes that population explosion amid a lack of resources leads to grievance and fuels insecurity. This is significant given the paucity of literature on the incidence of demography and insurgency in the LCB; which has become a theatre of insecurity in Africa.
{"title":"Demography and insecurity: Youth bulge and the Lake Chad Basin security quandary","authors":"T. Akinyetun","doi":"10.1080/10246029.2023.2179413","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2023.2179413","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT\u0000 Insecurity is a prominent phenomenon that threatens the peace and development of Africa in general and particularly, the Lake Chad Basin [LCB]. One of the factors driving the menace is the phenomenon of youth bulge. This article argues that young people with poor economic prospects are liable to be recruited for violence. Situated within the grievance model, the article shows how youth make up the larger percentage of protesting, violent and armed groups in the region and presents evidence of how grievance against deprivation moves demography to exacerbate insecurity. The article adopts a qualitative approach and relies on secondary data sourced from briefs, government reports, peer-reviewed journal articles and internet sources. The findings show that the endless supply of children and young people in the LCB is a major factor driving insecurity. By examining the phenomenon of Almajiri, child soldiers and youth radicalisation as enablers of conflict and insecurity in the LCB, the article concludes that population explosion amid a lack of resources leads to grievance and fuels insecurity. This is significant given the paucity of literature on the incidence of demography and insurgency in the LCB; which has become a theatre of insecurity in Africa.","PeriodicalId":44882,"journal":{"name":"African Security Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-03-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48122117","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-02DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2023.2173623
D. Masiloane
ABSTRACT The police agency is an important institution that deals with the safety and security of the inhabitants of the country and with corrupt practices that affect the fiscal and public morale. That is why the appointment of an independent police commissioner, who executes his/her mandate without any fear or favour, is critical. In this study, an analysis of documents on the appointment of police commissioners in South Africa was conducted. After four successive police commissioners failed to complete their tenure because of either corruption or incompetence, this study is an attempt to determine the suitable criteria that can be used to appoint a suitable commissioner. Due to geopolitics of different countries, there is no ideal method that guarantees the appointment of a suitable police commissioner, whose office is insulated from unwarranted external influence to guarantee its integrity and public trust in the police department. It is evident that the appropriateness of the appointment method is determined by the values and democratic maturity of each country. Irrespective of the method used, there is a need for such a method to be fortified by objective appointment criteria that guarantees the capability, skilfulness, integrity, honesty and professionalism of the person appointed.
{"title":"Compromised policing: An evaluation of the criteria used to appoint police commissioners in South Africa","authors":"D. Masiloane","doi":"10.1080/10246029.2023.2173623","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2023.2173623","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The police agency is an important institution that deals with the safety and security of the inhabitants of the country and with corrupt practices that affect the fiscal and public morale. That is why the appointment of an independent police commissioner, who executes his/her mandate without any fear or favour, is critical. In this study, an analysis of documents on the appointment of police commissioners in South Africa was conducted. After four successive police commissioners failed to complete their tenure because of either corruption or incompetence, this study is an attempt to determine the suitable criteria that can be used to appoint a suitable commissioner. Due to geopolitics of different countries, there is no ideal method that guarantees the appointment of a suitable police commissioner, whose office is insulated from unwarranted external influence to guarantee its integrity and public trust in the police department. It is evident that the appropriateness of the appointment method is determined by the values and democratic maturity of each country. Irrespective of the method used, there is a need for such a method to be fortified by objective appointment criteria that guarantees the capability, skilfulness, integrity, honesty and professionalism of the person appointed.","PeriodicalId":44882,"journal":{"name":"African Security Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-03-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59562178","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-02DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2022.2162428
T. Lebakeng
ABSTRACT In the realm of security, intelligence remains a critical component. This is because the role of intelligence in statecraft is crucial in providing intelligence information in the advancement of state, national and human security. When the intelligence service of a nation has fault-lines, this critical role can be severely hampered and undermined. However, given the nature of intelligence work any assessment of intelligence services and their role is bedevilled by several factors which makes it difficult even at the best of times for the public to appreciate it. Considering the above, the central question is: How do we make reasonable and grounded conclusions on the efficacy and effectiveness of the South African civilian intelligence service, the State Security Agency? In this article, an argument is advanced that given the current political environment in South Africa, peripheral factors such as ‘the politics around intelligence’ and ‘intelligence around politics’ have created a picture of dysfunction which is not grounded in reality. This analytical article is grounded in autoethnography given the positionality of the author as a former insider and also draws from primary and secondary desktop material. The theoretical underpinning/ungirding this work is institutional autonomy.
{"title":"The nature and issues in intelligence, with reference to the South African civilian intelligence services","authors":"T. Lebakeng","doi":"10.1080/10246029.2022.2162428","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2022.2162428","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In the realm of security, intelligence remains a critical component. This is because the role of intelligence in statecraft is crucial in providing intelligence information in the advancement of state, national and human security. When the intelligence service of a nation has fault-lines, this critical role can be severely hampered and undermined. However, given the nature of intelligence work any assessment of intelligence services and their role is bedevilled by several factors which makes it difficult even at the best of times for the public to appreciate it. Considering the above, the central question is: How do we make reasonable and grounded conclusions on the efficacy and effectiveness of the South African civilian intelligence service, the State Security Agency? In this article, an argument is advanced that given the current political environment in South Africa, peripheral factors such as ‘the politics around intelligence’ and ‘intelligence around politics’ have created a picture of dysfunction which is not grounded in reality. This analytical article is grounded in autoethnography given the positionality of the author as a former insider and also draws from primary and secondary desktop material. The theoretical underpinning/ungirding this work is institutional autonomy.","PeriodicalId":44882,"journal":{"name":"African Security Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-03-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48772339","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-10DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2022.2159464
S. Owonikoko, J. Momodu, J. B. A. Suleiman
ABSTRACT Sexual violence cases in Adamawa State have been frequently reported. Yet, the interrogation of the phenomenon has not received adequate scholarly attention. Unfortunately, unusual high incidents of rape were recorded in the state in 2020 prompting an examination of the trend and pattern of incidents of rape in the state. Data were collected from police records of incidents of rape and interviews were granted to perpetrators, police officers and parents/guardians of victims. The study shows that the highest cases of rape were recorded in July, and Yola North Local Government Area of the state recorded the highest number of incidents of rape. All the perpetrators are male whose ages are within the range of 18 and 33 years while the majority of the victims are female, mostly minors. Covid-19 outbreak and the containment mechanisms employed in the state were the major factors in the escalation of rape cases. The lockdown policy of the state created situations like loss of jobs, dwindling economic resources and shut-down of state apparatuses of security especially the police which increased motivations for offenders to commit the crime of rape as well as contributed to the vulnerability of the victims of rape.
{"title":"Trend and pattern analysis of incidents of rape during the period of Covid-19 pandemic in Adamawa state, Northeastern Nigeria","authors":"S. Owonikoko, J. Momodu, J. B. A. Suleiman","doi":"10.1080/10246029.2022.2159464","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2022.2159464","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Sexual violence cases in Adamawa State have been frequently reported. Yet, the interrogation of the phenomenon has not received adequate scholarly attention. Unfortunately, unusual high incidents of rape were recorded in the state in 2020 prompting an examination of the trend and pattern of incidents of rape in the state. Data were collected from police records of incidents of rape and interviews were granted to perpetrators, police officers and parents/guardians of victims. The study shows that the highest cases of rape were recorded in July, and Yola North Local Government Area of the state recorded the highest number of incidents of rape. All the perpetrators are male whose ages are within the range of 18 and 33 years while the majority of the victims are female, mostly minors. Covid-19 outbreak and the containment mechanisms employed in the state were the major factors in the escalation of rape cases. The lockdown policy of the state created situations like loss of jobs, dwindling economic resources and shut-down of state apparatuses of security especially the police which increased motivations for offenders to commit the crime of rape as well as contributed to the vulnerability of the victims of rape.","PeriodicalId":44882,"journal":{"name":"African Security Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-02-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41323151","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-10DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2022.2150089
A. Badiora, O. T. Dada, B. Odufuwa, Adeyemi S. Adeniyi, S. Omoniyi
ABSTRACT This study examines how the COVID-19 emergency has impacted crime across different locations in Nigeria. Data were collected from a sample of residents from across Nigeria and analysed using mean ratings, percentages and chi-square. Based on the residents’ perceptions, certain crime types have decreased (e.g. home break-ins and assaults), some remain unchanged (e.g. stealing and pilfering) and others have increased (e.g. cybercrime and domestic violence). The findings show concentrations of crime in urban centres, states on total lockdown and geographical areas with poor economic indicators. The times that most crimes are perpetrated remain unchanged, except for the night time, where there has been a significant increase. Generally, individual responses to crime remain unchanged, although the use of security guards and special security door locks has changed significantly. Conversely, neighbourhood-level responses have changed significantly, particularly with the use of vigilante groups, police and military patrols as well as restrictions of human and vehicular movement. Although some of the causes of this crime change existed before COVID-19, new crime opportunities are also acknowledged. The findings suggest that Nigerian cities may face a severe battle to recover from crime even after the COVID-19 emergency has passed. Policy and further research implications are discussed.
{"title":"Crime dynamics under COVID-19 emergency measures in Nigeria: An exploration of residents’ perception","authors":"A. Badiora, O. T. Dada, B. Odufuwa, Adeyemi S. Adeniyi, S. Omoniyi","doi":"10.1080/10246029.2022.2150089","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2022.2150089","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This study examines how the COVID-19 emergency has impacted crime across different locations in Nigeria. Data were collected from a sample of residents from across Nigeria and analysed using mean ratings, percentages and chi-square. Based on the residents’ perceptions, certain crime types have decreased (e.g. home break-ins and assaults), some remain unchanged (e.g. stealing and pilfering) and others have increased (e.g. cybercrime and domestic violence). The findings show concentrations of crime in urban centres, states on total lockdown and geographical areas with poor economic indicators. The times that most crimes are perpetrated remain unchanged, except for the night time, where there has been a significant increase. Generally, individual responses to crime remain unchanged, although the use of security guards and special security door locks has changed significantly. Conversely, neighbourhood-level responses have changed significantly, particularly with the use of vigilante groups, police and military patrols as well as restrictions of human and vehicular movement. Although some of the causes of this crime change existed before COVID-19, new crime opportunities are also acknowledged. The findings suggest that Nigerian cities may face a severe battle to recover from crime even after the COVID-19 emergency has passed. Policy and further research implications are discussed.","PeriodicalId":44882,"journal":{"name":"African Security Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-02-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48491952","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2022.2125330
Ogundiya Ilufoye Sarafa, Titus Utibe Monday
ABSTRACT The paper qualitatively examines the role of community policing as a panacea to insecurity in Nigeria through documentary sources. It is argued that the social and political environment in Nigeria is pervaded by the Boko Haram uprising in the North East zone, banditry and cattle rustling in the North West and North Central zones, ethnic militia in the South South and South East zones and armed robbery and ritual killings in the South West zone. Nigeria has become one of the most unsafe places to live in the world, the rate of killings suggesting that the Nigeria Police Force (NPF) – an organisation created for ensuring internal peace and cohesion – has failed in its statutory responsibilities. It is concluded that community policing which ensures the collaboration of citizens with security agents is the right approach to alleviating the internal security crisis in Nigeria.
{"title":"Climbing the roof with the right ladder: Community policing as an antidote to the internal security crisis in Nigeria","authors":"Ogundiya Ilufoye Sarafa, Titus Utibe Monday","doi":"10.1080/10246029.2022.2125330","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2022.2125330","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The paper qualitatively examines the role of community policing as a panacea to insecurity in Nigeria through documentary sources. It is argued that the social and political environment in Nigeria is pervaded by the Boko Haram uprising in the North East zone, banditry and cattle rustling in the North West and North Central zones, ethnic militia in the South South and South East zones and armed robbery and ritual killings in the South West zone. Nigeria has become one of the most unsafe places to live in the world, the rate of killings suggesting that the Nigeria Police Force (NPF) – an organisation created for ensuring internal peace and cohesion – has failed in its statutory responsibilities. It is concluded that community policing which ensures the collaboration of citizens with security agents is the right approach to alleviating the internal security crisis in Nigeria.","PeriodicalId":44882,"journal":{"name":"African Security Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46082281","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2022.2158747
Manuel Francisco Sambo
ABSTRACT It has been about three decades since Mozambique transitioned from a brutal civil war and one-party rule to peace and democracy. Although Mozambique has not relapsed into another large-scale civil war, sustainable peace and democracy in the country have become ever more elusive. In 2013, military clashes between Renamo and the Frelimo-led government resumed and prompted a new peace process, whilst poverty and inequalities are rampant, authoritarianism is on the rise, and an Islamic insurgency erupted in the northern region. Accordingly, while some scholars still praise Mozambique’s post-war peacebuilding as successful, others have claimed that peacebuilding failed. This article evades the binary of successful or failed liberal peacebuilding in Mozambique. Instead, it applies the concepts of friction and hybridity to offer an alternative way of reading the 30 years of peace (building) in Mozambique. The article argues that frictions in values and interests between the international/liberal peacebuilders and local (non-liberal) elites have resulted in a negative and unstable hybrid peace, that is, a precarious peace in Mozambique.
{"title":"Frictions and hybridity in Mozambique’s post-war peacebuilding: From civil war to precarious peace","authors":"Manuel Francisco Sambo","doi":"10.1080/10246029.2022.2158747","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2022.2158747","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT It has been about three decades since Mozambique transitioned from a brutal civil war and one-party rule to peace and democracy. Although Mozambique has not relapsed into another large-scale civil war, sustainable peace and democracy in the country have become ever more elusive. In 2013, military clashes between Renamo and the Frelimo-led government resumed and prompted a new peace process, whilst poverty and inequalities are rampant, authoritarianism is on the rise, and an Islamic insurgency erupted in the northern region. Accordingly, while some scholars still praise Mozambique’s post-war peacebuilding as successful, others have claimed that peacebuilding failed. This article evades the binary of successful or failed liberal peacebuilding in Mozambique. Instead, it applies the concepts of friction and hybridity to offer an alternative way of reading the 30 years of peace (building) in Mozambique. The article argues that frictions in values and interests between the international/liberal peacebuilders and local (non-liberal) elites have resulted in a negative and unstable hybrid peace, that is, a precarious peace in Mozambique.","PeriodicalId":44882,"journal":{"name":"African Security Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41896041","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2023.2201093
Dries Velthuizen, Lisa Otto
This edition takes us once again on a journey through Africa, starting with the internal security dynamics of Nigeria as one of the continent’s most influential countries. The focus then moves to other dimensions of the security landscape: the contests in cyberspace and outer space, which may have consequences not only for Africa but for all developing countries. The quest for sharing knowledge on ongoing conflicts then brings us to address both the war in the Cabo Delgado province of Mozambique and the violent conflict over cattle rustling in Kenya. On this journey it once again becomes evident that security for development and democracy in the local dimension of the security landscape requires collaboration between the armed forces and communities, whereas in the global sphere partnerships to secure development are vital. Collaboration is important for securing communities, but governments should remain aware that measures such as the deployment of ‘volunteers’ or ‘reservists’, although potentially good for community relations, come with certain risks. Furthermore, coercive measures and infringing on the privacy of citizens may facilitate more problems than solutions. Moreover, Africa remains vulnerable to activities in the global battlefield, as well as to the assertion of values and interests into the African space that cause tension in international relations – a situation that is detrimental to development on the continent. In their article ‘Temporary paramilitary volunteers at Nigeria’s Chad and Niger borders: A source of recruitment for Boko Haram’, Adeleke Gbadebo Fatai et al. address the role of ‘temporary volunteers’ in controlling crime in sub-Saharan countries, with the emphasis on crime control duties along Nigeria’s borders. The authors report that inadequate training, non-hierarchical leadership, poor conditions of service and administrative and technical challenges often cause these volunteers to become involved in criminal activities themselves. Ogundiya Ilufoye Sarafa and Titus Utibe Monday continue the theme of policing in their examination of how community policing can serve as a solution to insecurity in Nigeria. In their article ‘Climbing the roof with the right ladder: Community policing as an antidote to the internal security crisis in Nigeria’, the authors argue that the social and political environments in Nigeria are so infused by ongoing conflicts that the country has become ‘one of the most unsafe places’ in the world. In this condition of insecurity, the Nigeria Police Force (NPF) has failed. To remedy this situation, effective collaboration with citizens is required. Staying in Nigeria, Newman U. Richards and Felix E. Eboibi engage with the cybersecurity landscape, pointing out the risk of owners of electronic devices being compelled by the government to disable security features on devices that contributed to recent protests. In their article ‘Cybercrime perspectives to the ‘ENDSARS’ protest in Nigeria’, the autho
{"title":"Editorial 32/1","authors":"Dries Velthuizen, Lisa Otto","doi":"10.1080/10246029.2023.2201093","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2023.2201093","url":null,"abstract":"This edition takes us once again on a journey through Africa, starting with the internal security dynamics of Nigeria as one of the continent’s most influential countries. The focus then moves to other dimensions of the security landscape: the contests in cyberspace and outer space, which may have consequences not only for Africa but for all developing countries. The quest for sharing knowledge on ongoing conflicts then brings us to address both the war in the Cabo Delgado province of Mozambique and the violent conflict over cattle rustling in Kenya. On this journey it once again becomes evident that security for development and democracy in the local dimension of the security landscape requires collaboration between the armed forces and communities, whereas in the global sphere partnerships to secure development are vital. Collaboration is important for securing communities, but governments should remain aware that measures such as the deployment of ‘volunteers’ or ‘reservists’, although potentially good for community relations, come with certain risks. Furthermore, coercive measures and infringing on the privacy of citizens may facilitate more problems than solutions. Moreover, Africa remains vulnerable to activities in the global battlefield, as well as to the assertion of values and interests into the African space that cause tension in international relations – a situation that is detrimental to development on the continent. In their article ‘Temporary paramilitary volunteers at Nigeria’s Chad and Niger borders: A source of recruitment for Boko Haram’, Adeleke Gbadebo Fatai et al. address the role of ‘temporary volunteers’ in controlling crime in sub-Saharan countries, with the emphasis on crime control duties along Nigeria’s borders. The authors report that inadequate training, non-hierarchical leadership, poor conditions of service and administrative and technical challenges often cause these volunteers to become involved in criminal activities themselves. Ogundiya Ilufoye Sarafa and Titus Utibe Monday continue the theme of policing in their examination of how community policing can serve as a solution to insecurity in Nigeria. In their article ‘Climbing the roof with the right ladder: Community policing as an antidote to the internal security crisis in Nigeria’, the authors argue that the social and political environments in Nigeria are so infused by ongoing conflicts that the country has become ‘one of the most unsafe places’ in the world. In this condition of insecurity, the Nigeria Police Force (NPF) has failed. To remedy this situation, effective collaboration with citizens is required. Staying in Nigeria, Newman U. Richards and Felix E. Eboibi engage with the cybersecurity landscape, pointing out the risk of owners of electronic devices being compelled by the government to disable security features on devices that contributed to recent protests. In their article ‘Cybercrime perspectives to the ‘ENDSARS’ protest in Nigeria’, the autho","PeriodicalId":44882,"journal":{"name":"African Security Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49215215","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2022.2141129
Saul Kipchirchir Marigat
ABSTRACT The Karamoja Cluster is the epicentre of Africa’s decades-old problem of cattle rustling. Recent reports indicate a rise in livestock theft, despite the unilateral and multilateral interventions of the cluster’s respective governments. Paradoxically, with the deployment of elite and specialised police units – and in some cases even the military – the number of fatalities, frequency of incidences and amount of livestock stolen all continue to increase. Using Baringo, Kenya as a case study, this article investigates why cattle rustlers continue to thrive in the Karamoja Cluster. Police legitimacy theory, frustration–aggression theory and theory of eco-violence were employed and both primary and secondary data sources were used, including interviews with 32 purposively selected respondents. It was found that coercive government responses to cattle rustling have resulted in the perception of police illegitimacy and consequently in non-cooperation between the community and the police. It is recommended that the Karamoja Cluster’s governments re-evaluate their intervention strategies with a view to fostering a positive police–community relationship in the areas most afflicted by cattle rustling, and that they deploy local reservists who are more aligned with local sociocultural dynamics in order to increase community acceptance of and cooperation with the police.
{"title":"Managing cattle rustling by enhancing police–community cooperation in the Karamoja Cluster: Lessons from Baringo, Kenya","authors":"Saul Kipchirchir Marigat","doi":"10.1080/10246029.2022.2141129","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2022.2141129","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The Karamoja Cluster is the epicentre of Africa’s decades-old problem of cattle rustling. Recent reports indicate a rise in livestock theft, despite the unilateral and multilateral interventions of the cluster’s respective governments. Paradoxically, with the deployment of elite and specialised police units – and in some cases even the military – the number of fatalities, frequency of incidences and amount of livestock stolen all continue to increase. Using Baringo, Kenya as a case study, this article investigates why cattle rustlers continue to thrive in the Karamoja Cluster. Police legitimacy theory, frustration–aggression theory and theory of eco-violence were employed and both primary and secondary data sources were used, including interviews with 32 purposively selected respondents. It was found that coercive government responses to cattle rustling have resulted in the perception of police illegitimacy and consequently in non-cooperation between the community and the police. It is recommended that the Karamoja Cluster’s governments re-evaluate their intervention strategies with a view to fostering a positive police–community relationship in the areas most afflicted by cattle rustling, and that they deploy local reservists who are more aligned with local sociocultural dynamics in order to increase community acceptance of and cooperation with the police.","PeriodicalId":44882,"journal":{"name":"African Security Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45207864","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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